DOCSLIB.ORG

An Inquiry Into Contemporary Australian Extreme Right

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
An Inquiry Into Contemporary Australian Extreme Right THE OTHER RADICALISM: AN INQUIRY INTO CONTEMPORARY AUSTRALIAN EXTREME RIGHT IDEOLOGY, POLITICS AND ORGANIZATION 1975-1995 JAMES SALEAM A Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor Of Philosophy Department Of Government And Public Administration University of Sydney Australia December 1999 INTRODUCTION Nothing, except being understood by intelligent people, gives greater pleasure, than being misunderstood by blunderheads. Georges Sorel. _______________________ This Thesis was conceived under singular circumstances. The author was in custody, convicted of offences arising from a 1989 shotgun attack upon the home of Eddie Funde, Representative to Australia of the African National Congress. On October 6 1994, I appeared for Sentence on another charge in the District Court at Parramatta. I had been convicted of participation in an unsuccessful attempt to damage a vehicle belonging to a neo-nazi informer. My Thesis -proposal was tendered as evidence of my prospects for rehabilitation and I was cross-examined about that document. The Judge (whose Sentence was inconsequential) said: … Mr Saleam said in evidence that his doctorate [sic] of philosophy will engage his attention for the foreseeable future; that he has no intention of using these exertions to incite violence.1 I pondered how it was possible to use a Thesis to incite violence. This exercise in courtroom dialectics suggested that my thoughts, a product of my experiences in right-wing politics, were considered acts of subversion. I concluded that the Extreme Right was ‘The Other Radicalism’, understood by State agents as odorous as yesteryear’s Communist Party. My interest in Extreme Right politics derived from a quarter-century involvement therein, at different levels of participation. Andrew Moore said I was: … an unusual figure … [with] … a genuine academic interest in theories of fascism.2 Participation can affect historical accuracy and integrity. However, in this case, it gave me the advantage of discerning the topography of the Extreme Right. 1 Judge A. Viney, Sentencing Transcript, in R. v James Saleam, District Court Registry File, No. 90/21/1432, p. 6. 2 Andrew Moore, The Right Road?: A History Of Right-Wing Politics In Australia, Melbourne, 1995, p. 121. Note: all works cited in the Introduction shall be cited again in full at their first mention in the text. 1 Between 1975 and 1995, the Australian Extreme Right recruited, upon my estimate, around 11,000 persons. There was a bewildering array of electoral parties, combat parties, student cells, rural action groups, education-structures, violence squads and politicized skinheads. This permanent undercurrent in Australian politics had embraced, among other sectors, intellectuals and bashers, prosperous persons and working class poor, rural and urban voters, and alongside the great mass of mundane believers - a few colourful ‘madmen’. The Extreme Right did not speak with one voice, nor has it ever been as significant as the French Front National or the Italian Alleanza Nazionale; but it was disturbing enough to have invited legislative counter-action, para-State reaction and ritualized denunciation by public figures. My research advantage was clear. I have met hundreds of participants, read thousands of Extreme Right and conservative publications as well as those of their opposition, and directed activities of my own. Personal experience could be brought to bear upon the research. The ‘insider’ also had the advantage of access to participants and their documents - something noticeably missing from many other research efforts. The general objective of this Thesis is to provide an intellectual framework for, and appropriate and necessary detail to the scholarship of, Australian Extreme Right politics. This Thesis may prove unwelcome. Unfortunately, I have been denounced by opponents as the ‘master’ of misinformation.3 However, doctoral work is not propaganda and is subject to scholarly test. That statement encapsulates part of my objective. My researches show that the scholarship of Australian Extreme Right politics is distorted by the very aversion in which this politics is held. Truth cannot be determined if scholarship is intimidated by forces which have no interests in expounding it objectively. The present climate bodes ill for academic analysis of the Extreme Right. Since 1996 (after the time period examined in this Thesis) a storm has centred around the Pauline Hanson/One Nation Party (ONP) ‘phenomenon’. The hysteria directed at this new force does not assist in producing accurate scholarship. Powerful groups have criticized Hanson/ONP as “Extreme Right”. The main voice for Jewish community feeling, The Australian Jewish News, has anathematized Hanson;4 one article went as far as to compare a pre-ONP manifesto, Pauline Hanson: The Truth, to the Protocols Of The Learned Elders Of Zion.5 Mobs influenced by Trotskyist ‘anti-racist’ fronts have rampaged, 3 Daniel Dasey, “Beaten At Own Game”, The Sun Herald, April 20 1997, p. 32; David Greason, I Was A Teenage Fascist, Fitzroy, 1994, p. 204. 