- PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS

Aims and Scope BnsinessManager Virginia A Cello Linguistic Society of the

Board of Editorial Consultants

Maria Lourdes S. Bautista De La Salle University, , Philippines

Kingsley Bolton City University of Hong Kong

Maya Khemlani David University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur Malaysia

Hsiu-chuanLiao National Tsing Hua University, Hsinchu Taiwan

Andrew Moody University of Macau, Macao SAR, China

RicardoMa.D.Nolasco University of the Philippines, Diliman City

J. Stephen Quakenbush SILInternational

Copy Editor Eden Regala-Flores De La Salle University, Manila, Philippines Philippine Journal of Linguistics Volume 40 December 2009

CONTENTS

Editor's Note

ARTICLES

A Phonemic Description of the Tobilung Gillian P. Buck

Power and Politeness: Social Interaction in Philippine Higher Education Classrooms Mabelle P. Victoria 17

Ideological Perspectives on the Dynamics of Code-Switching in the Business Domain Paolo Nino M. Valdez 33

Observations on Regional Variants and Patterns of Six Signs in Filipino Liza B. Martinez, Yvette A. Bernardo, Mary Jane S. Puson and Rowella B. Tanjusay 47

Sociolinguistic Centrifuge: Comparing Language Attitudes from Urban Center to Urban Periphery Michael Ian Benedict P. Estipona 63

LSP ANNUAL REPORT FOR 2009 85 Philippine Journal of Linguistics Volume 40 December 2009

EDITOR'S NOTE

This volume presents five articles that explore issues in both theoretical and applied linguistics. The first, authored by Gillian Buck, is a phonemic description of Tobilung, a language spoken in the northwest coast of Sabah, Malaysia. Dealing with both segmental and suprasegmentals, Buck's article begins with a description of both vowels and consonants, and then moves on to a description of Tobilung's syllable structure. The article also touches on interpretation of vowels, consonants, and syllable, and the issues of vowel harmony and neutralization. Buck's paper is highly commendable because of its focus on a language belonging to the Austronesian family, which is in line with the goal of thePJL.

Anchored on Brown and Levinson's politeness theory, Mabelle Victoria's paper uses data drawn from classroom observations in three universities in the Philippines to illustrate how professors mitigate the power they wield on students. The usefulness of this study lies in its application of the theory in the analysis of institutional discourse such as that in the classroom. This is highlighted by the dearth of studies, at least in the Philippines, that examine the unequal power relations between teacher and students. It goes without saying then that more studies should be pursued along the same line.

The third paper, written by Paolo Valdez, views Tagalog-English code-switching from an ideological perspective, using data from interactions in the business domain. Valdez's piece is innovative as most previous studies on have dealt with its structure and functions.

Liza Martinez, et al.'s paper, which examines the variants of six lexical items - ASO (dog), BlTUIN (star), BATO (stone), BABOY (pig), DAMO (grass) and MATALlM (sharp) - in the Filipino Sign Language, is truly remarkable, at least from the perspective of the PJL. As a linguistics journal, the PJL has, through the four decades it has been in operation, focused on the spoken language. But certainly, the PJL looks at language in a broader sense, which therefore covers sign language. For the reader who is not familiar with the Filipino Sign Language, Martinez, et al.'s article is indeed instructive. As we know very little about the FSL, more research should be conducted along this line.

The last paper is the one by Michael Estipona, which dwells on attitudes towards English and Filipino of students from two locales: urban center (Manila) and urban periphery (). While numerous studies on language attitudes have been conducted in the past, Estipona's study is still relevant today because of its implications for language planning and policy.

I hope readers wiIllearn much from the papers included in this volume.

DANILO T. DAYAG, Ph.D. Editor, Philippine Journal of Linguistics President, Linguistic Society of the Philippines (2008-2010) Philippine Journal of linguistics 40 (2009) 1-15

A Phonemic Description of the Tobilung Language

Gillian P. Buck Malaysia Branch of SIL International Kota Kinabalu, Sabah, Malaysia E-mail: gill buckrsrsil.org

This paper describes the phonemics of Tobilung, one of the Dusun subgroup of Bomean . Tobilung shares many of the characteristics of Austronesian languages, having a relatively small inventory of consonants and vowels, a predominance of disyllabic words and also of consonant-vowel sequences. Features of interest include the relatively uncommon bilabial and alveolarimplosives and the juxtaposition of voiced and voiceless bilabial and alveolarplosives in adjacent syllables. Vowel-final words arerare and are only found in minor lexical categories. There is some preliminary consideration of morphophonemics in this paper. In common with other Dusunic languages, Tobilung exhibits vowel harmony, in which morphophonemic processes trigger the change of the 'neutral' '0' vowel to the low 'a', but this process is blocked by geminate vowel clusters within roots. Conversely, there is also 'neutralisation' where at times the morphophonemic processes trigger the change of 'a' vowels to neutral '0.'

