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Colin Jordan's 'Merrie England'

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Colin Jordan's 'Merrie England' Radicalism and New Media WORKING PAPERS Dr Paul Jackson Colin Jordan’s ‘Merrie England’ and ‘Universal Nazism’ The politics of Colin Jordan are perhaps not the East”, Kallis examines the willingness to difficult to sum up: he was a British postwar commit violence inspired by Nazi ideology neo-Nazi, one who specifically placed race during the Holocaust (Kallis, 2007). In par- above the nation, and so saw his ideas as ticular, Kallis was interested in how people part of an international attempt to rehabili- attempted to overcome a sense of cognitive tate Nazism as a major political force. This dissonance, or a disconnection, between gravitated around promoting revolutionary transgressing a moral taboo (i.e. killing Jew- violence, to be carried out by an elite task- ish people and others deemed worthy of force. The vanguard would fight to overcome elimination) and the racial-utopian desire an alleged Jewish conspiracy that corrupts promoted by Nazi ideology that argues that contemporary society. Jordan also developed certain people should be eliminated. strong views on religion, rejecting Christian- ity as essentially Jewish. Instead, he pro- To achieve this broad acceptance of a moted a pagan worldview that gave cosmic new moral world, one where mass killing be- significance to his racial, revolutionary ideas. comes possible, figures of authority within He developed this Nazi Weltanschuung, or the Nazi system need to build a sustained worldview, from the fanatical interwar British culture that supported such extreme in- Nazi Arnold Leese. Jordan also idolised Hitler stances moral transgression. To achieve this, and other leading Nazis, such as Rudolf Hess. Kallis stresses that the culture developed by the Nazi regime was able to give people In this paper, I want to develop Jor- many formal and informal indications that dan‟s ideas promoting racial revolution, link- such extreme acts could be viewed as ac- ing local and national activism with the need ceptable. So official propaganda demonising for the regeneration of the whole white race, Jews giving them superhuman qualities, as he understood this concept. This con- speeches by leading politicians proclaiming a nected his British neo-Nazism with a global racial revolution, alongside formal orders to „Universal Nazism‟, an idea he promoted for kill civilians in wartime, all authorised the example as part of the activities of the World morally unacceptable to become legitimate in Union of National Socialists, an organisation the name of the wider Nazi cause. Kallis calls he helped to form and run from 1962. More- these interventions by the Nazi machine giv- over, it is important to stress that his writ- ing licence: Licence firstly to hate, and then ings, his main legacy following his death in eventually to kill on a mass scale. 2009, actively attempt to give licence to commit acts of extremism, including revolu- I think this quality of Nazism, an ideol- tionary violence, to people attracted to neo- ogy that is predicated on a fundamental dis- Nazi far-right ideologies. sonance between the goals of the racial revo- lution and our most basic understanding of To develop this theme of giving licence morality, can be extended outside the con- to violence, it is worth sidetracking a little to text of the Holocaust and into analysis of briefly develop some of the current thinking postwar neo-Nazis. Such protagonists are on the Holocaust from expert on genocide also concerned with developing cultures that and the Holocaust, Professor Aristotle Kallis. give licence to extreme views, which justify In a paper entitled “„Licence‟ and Genocide in the morally unacceptable and extreme. So Radicalism and New Media: Working Papers, Vol. 1, No.2, May 2011 www.radicalism-new-media.org 12 postwar neo-Nazis also develop a culture, ting Hill Riots, and by 1960 merged with the though writings, webpages, societies, and so National Labour Party to form the British Na- forth, that demonises those it regards racially tional Party (the second of four). After inter- inferior, often by giving them super and / or nal differences, Jordan and fellow neo-Nazi sub human qualities. At bottom, the serious John Tyndall left the BNP, and on April 20 neo-Nazis, such as Jordan, promote a revolu- 1962 formed the National Socialist Move- tionary overthrow of one order, deemed ment, again reconfiguring Nazism to a post- decadent and corrupt, in order to establish a war British context. In the summer of 1962, new racially „pure‟ society. Jordan met with American Nazi Party leader George Lincoln Rockwell, and other postwar Of course, the Nazi state was su- neo-Nazis, to form the World Union of Na- premely powerful during the period of the tional Socialists. This set out the principles of Holocaust, and so could offer licences to hate a new „Universal Nazism‟ in the notorious and to