4 Sharon Labi, “Jewish Leaders Back Call To Put One Nation Last”, Australian Jewish News (Sydney), May 22 1998, p. 3. 5 David Bernstein, “The Protocols Of The Elders Of Hanson”, Australian Jewish News (Sydney), May 2 1997, p. 20. 2 associating ‘Hanson-ism’ with neo-fascism.6 A series of activist groups such as Campaign Against Racism ‘catered’ for ONP, while Campaign Against Nazis functioned to harass more militant Right groups. If a pseudo-scholarly text, Faces Of Hate: Hate Crime In Australia7 is any indication, the heir of Isi Leibler’s Research Services spy network at Australia-Israel Review became a major player in determining the limits of research into the Extreme Right. Apparently, a ‘network’ of reliable commentators has emerged to stymie genuine inquiry. The developing official theory of the Extreme Right has some central precepts.8 These are that: Anti- semitism and/or neo-nazism is the secret coded message of the Right whether in its Holocaust and Historical Revisionist, conspiratological, or Skinhead violence modes; that the Right is a hodge-podge of hatreds and resentments of cultural, economic and racial change; and that the League Of Rights fathered the Extreme Right. In sum, this dangerous proto-nazi atavism mu st be controlled. To dispute such logic is to invite denunciation by the closed shop. Given that the people who have played roles in criminalizing, harassing and vilifying the Right come forward as its ideological interpreters, we can understand a State/liberal-hegemonic process in train to ensure no Right force ever enters mainstream politics. Unsurprisingly, Right politics has remained a beast in the shadows with even the histories of its leaders and structures falsified to propaganda advantage. A thesis upon a new subject could take various pathways. It could be an investigation into politically motivated violence (or even “hate crime”) or racism and political mobilization, or what sort of Australian joined an Extreme Right organization, or whether it was economic restructuring in the 1980’s which pushed the Extreme Right from the absolute margins and the end of the Cold War which advanced it towards minor political status. However, these hypothetical projects, each of which could establish useful detail (I do take these propositions into account), would be viable only if a framework for the appreciation of the contemporary Extreme Right existed. I cannot accept the discourse of the marginalization-of-the-Extreme-Right as definitive. A central defining question was required. Even the terminology ‘Extreme Right’ is uncertain. This Thesis has as its core question the inter-relationship between the Right and the Australian State. It was because the scholarship of the contemporary Extreme Right is neither extensive nor integrated 6 Sam Wainwright, “Le Pen: Pauline Hanson’s Big Brother”, Green Left Weekly, June 4 1997, p. 15. 7 Chris Cunneen, David Fraser, Stephen Tomsen (eds.), Faces Of Hate: Hate Crime In Australia, Annandale, 1997. 8 ibid, pp. 2-3, 36-37, 44-73, 166, 173, 198-9, 210. This ‘theory’ also underlies innumerable publications. See: David Greason and Michael Kapel, “Divided Nation”, The Courier Mail, June 11 1998, p. 17; Norm Dixon, “Neo-Nazi Thugs Offer Their Services To Hanson”, Green Left Weekly, August 19 1998, p. 14; Stuart Rintoul, Megan Saunders, Jennifer Foreshaw, “Radical Fears Pauline’s Clones”, The Weekend Australian, June 20-21 1998, p. 7; Brett Martin, “Danger Lurks On The Fringes”, The Bulletin, July 28 1998, pp. 26-27 - which reported ASIO’s mixing of nationalists and neo- nazis and fears of “violence prone” groups. 3 that I sought out a theme which had received treatment, albeit for an earlier period - and advanced from there. This Thesis took as bedrock the scholarship of the Australian Right 1919-45. Chapter One, in criticizing and adapting this literature, conceives the then-Australian State as a conservative one with ideological-political characteristics born of the Imperial link. This scholarship described State-dependent and semi-independent paramilitarism directed against the communists and Labor populism. By applying new overseas scholarship on the generic nature of fascism, it was possible to sweep away the mist which obscures the inter-war Right. In determining that the inter-War para- military Right was not fascist, it became possible to define various forms of auxiliary relationship between the Right and the State power and ideology, and work with a more complex tripartite division of the Right: Conservative Right, Extreme Right, Fascist. Further, because fascism was understood as an anti-Establishment ideology with particular points of genesis, I reviewed the proto-fascist elements of Australian socialism, nationalism and cultural pessimism and their synthesis in the native-fascist movement around P.R. Stephensen. These issues were relevant to an appreciation of the contemporary Extreme Right which, as I will show, is clearly partitioned between British and nativist interpretations of Australian identity. With this foundation, the Thesis then approached the 1945-75 period, the prelude to the contemporary Extreme Right.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Nationalism and Human Rights This Page Intentionally Left Blank Nationalism and Human Rights