Key words: implosives, vowel harmony, neutralization, geminate vowels

1. Introduction 2. in Tobilung3 The Tobilung people number between Tobilung has 16 consonant phonemes 5,000 and 10,000.1 Traditionally, they lived and 5 vowel phonemes as shown below: along the northwest coast of Sabah, Malaysia, in the Kota Belud and Kota Table 1. Consonant Phonemes Marudu districts. However, today many live Labial Coronal Velar Glottal in Kota Kinabalu, in Tamparuli, Kudat and VI plosive t k ? parts of West Malaysia where they have moved in search of work. Tobilung is a Vdplosive d Dusunic language. The data represented here Nasal reflects Tobilung as it is spoken in the Fricative village of Toburon and neighbouring villages Affricate d3 in the Kota Belud district. It was collected Trill between November 2000 and February 2001.2 Lateral Semivowel

I Estimates of population are from the Kota Belud and KotaMarudu local councils and from the Persatuan 3 An earlier phonemic analysis of Tobilung was done Tobilung Bersatu Sabah, also known as TOBISA. by John and Gail Hutchinson. They have graciously 2 There may be a dialect distinction between the Kota given me access to their analysis and all the Belud and KotaMarudu branches of the group, but associated Tobilungmaterials. I am indebted to them this needs furtberresearch. for providing me with a foundation for this analysis. G.P.Buck

Table 2. Vowel Phonemes [d] Voiced alveolar plosive; occurs Front Central Back word-medially as the second member High of a consonant cluster following a homorganic nasal: Mid Itandusl ['!an.'dus] 'spear' Low [d] Voiced alveolarimplosive; occurs elsewhere: 2.1 Description of phonemes /darun/ [darun] 'rain' 2.1.1 Consonants ItodUIJI 1:!:).'auI)-] 'nose' Ipl [p"[Voiceless unreleased bilabial plosive; fkJ [J.{]Voiceless unreleased postvelar occurs word-finally: plosive; occurs word-finally after a Itaapl ['!a.ap'] 'roof' non-front vowel: [p] Voiceless bilabial plosive; occurs Imanuk/ [manuk"] 'chicken' elsewhere: [k'[Voiceless unreleased velarplosive; Ipalad/ [pa.'lad'] 'palm of hand' Inipon! [ni.lpon] 'tooth' occurs word-finally after a front vowel: Isimpon! ['sIm.'p~n] 'short trousers' Itobik/ 1:!~.'6Ik'] 'side' fbI [b'[Voiced unreleased bilabial plosive; [k] Voiceless velar plosive; occurs where occurs word-finally and at a syllable preceded and followed by a front boundary before a voiceless bilabial vowel (or ifin word-initial position, plosive: where followed by a front vowel: Ikajabl [~a.'jab'] 'shoulder' Ikiropl [ki.lrop"] Itobpinee?1 ['!~b'.pi.'nE.E?] 'sibling' Itikiwl [fi.'\9w] [b] Voiced bilabial plosive; occurs as the [\5J Voiceless postvelar plosive; occurs second member of a consonant elsewhere: cluster following a homorganic nasal: Ikajabl [ka.jab'] 'shoulder' /tamban/ ['!arn.'baI)-] 'deer' Ilukapl [lukap"] 'sole of foot' [6] Voiced bilabial implosive; occurs /kankab/ ['kaI)-.'kab'] 'chest' elsewhere: Igl [g-'] Voiced unreleased postvelar /badi?1 [6a.'di?] 'market' /kaban/ [ka.Ban-] 'mouth' plosive"; occurs word-finally and at the syllable boundary before a It! [f] Voiceless unreleased dental plosive; voiceless velar plosive after a non­ front vowel: occurs word-finally: Isolugl ['s~.'lug-'] 'trail' Igonitl [g-~.'mf] 'lightning' Ilagkawl ['Iag-'.'kaw] 'rice store' [J:] Voiceless dental plosive; occurs [q'[Voiced unreleased velar plosive; elsewhere: Itogisl I:!:).'g-IS] 'sand' occurs word-finally and at the Iwatu?1 [wa.'!u?] 'stone' syllable boundary before a voiceless Itantobl ['!an.'!~b'] 'fence' velar plosive after a front vowel: Iweegl [we.eq"] 'water' 1:!~.'lIg'] Idl [d']Voiced unreleased alveolar plosive; Itoligl 'wall' occurs word-finally and at a syllable /?oligkaI]1 ['hlIg'.'kaI)-] 'interesting' boundary before a voiceless dental plosive: Itotud/ lb.'!Ud'] 'knee' 4 The diacritic is shown after the phonetic symbol for Ipotudturl [p:).!Ud'.'!ur] 'to push' clarity. A Phonemic Description ofthe Tobilung Language

