Colin Jordan's 'Merrie England'
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Internal Brakes the British Extreme Right (Pdf
FEBRUARY 2019 The Internal Brakes on Violent Escalation The British extreme right in the 1990s ANNEX B Joel Busher, Coventry University Donald Holbrook, University College London Graham Macklin, Oslo University This report is the second empirical case study, produced out of The Internal Brakes on Violent Escalation: A Descriptive Typology programme, funded by CREST. You can read the other two case studies; The Trans-national and British Islamist Extremist Groups and The Animal Liberation Movement, plus the full report at: https://crestresearch.ac.uk/news/internal- brakes-violent-escalation-a-descriptive-typology/ To find out more information about this programme, and to see other outputs from the team, visit the CREST website at: www.crestresearch.ac.uk/projects/internal-brakes-violent-escalation/ About CREST The Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (CREST) is a national hub for understanding, countering and mitigating security threats. It is an independent centre, commissioned by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and funded in part by the UK security and intelligence agencies (ESRC Award: ES/N009614/1). www.crestresearch.ac.uk ©2019 CREST Creative Commons 4.0 BY-NC-SA licence. www.crestresearch.ac.uk/copyright TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................5 2. INTERNAL BRAKES ON VIOLENCE WITHIN THE BRITISH EXTREME RIGHT .................10 2.1 BRAKE 1: STRATEGIC LOGIC .......................................................................................................................................10 -
Transnational Neo-Nazism in the Usa, United Kingdom and Australia
TRANSNATIONAL NEO-NAZISM IN THE USA, UNITED KINGDOM AND AUSTRALIA PAUL JACKSON February 2020 JACKSON | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on About the Author Extremism Dr Paul Jackson is a historian of twentieth century and contemporary history, and his main teaching The Program on Extremism at George and research interests focus on understanding the Washington University provides impact of radical and extreme ideologies on wider analysis on issues related to violent and societies. Dr. Jackson’s research currently focuses non-violent extremism. The Program on the dynamics of neo-Nazi, and other, extreme spearheads innovative and thoughtful right ideologies, in Britain and Europe in the post- academic inquiry, producing empirical war period. He is also interested in researching the work that strengthens extremism longer history of radical ideologies and cultures in research as a distinct field of study. The Britain too, especially those linked in some way to Program aims to develop pragmatic the extreme right. policy solutions that resonate with Dr. Jackson’s teaching engages with wider themes policymakers, civic leaders, and the related to the history of fascism, genocide, general public. totalitarian politics and revolutionary ideologies. Dr. Jackson teaches modules on the Holocaust, as well as the history of Communism and fascism. Dr. Jackson regularly writes for the magazine Searchlight on issues related to contemporary extreme right politics. He is a co-editor of the Wiley- Blackwell journal Religion Compass: Modern Ideologies and Faith. Dr. Jackson is also the Editor of the Bloomsbury book series A Modern History of Politics and Violence. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author, and not necessarily those of the Program on Extremism or the George Washington University. -
Why the BNP Is Still Fascist
sistently to deny and downplay the Holocaust. the same rotten ideology. We must expose them They’re fools but (alas) not idiots – they know for who they are, and stand together to stop them. they’ll get nowhere if they admit their ideological Never forget, never again. link to the Nazi regime. But their Holocaust de- nial gives the game away. This article first appeared on the SUN website Behind the shiny suits lurks the same hatred, (www.socialistunitynetwork.co.uk) Why the BNP is Still Fascist Geoffrey Brown HE GAINS made by the BNP in local elections Enter Nick Griffin in recent years – it now has almost fifty coun- For all the carefully cultivated “reasonableness” cillors,T an achievement unprecedented in the hist- of his public persona today, Griffin has a similar ory of the far right in Britain – have been assisted far-right background to Tyndall. He was a nation- by a systematic revamping of the party’s image. al organiser for the NF in the 1970s, and in the The public expressions of Nazi sympathies and 1980s was heavily influenced by Roberto Fiore, a Holocaust denial for which the BNP had become leader of the Italian fascist organisation the Armed notorious have been junked and it now presents Revolutionary Nuclei (NAR), who fled to Britain itself as a respectable, mainstream political party. to avoid prosecution over the 1980 bombing of The question arises – does this amount to a funda- Bologna railway station in which 85 people died. mental change in the BNP’s political character, or Throughout the 1980s Griffin was a leading figure is it a cosmetic exercise designed to fool voters into in what remained of the NF, promoting a NAR- backing an organisation that has in reality failed inspired “Third Positionist” ideology that claimed to break with its fascist past? to offer an alternative to both capitalism and com- munism. -