    Nationalism and Human Rights This page intentionally left blank Nationalism and Human Rights In Theory and Practice in the Middle East, Central Europe, and the Asia-Pacific Edited by Grace Cheng NATIONALISM AND HUMAN RIGHTS Copyright © Grace Cheng, 2012. Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2012 978-0-230-33856-2 All rights reserved. First published in 2012 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN® in the United States – a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN 978-1-349-34157-3 ISBN 978-1-137-01202-9 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9781137012029 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Nationalism and human rights : in theory and practice in the Middle East, Central Europe, and the Asia-Pacific / edited by Grace Cheng. p. cm. 1. Human rights—Political aspects. 2. Human rights—Political aspects—Middle East. 3. Nationalism—Middle East. 4. Human rights—Political aspects—Europe, Central. 5. Nationalism—Europe, Central. 6. Human rights—Political aspects—Pacific Area. 7. Nationalism—Pacific Area. I. Cheng, Grace, 1968– JC571.N33265 2012 320.54—dc23 2011040451 A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library.
    [Show full text]
  • The Protocols of the Elders of Zion: a Hoax to Hate Introduction
    THE ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE PRESENTS A SPECIAL EXHIBIT OF A GRAPHIC HISTORY OF THE PROTOCOLS OF THE ELDERS OF ZION WILL EISNER, the celebrated “father of the graphic novel,” was deeply concerned about the resilience of anti-Semitism and the persistence of the conspiracy theory that Jews have a plan to control the world, as set down in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. Applying his talent and creativity to further expose the notorious anti-Semitic treatise as a forgery, Mr. Eisner produced The Plot in 2003, with a goal toward educating all, but especially younger generations. A SPECIAL EXHIBIT PRESENTED BY THE ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE ADL is proud to present a special traveling exhibit telling the story of the infamous forgery, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, that has been used to justify anti-Semitism up to and including today. In 2005, Will Eisner’s graphic novel, The Plot: The Secret Story of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion was published, exposing the history of The Protocols and raising public awareness of anti-Semitism. Mr. Eisner, who died in 2005, did not live to see this highly effective exhibit, but his commitment and spirit shine through every panel of his work on display. This project made possible through the support of the Will Eisner Estate and W.W. Norton & Company Inc. The Protocols of the Elders of Zion: A Hoax to Hate Introduction It is a classic in the literature of hate. Believed by many to be the secret minutes of a Jewish council called together in the last years of the 19th century, it has been used by anti-Semites as proof that Jews are plotting to take over the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 5. Between Gleichschaltung and Revolution
    Chapter 5 BETWEEN GLEICHSCHALTUNG AND REVOLUTION In the summer of 1935, as part of the Germany-wide “Reich Athletic Com- petition,” citizens in the state of Schleswig-Holstein witnessed the following spectacle: On the fi rst Sunday of August propaganda performances and maneuvers took place in a number of cities. Th ey are supposed to reawaken the old mood of the “time of struggle.” In Kiel, SA men drove through the streets in trucks bearing … inscriptions against the Jews … and the Reaction. One [truck] carried a straw puppet hanging on a gallows, accompanied by a placard with the motto: “Th e gallows for Jews and the Reaction, wherever you hide we’ll soon fi nd you.”607 Other trucks bore slogans such as “Whether black or red, death to all enemies,” and “We are fi ghting against Jewry and Rome.”608 Bizarre tableau were enacted in the streets of towns around Germany. “In Schmiedeberg (in Silesia),” reported informants of the Social Democratic exile organization, the Sopade, “something completely out of the ordinary was presented on Sunday, 18 August.” A no- tice appeared in the town paper a week earlier with the announcement: “Reich competition of the SA. On Sunday at 11 a.m. in front of the Rathaus, Sturm 4 R 48 Schmiedeberg passes judgment on a criminal against the state.” On the appointed day, a large crowd gathered to watch the spectacle. Th e Sopade agent gave the setup: “A Nazi newspaper seller has been attacked by a Marxist mob. In the ensuing melee, the Marxists set up a barricade.