kill to a whole society. Postwar neo- Cotswold Declaration. Again, the theme of Nazis are nowhere near achieving state racial unity allowed for a global union, with power. Nevertheless, when we turn to the national Nazi organisations linking up to form far, far smaller, counter cultural sphere of a wider, global network. postwar neo-Nazism, Colin Jordan‟s writings, and living example, can be seen as giving Jordan‟s extremist National Socialist licence to extremism. Operating on the bor- Movement was also directed towards revolu- ders of legality, Jordan offers activists a dis- tionary violence, and possessed a paramili- course that seeks to reframe the dissonance tary unit, called Spearhead, with its own uni- between the morally acceptable and neo-Nazi form. Jordan was wearing this outfit at the ideological goals. His work attempts to de- notorious 1962 Trafalgar Square demonstra- velop a licence to hate and to act violently, in tion to promote the movement to the nation. particular by idealising a revolutionary van- After the rally turned violent, he was con- guard. In some of his more extreme mo- victed for organising and equipping a para- ments, he also talks of murder, and his writ- military force for political ends. In the 1960s, ings can be seen as justifying the notion of National Socialist Movement members were killing for the revolutionary cause, especially active in a number of racially motivated at- when the victim is Jewish. tacks, while Jordan himself was imprisoned for distributing racist literature. 1967 was a To achieve this, Jordan needed to culti- key year in postwar far-right politics, as the vate himself as an authority figure within the National Front was formed. Tellingly, after his movement, a feature we can see in his biog- release in 1968, Jordan decided to remain raphy from his early years as an activist on- outside the NF, and formed the uncompro- wards. Before the war, a teenage Jordan vis- mising British Movement, an openly neo-Nazi ited Nazi Germany, an experience which he grouping. Again, highlighting Jordan‟s pro- would later draw on in his postwar writings. clivity for political violence, the British Move- During the war itself, he served in the Royal ment also developed its own paramilitary Army Medical Corps, after which he studied grouping, the National Socialist Group. at Cambridge University. Here he formed a Nationalist Club, and after graduating he set Jordan‟s role as a leader of neo-Nazi up his first standalone organisation, the Bir- extremists remained intact until he was mingham Nationalist Book Club, before join- prosecuted for steeling women‟s underwear ing with A. K. Chesterton‟s far-right League from Tesco‟s in the mid 1970s – which seri- of Empire Loyalists in the 1950s. ously dented his credibility in neo-Nazi cir- cles. Thereafter, he retired from active en- In 1956 he gained his first criminal con- gagement with such vanguard movements, viction, and significantly also set up the yet continued to develop his profile as a neo- White Defence League, with funding secured Nazi publicist. This included publishing the from the estate of interwar British Nazi, Ar- deeply anti-Semitic magazine originally cre- nold Leese. The WDL was active in the Not- Radicalism and New Media: Working Papers, Vol. 1, No.2, May 2011 www.radicalism-new-media.org 13 ated by Arnold Leese, Gothic Ripples. Some wholehearted believer in a Jewish world con- of these writings are reproduced online, for spiracy. example a set of Gothic Ripples essays out- lining his general worldview is currently avail- We can see this distinction come able, titled The Way Forwards. through clearly in Merrie England, a book which tries to satirise a multicultural Britain From the 1990s, he also published a entering terminal decline by the turn of the number of books that have become central to century. The novel‟s central protagonist, An- his legacy, and again are available to pur- nie, is imprisoned by the sinister Ministry of chase online. This included two fictional Harmony after she racially abuses a black pieces, which set his ideas in the form of far- man. The story then follows her life though a right novellas, Merrie England – 2000 and series of situations which allows Jordan to The Uprising. Merrie England was published develop his central critique of contemporary in 1992, and has echoes of George Orwell‟s society: since the fall of the Berlin Wall, the 1984 as it depicts the takeover of modern global forces of communism and capitalism Britain by a totalitarian, multiracial society, have fused to become „commu-capitalism‟, which imposes multicultural values. The Up- and essentiality disempower white people. rising meanwhile is more akin to The Turner The narrative is clear that a Jewish conspir- Diaries. It was published in 2002, and depicts acy controls the white race, and enforces a violent revolution in Britain by an elite neo- complicity in a humiliating multicultural soci- Nazi taskforce.
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