A Case Study of the New Christian Crusade Church, 1971 – 1982
Christian Identity and Fascism: A Case Study of the New Christian Crusade Church, 1971 – 1982 Richard Lancaster 1 Contents List of Abbreviations ................................................................................................ 3 Introduction ............................................................................................................. 4 Chapter 1: A History of the New Christian Crusade Church ................................. 12 Chapter 2: The Ideology of the New Christian Crusade Church ........................... 25 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 39 Bibliography ........................................................................................................... 42 2 List of Abbreviations ANP – American Nazi Party CDL – Christian Defense League NCCC – New Christian Crusade Church NSRP – National States’ Rights Party NSWPP – National Socialist White People’s Party 3 Introduction The New Christian Crusade Church (NCCC) was a California and Louisiana based ‘Christian Identity’ organisation formed by James K. Warner in 1971. Christian Identity theology holds the Aryan race as the racial descendants of the biblical Israelites, and therefore God’s chosen people.1 It was an off spring of Anglo-Israelism, a 19th Century British movement which held a similar myth concerning the biblical origins of the white race. Anglo-Israelism began to enter America in the mid to late 19th century, and from the 1930s, the movement took -
Dreaming of a National Socialist World: the World Union of National Socialists (Wuns) and the Recurring Vision of Transnational Neo-Nazism
fascism 8 (2019) 275-306 brill.com/fasc Dreaming of a National Socialist World: The World Union of National Socialists (wuns) and the Recurring Vision of Transnational Neo-Nazism Paul Jackson Senior Lecturer in History, University of Northampton [email protected] Abstract This article will survey the transnational dynamics of the World Union of National Socialists (wuns), from its foundation in 1962 to the present day. It will examine a wide range of materials generated by the organisation, including its foundational docu- ment, the Cotswolds Declaration, as well as membership application details, wuns bulletins, related magazines such as Stormtrooper, and its intellectual journals, Nation- al Socialist World and The National Socialist. By analysing material from affiliated organisations, it will also consider how the network was able to foster contrasting rela- tionships with sympathetic groups in Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Europe, al- lowing other leading neo-Nazis, such as Colin Jordan, to develop a wider role interna- tionally. The author argues that the neo-Nazi network reached its height in the mid to late 1960s, and also highlights how, in more recent times, the wuns has taken on a new role as an evocative ‘story’ in neo-Nazi history. This process of ‘accumulative extrem- ism’, inventing a new tradition within the neo-Nazi movement, is important to recog- nise, as it helps us understand the self-mythologizing nature of neo-Nazi and wider neo-fascist cultures. Therefore, despite failing in its ambitions of creating a Nazi- inspired new global order, the lasting significance of the wuns has been its ability to inspire newer transnational aspirations among neo-Nazis and neo-fascists. -
The Barriers Come Down: Antisemitism and Coalitions of Extremes in the Uk Anti-War Movement
THE BARRIERS COME DOWN: ANTISEMITISM AND COALITIONS OF EXTREMES By Dave Rich These are strange times for the British far right. Long left alone on the political extremes where they obsessed about secret Jewish machinations behind every government policy, all of a sudden they think they have noticed the most unlikely people agreeing with them. The British National Party advised its members to read The Guardian for information about “the Zionist cabal around President Bush1”. Followers of the neo-Nazi Combat 18 have found themselves publicly supporting the President of Malaysia, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, while the National Front found itself in sympathy with Labour MP Tam Dalyell. No wonder John Tyndall, former leader of the British National Party, wrote gleefully that “certain things are coming out into the open which not long ago would have been tightly censored and suppressed…We are witnessing a gigantic conspiracy being unveiled2”. But are the antisemites of Britain’s far right correct in thinking that their view of a Jewish-controlled world is becoming accepted across the political spectrum? This excitement amongst Britain’s neo-Nazis has been fuelled by the widespread theory that the war in Iraq was devised and executed by pro-Israeli, mainly Jewish, neo-conservative lobbyists in Washington D.C.; that this is only one example of how American foreign policy has been hijacked by a Jewish or Zionist cabal; and that these neo-cons are pro-Israeli to the point that they did this not for the good of America, but purely for the interests of Israel and, by extension, Jews. -
Hate Beyond Borders: the Internationalization of White Supremacy