    [Show full text]
  • Isolationism & Appeasement in Australia E. M. Andrews
    > Isolationism & Appeasement ü w* in Australia C /3 Reactions to the European Grises, 1935-1939 ‘They tell me things are not too good in Europe, Dave.’ ‘What’s wrong? Drought?’ ‘Unk’ White, Bulletin, 26 July 1939 E. M. Andrews Australian foreign policy in the late 1930s has till now been a neglected topic in historical writing. In this book the author examines Australian reactions to the aggressions which led to World War II — Abyssinia, Spain, Austria, Czecho­ slovakia, and Poland. He describes the early support in Britain and Australia for the League of Nations, and goes on to discuss the causes of the change to a policy of appeasement, culminating in the Munich crisis of 1938, and Australian reactions to that crisis. Additionally, he compares Australian foreign policy at that time and in the sixties, when Australia again supports a powerful ally, this time in Vietnam. To those who lived through the crises of the thirties and now wish to see those years in perspective, as well as to readers of a younger generation, who seek the causes for the development of present-day attitudes to Australian foreign policy, this book will make absorbing reading. For teachers and students of the history of the period it will provide a welcome insight into the reactions of Australian politicians and people to the European crises and to Britain’s part in them. Price in Australia $6.95 This book was published by ANU Press between 1965–1991. This republication is part of the digitisation project being carried out by Scholarly Information Services/Library and ANU Press.
    [Show full text]
  • Spencer Sunshine*
    Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it.
    [Show full text]
  • The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right
    Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right Josh Vandiver Ball State University Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH The radical political movement known as the Alt-Right Revolution, and Evolian Traditionalism – for an is, without question, a twenty-first century American audience. phenomenon.1 As the hipster-esque ‘alt’ prefix 3. A refined and intensified gender politics, a suggests, the movement aspires to offer a youthful form of ‘ultra-masculinism.’ alternative to conservatism or the Establishment Right, a clean break and a fresh start for the new century and .2 the Millennial and ‘Z’ generations While the first has long been a feature of American political life (albeit a highly marginal one), and the second has been paralleled elsewhere on the Unlike earlier radical right movements, the Alt-Right transnational right, together the three make for an operates natively within the political medium of late unusual fusion. modernity – cyberspace – because it emerged within that medium and has been continuously shaped by its ongoing development. This operational innovation will Seminal Alt-Right figures, such as Andrew Anglin,4 continue to have far-reaching and unpredictable Richard Spencer,5 and Greg Johnson,6 have been active effects, but researchers should take care to precisely for less than a decade. While none has continuously delineate the Alt-Right’s broader uniqueness. designated the movement as ‘Alt-Right’ (including Investigating the Alt-Right’s incipient ideology – the Spencer, who coined the term), each has consistently ferment of political discourses, images, and ideas with returned to it as demarcating the ideological territory which it seeks to define itself – one finds numerous they share.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: a Comparative
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by The Australian National University 1 Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: A Comparative Study of Political Parties Online This is a pre-print for: R. Ackland and R. Gibson (2013), “Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: A Comparative Study of Political Parties Online,” International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 16(3), special issue on Computational Social Science: Research Strategies, Design & Methods, 231-244. Dr. Robert Ackland, Research Fellow at the Australian Demographic and Social Research Institute, The Australian National University, Canberra, Australia *Professor Rachel Gibson, Professor of Politics, Institute for Social Change, University of Manchester, Manchester, UK. *Corresponding author: Professor Rachel Gibson Institute for Social Change University of Manchester, Oxford Road Manchester M13 9PL UK Ph: + 44 (0)161 306 6933 Fax: +44 (0) 161 275 0793 [email protected] Word count: 6,062(excl title page and key words) 2 Abstract This paper analyses hyperlink data from over 100 political parties in six countries to show how political actors are using links to engage in a new form of ‘networked communication’ to promote themselves to an online audience. We specify three types of networked communication - identity reinforcement, force multiplication and opponent dismissal - and hypothesise variance in their performance based on key party variables of size and ideological outlook. We test our hypotheses using an original comparative hyperlink dataset. The findings support expectations that hyperlinks are being used for networked communication by parties, with identity reinforcement and force multiplication being more common than opponent dismissal. The results are important in demonstrating the wider communicative significance of hyperlinks, in addition to their structural properties as linkage devices for websites.
    [Show full text]
  • STATEMENT by MR. ANDREY KELIN, PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE of the RUSSIAN FEDERATION, at the 1045Th MEETING of the OSCE PERMANENT COUNCIL
    PC.DEL/393/15/Rev.1 25 March 2015 ENGLISH Original: RUSSIAN Delegation of the Russian Federation STATEMENT BY MR. ANDREY KELIN, PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION, AT THE 1045th MEETING OF THE OSCE PERMANENT COUNCIL 19 March 2015 On the growth of racism, radicalism and neo-Nazism in the OSCE area Mr. Chairperson, The growth in manifestations of racism, violent extremism, aggressive nationalism and neo-Nazism remain, as ever, one of the most serious threats in the OSCE area. Unfortunately, the work in the OSCE to combat the spread of radical and neo-Nazi views within society is not being done systematically. Despite commitments in this area, there is no single OSCE action plan as there is for combating trafficking in human beings, improving the situation of Roma and Sinti or promoting gender equality. Every OSCE country has its problems connected with the growth of radicalism and nationalistic extremism. Russia is not immune to these abhorrent phenomena either. The approaches to resolving these problems in the OSCE participating States vary though. In our country, there is a package of comprehensive measures in place, ranging from criminal to practical, to nip these threats in the bud. Neo-Nazis and anyone else who incites racial hatred are either in prison or will end up there sooner or later. However, in many countries, including those that are proud to count themselves among the established democracies, people close their eyes to such phenomena or justify these activities with reference to freedom of speech, assembly and association. We are surprised at the position taken by the European Union, which attempts to find justification for neo-Nazi demonstrations and gatherings sometimes through particular historical circumstances and grievances and sometimes under the banner of democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Univerzita Karlova Filozofická Fakulta Diplomová
    UNIVERZITA KARLOVA FILOZOFICKÁ FAKULTA Ústav filosofie a religionistiky Studijní obor: religionistika DIPLOMOVÁ PRÁCE Radical Paganism: Contemporary Heathens in Search of Political Identity Bc. Martina Miechová Vedoucí práce: Tereza Matějčková, Ph.D. 2019 Prohlašuji, že jsem práci vypracovala samostatně, že jsem řádně citovala všechny použité prameny a literaturu a že práce nebyla využita v rámci jiného vysokoškolského studia či k získání jiného nebo stejného titulu. V Praze dne 29.7.2019 ........................................ Poděkování Tereza Matějčková, Ph.D. mě podpořila povzbuzujícími konzultacemi, podnětnými připomínkami a trpělivostí během doby, kdy práce vznikala. Jagodě Mackowiak vděčím za přátelskou podporu a Mgr. Veronice Krajíčkové za neocenitelnou radu v začátcích. Nepřímo se o mou práci zasloužil i Adam Anczyk, PhD, který ve mně vzbudil zájem o téma novopohanství a jeho transformace v dnešní společnosti. Všem bych tímto ráda upřímně poděkovala. ABSTRAKT Tato práce si klade za cíl zmapovat vývoj politického myšlení Severského novopohanství a určit faktory, které vedou k politizaci konkrétních typů novopohanských skupin a k jejich příklonu k pravicovému radikalismu. První kapitola po úvodu sestává ze čtyř případových studií, z nichž každá představuje jiný typ skupiny z pohledu místa a okolností vzniku, kontextu, v němž se se vyvíjela jejich náboženská a politická přesvědčení, a ze způsobu legitimizace jejich případného politického aktivismu. Následující dvě kapitoly se soustředí na analýzu historických souvislostí, které zapříčinily rozdílné ideologické směřování skupin v rámci dvou hlavních typů Severského pohanství, Ásatrú a Odinismu, a to ve dvou odlišných kulturních prostředích Evropy a Spojených Států. Závěrečná kapitola přináší syntézu zkoumaných skupin ve vzájemných souvislostech spolu s jejich historickým pozadím; tato syntéza pak nabízí možnou interpretaci procesu jejich radikalizace.