Hate Beyond Borders: The Internationalization of White Supremacy Sections 1 Executive Summary 7 Conferences and Events 2 Introduction 8 Connections to Far-Right Political Parties 3 Summary of Country-Specific Ties Between 9 Additional White Supremacist Interaction European and American White Supremacists 10 Conclusion 4 European Influencers 11 Policy Recommendations 5 American Influencers 12 Footnotes 6 Canadian Influencers 13 Partner and Donor Recognition EXECUTIVE SUMMARY We are witnessing the internationalization of the white supremacist movement. Over the past decade, we have seen surging violence in the United States, Europe and beyond motivated by elements of white supremacy from Anders Breivik in Norway to Brenton Tarrant in New Zealand to Patrick Crusius in El Paso, Texas. These killers influence and inspire one another. European and American adherents are learning from each other, supporting each other and reaching new audiences. They feel empowered and emboldened because they perceive that they are influencing the political climate and reaching disaffected whites. 1 / 75 Global access to white supremacist ideology, and its easy dissemination across borders via various social media platforms, means many of the ideas promoted by the white supremacist movement — curtailing of non-white immigration, attacks on globalization and the accompanying conspiracies about elitist globalists — are increasingly part of mainstream political and social rhetoric. Exposing and understanding the connections among white supremacists and the paths by which they spread their hate are the first steps toward countering them. This report lays that groundwork, but continued vigilance and urgent action are necessary. Political leaders, law enforcement, social media companies, and educators have important roles to play and responsibilities to uphold. -
Introduction
Notes Introduction 1 Labour History Archive and Study Centre: Labour Party National Executive Committee Minutes, 1 March 1934. 2 See N. Copsey, Anti-Fascism in Britain (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 2000), p. 76. 3 See J. Bean, Many Shades of Black: Inside Britain’s Far Right (London: New Millennium, 1999). 4 See Searchlight, no. 128, Feb. 1986, p. 15. 5 See for example, C.T. Husbands, ‘Following the “Continental Model”?: Implications of the Recent Electoral Performance of the British National Party’, New Community, vol. 20, no. 4 (1994), pp. 563–79. 6 For discussion of legitimacy as a social-scientific concept, see D. Beetham, The Legitimation of Power (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 1991). 7 For earlier work on the BNP by this author, see N. Copsey, ‘Fascism: The Ideology of the British National Party’, Politics, vol. 14, no. 3 (1994), pp. 101–8 and ‘Contemporary Fascism in the Local Arena: The British National Party and “Rights for Whites”’, in M. Cronin (ed.) The Failure of British Fascism: The Far Right and the Fight for Political Recognition (Basingstoke: Macmillan- Palgrave, 1996), pp. 118–40. For earlier work by others, see for example C.T. Husbands, ‘Following the “Continental Model”?: Implications of the Recent Electoral Performance of the British National Party’; R. Eatwell, ‘Britain: The BNP and the Problem of Legitimacy’, in H.-G. Betz and S. Immerfall (eds), The New Politics of the Right: Neo-Populist Parties and Movements in Estab- lished Democracies (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 1998), pp. 143–55; and D. Renton, ‘Examining the Success of the British National Party, 1999–2003’, Race and Class, vol. -
Overview of the Far Right
Overview of the Far-Right Dr Benjamin Lee Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (CREST) Lancaster University, UK This work was funded by the Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (CREST). CREST is commissioned by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC Award: ES/N009614/1) with funding from the UK Intelligence Community. 1 Introduction This paper considers the ‘far-right’, an overarching term that includes a range of ideologies encompassing both the radical right (democratic) and extreme right (anti- democratic) (Ravndal & Bjørgo 2018). The defining characteristic of the far-right for this paper is: A narrative of racial and/or cultural threat to a ‘native’ group arising from perceived alien groups within a society. This is considered a working definition intended to bound this paper only, this should not be treated as comprehensive.1 This paper focuses on the far-right in the United Kingdom. However, far-right activism is transnational, and so it has not been possible to limit this research exclusively to the UK, nor can the UK far-right be considered in isolation from the wider far-right (Zúquete 2015). The far-right is not composed only of discrete and easily identifiable groups. While various organisations are components of the far-right, including gangs, protest movements, pressure groups, and political parties, the far-right as a whole is amorphous. Its messiness is inherent, stemming from a diverse range of ideologies and narratives enacted over a wide range of geographic contexts by multiple actors. Adding to this, digital technology has allowed an already complex patchwork of groups, influencers and activists to diffuse further through multiple and sometimes overlapping presences on an array of digital platforms. -