    [Show full text]
  • Still Anti-Asian? Anti-Chinese? One Nation Policies on Asian Immigration and Multiculturalism
    Still Anti-Asian? Anti-Chinese? One Nation policies on Asian immigration and multiculturalism 仍然反亚裔？反华裔？ 一国党针对亚裔移民和多元文化 的政策 Is Pauline Hanson’s One Nation party anti-Asian? Just how much has One Nation changed since Pauline Hanson first sat in the Australian Parliament two decades ago? This report reviews One Nation’s statements of the 1990s and the current policies of the party. It concludes that One Nation’s broad policies on immigration and multiculturalism remain essentially unchanged. Anti-Asian sentiments remain at One Nation’s core. Continuity in One Nation policy is reinforced by the party’s connections with anti-Asian immigration campaigners from the extreme right of Australian politics. Anti-Chinese thinking is a persistent sub-text in One Nation’s thinking and policy positions. The possibility that One Nation will in the future turn its attacks on Australia's Chinese communities cannot be dismissed. 宝林·韩森的一国党是否反亚裔？自从宝林·韩森二十年前首次当选澳大利亚 议会议员以来，一国党改变了多少？ 本报告回顾了一国党在二十世纪九十年代的声明以及该党的现行政策。报告 得出的结论显示，一国党关于移民和多元文化的广泛政策基本保持不变。反 亚裔情绪仍然居于一国党的核心。通过与来自澳大利亚极右翼政坛的反亚裔 移民竞选人的联系，一国党的政策连续性得以加强。反华裔思想是一国党思 想和政策立场的一个持久不变的潜台词。无法排除一国党未来攻击澳大利亚 华人社区的可能性。 Report Philip Dorling May 2017 ABOUT THE AUSTRALIA INSTITUTE The Australia Institute is an independent public policy think tank based in Canberra. It is funded by donations from philanthropic trusts and individuals and commissioned research. Since its launch in 1994, the Institute has carried out highly influential research on a broad range of economic, social and environmental issues. OUR PHILOSOPHY As we begin the 21st century, new dilemmas confront our society and our planet. Unprecedented levels of consumption co-exist with extreme poverty. Through new technology we are more connected than we have ever been, yet civic engagement is declining.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Faces of Fascism: Populism and the Far Right'
    H-Nationalism Cârstocea on Traverso, 'The New Faces of Fascism: Populism and the Far Right' Review published on Tuesday, October 8, 2019 Enzo Traverso. The New Faces of Fascism: Populism and the Far Right. London: Verso, 2019. viii + 200 pp. $24.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-78873-046-4. Reviewed by Raul Cârstocea (University of Leicester) Published on H-Nationalism (October, 2019) Commissioned by Cristian Cercel (Ruhr University Bochum) Printable Version: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=54462 Historicizing the Present: A Conceptual Reading of Postfascism Previously relegated to the dustbin of history, a specialist subject of seemingly antiquarian interest and otherwise popular only as a term of abuse meant to delegitimize one’s opponents, the last decade has seen “fascism” come back in fashion, in the tow of the other two terms making up the subtitle of Enzo Traverso’s book: populism and the Far Right. The increasing importance of the latter on the political spectrum, part and parcel of a resurgence of authoritarianism that is presently experienced globally, from the “Old” to the “New” Europe and from China, Russia, and Turkey to the United States and Brazil, has conjured up the specter of “fascism,” even for (the majority of) authors who find the association misleading. As such, despite the deluge of publications trading in the subject with more or less insight, a book that explicitly aims to link the two phenomena and analyze its contemporary iterations as “new faces of fascism” could not be more timely. From the outset however, we are introduced to another term, “postfascism,” according to the familiar and (still?) fashionable tendency to assign a “post” to everything, from “human” to “truth.” The “concept emphasizes its chronological distinctiveness and locates it in a historical sequence implying both continuity and transformation,” underlining “the reality of change” (p.
    [Show full text]
  • Identitarian Movement
    Identitarian movement The identitarian movement (otherwise known as Identitarianism) is a European and North American[2][3][4][5] white nationalist[5][6][7] movement originating in France. The identitarians began as a youth movement deriving from the French Nouvelle Droite (New Right) Génération Identitaire and the anti-Zionist and National Bolshevik Unité Radicale. Although initially the youth wing of the anti- immigration and nativist Bloc Identitaire, it has taken on its own identity and is largely classified as a separate entity altogether.[8] The movement is a part of the counter-jihad movement,[9] with many in it believing in the white genocide conspiracy theory.[10][11] It also supports the concept of a "Europe of 100 flags".[12] The movement has also been described as being a part of the global alt-right.[13][14][15] Lambda, the symbol of the Identitarian movement; intended to commemorate the Battle of Thermopylae[1] Contents Geography In Europe In North America Links to violence and neo-Nazism References Further reading External links Geography In Europe The main Identitarian youth movement is Génération identitaire in France, a youth wing of the Bloc identitaire party. In Sweden, identitarianism has been promoted by a now inactive organisation Nordiska förbundet which initiated the online encyclopedia Metapedia.[16] It then mobilised a number of "independent activist groups" similar to their French counterparts, among them Reaktion Östergötland and Identitet Väst, who performed a number of political actions, marked by a certain
    [Show full text]