The Memory of Rudolf Hess in Skinhead Culture Ryan Shaffer
ISSN: 2196-8136 Special Issue: Music and Radicalism Ausgabe: 3/2014 From Outcast to Martyr: The Memory of Rudolf Hess in Skinhead Culture Ryan Shaffer 1 Abstract: This article explores neo-Nazi skinhead culture by reviewing how the memory of Rudolf Hess is employed by extremists as a transnational icon. It highlights how Hess, an outcast in the Nazi party and imprisoned by the British, became a “martyr” to post-war fascists in Britain and Germany. This article reviews skinhead music, video and rare literature to show how diverse skinhead groups in many different countries emulated skinhead leaders in resurrecting Hess’ memory and propagating conspiracy. In offering a rare glimpse into skinhead culture, it draws from magazines that were illegally produced and circulated in Europe, which violate race relations laws, deny the Holocaust or contain fascist images or symbols that are banned. The illegal and clandestine nature of the fascist songs and literature reinforced the power of icons like Hess, which in turn fostered a special bond between skinheads in other countries. 1 Ryan Shaffer is currently a postdoctoral fellow at the Institute for Global Studies at Stony Brook University in New York. Ryan Shaffer: From Outcast to Martyr: The Memory of Rudolf Hess in Skinhead Culture 111 ISSN: 2196-8136 Special Issue: Music and Radicalism Ausgabe: 3/2014 Skinhead music developed connections between young extremists throughout Europe in the 1980s and 1990s. 2 The music gave youth a common language to develop transnational icons and build friendships between movements in other countries. No longer isolated in their countries, youth found support beyond their own borders, which reinforced their beliefs and saw the establishment of international concerts where bands drew “nationalists” from neighbouring countries. -
The Northern Expedition Ii
The Northern Expedition ii THE NORTHERN EXPEDITION CHINA’S NATIONAL REVOLUTION OF 1926–1928 DONALD A. JORDAN The University Press of Hawaii Honolulu Open Access edition funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities / Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program. Licensed under the terms of Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 In- ternational (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which permits readers to freely download and share the work in print or electronic format for non-commercial purposes, so long as credit is given to the author. Derivative works and commercial uses require per- mission from the publisher. For details, see https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. The Cre- ative Commons license described above does not apply to any material that is separately copyrighted. Open Access ISBNs: 9780824880866 (PDF) 9780824880873 (EPUB) This version created: 17 May, 2019 Please visit www.hawaiiopen.org for more Open Access works from University of Hawai‘i Press. Copyright © 1976 by The University Press of Hawaii All rights reserved. Contents Maps viii Preface ix Acknowledgments xiv Abbreviations xv PART 1. The Revolutionary Base 1 1. Building the Model 3 2. Human Resources 14 3. The KMT Military: Party Army, Confederation, or Hegemony? 25 4. Centralization of Canton’s Power 32 5. Breaches in the Revolutionary Base 40 6. Mending the United Front in Kwangtung 48 7. The Simmering Revolutionary Movement at Canton 58 8. The Promotion of the Northern Expedition 64 PART 2. The Military Conquest of Warlord China 75 9. The Launch into Hunan 77 10. The Expedition Moves Eastward: The Kiangsi Campaign 96 11. -
The Far Right, Punk and British Youth Culture
White youth: the Far Right, Punk and British youth culture Article Published Version Creative Commons: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 Open Access Worley, M. and Copsey, N. (2016) White youth: the Far Right, Punk and British youth culture. JOMEC Journal, 9. pp. 27-47. ISSN 2049-2340 doi: https://doi.org/10.18573/j.2016.10041 Available at http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/57694/ It is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from the work. See Guidance on citing . Published version at: http://www.cardiff.ac.uk/jomec/research/journalsandpublications/jomecjournal/callforpapers/index.html Identification Number/DOI: https://doi.org/10.18573/j.2016.10041 <https://doi.org/10.18573/j.2016.10041> Publisher: Cardiff University: Cardiff School of Journalism, Media and Cultural Studies All outputs in CentAUR are protected by Intellectual Property Rights law, including copyright law. Copyright and IPR is retained by the creators or other copyright holders. Terms and conditions for use of this material are defined in the End User Agreement . www.reading.ac.uk/centaur CentAUR Central Archive at the University of Reading Reading’s research outputs online JOMEC Journal Journalism, Media and Cultural Studies Published by Cardiff University Press White Youth: The Far Right, Punk and British Youth Culture, 1977–87 Matthew Worley and Nigel Copsey Teesside University (Nigel Copsey) Email: [email protected] University of Reading (Matthew Worley) Email: [email protected] Keywords Punk Fascism Youth Culture Britain Abstract ‘White Youth’ recovers and explains the relationship between far-right organisations and British youth culture in the period between 1977 and 1987.