[g] Voiced velar plosive; occurs where Irl [r] Voiced alveolar trill; occurs word­ preceded and followed by a front initially and word-finally: vowel: Iratu'i'l 'durian' Itorigi'i'l [t::>.rL'gr'i'] 'house post' /sankir/ 'cup' [9-] Voiced postvelar plosive; occurs [r] Voiced alveolar flap; occurs elsewhere: intervocalically: Igontod! ['g-:m.'!:Jd"] 'heel' Isarupl [sa.rop"] 'wind' Igamutl (g-a.'muf] 'root' Iraga'i'l [ra.'g-a'i'] 'kind of basket' lsi [s] Voiceless alveolar grooved fricative: Isarup/ [sa.rup'] 'wind' m [?] Glottal plosive; occurs in all /tosun/ U:J.'SUIJ-] 'mortar' positions. Word-medially it marks a ['san.'sag-"] 'bark of tree' morpheme boundary, It is frequently U:J.'p:Js] 'lungs' found between a prefix and a root, but can also occur between a root and 1d31 [d3] Voiced palatal affricate; only a suffix: occurs word-medially in syllable l'i'opod! ('i':J.'p:Jd"] 'ten' initial position': Iwatu'i'l [wa.'ju'i'] 'stone' Ilanl13aul ['lan.'l13aIJ-] 'rice pot' lta'i'asokl ['ja.'i'a.'s:J!<:"] 'dibble stick' l'i'andaa'i'onl [Yan.lda.a.Yon] 'visit' Iwl [w]Voiced labial-velar semivowel: Iwotisl 'calfofleg' Irn/[m]Voiced bilabial nasal: Itawanl 'sky' Imanukl [rna.nok] 'chicken' Itapowl 'lime' Igamutl [g-a.'murJ 'root' Isimpon/ ['srm.'p:m] 'short trousers' Iji [j] Voiced palatal semivowel: Ikaraml [ka.ram] 'toe' Ikajabl 'shoulder' Itanajl 'termite' In! [n] Voiced alveolar nasal: Ijoposonl 'tobewet,6 Iniponl [nipon] 'tooth' /munutj' [mu.non-] 'lips' 2.1.2 Vowels Itandusl ['jan.'dus] 'spear' Iii [i] High front unrounded vowel; occurs /lonon/ [Io.n-on] 'arm and hand' in open syllables: Itinanl [ji.nan] 'body' h]/ [IJ] Voiced velar nasal where preceded [I] Near high front unrounded vowel; and followed by a front vowel (or if occurs elsewhere: in word-initial position, where Itogisl 'sand' followed by a front vowel) Isimponl 'short trousers' Il)il)i1/ [I)L'Url] 'food left on face' lui [u] High back rounded vowel; occurs in [IJ-] Voiced postvelar nasal elsewhere: open syllables: /naran/ [n-a.ran] 'name' ltutokl Uu.'j:J!<:"] 'brain' /tamban/ ['jam.'baIJ-] 'deer' l'i'okul [''i':J.!<:u] [u] Near high back rounded vowel; 111 [1] Voiced alveolar lateral: occurs elsewhere: /lanaw/ [lan-aw] 'fly' Ipalad! [pa.Iad'] 'palm of hand' Itapoll [ta.'p:Jl] 'husk of rice'

6 Initial 'j' is extremely uncommon. G. P. Buck

Itandusl ['!aU.'dus] 'spear' V_V l'lapatJ [?a.'paf] 'four' Idunsull ['uun.'sul] 'hammer' Ikabanl [ka.fian] 'container' Vm_V Isimponl ['sIm.'p~n] 'short trousers' 101[e] Mid central unrounded vowel; Ikombosl ['k~m.'bos] 'rice wine' occasionally used in unstressed syllables in free variation with [o]: fbi vs. 1m! Imomorosl [me.mo.ros] 'speak' #- /badi?1 'market,' Isorundungl [so.ron.rknj-] Imanuk/ 'chicken' 'clothheadcover' _# Itantobl 'fence' ItontOINI 'floor joist' [:l] Near open back rounded vowel; V_V Irabasl 'forehead' occurs elsewhere: Iramatl 'ring' /togisl £1:0.'g-IS] 'sand' Imato?1 [ma.'p?] 'eye' Ibl Iwl Itapowl £1:a.'pow] 'lime for chewing' vs. _# /kankab/ ['kalJ-.'kab"] 'chest' Ia! [e] Mid central unrounded vowel; /wakaw/ [wa.kaw] 'rattan' 'market' occasionally used in unstressed #- /badi?1 [5a.'di?] syllables in free variation with [a]: Iwatu?1 [wa.'!u?] 'stone' Imangagamitl [mo.n-a.q-a.mn'] V_V /tobu?/ £1:0.'5u?] 'sugarcane' 'catch animal' Itawu?1 £1:a.'wu?] 'ashes' Itikagagl [J:i.ka.'g-ag-] 'rib' Ipl vs. Iwl [a] Low central unrounded vowel; occurs #- Iparaj/ [pa.'raj] 'unbusked rice' elsewhere: Iwalaj/ [wa.'laj] 'house' ltana?1 [J:a.'na?] 'ground' 3 Ikiropl [ki.'rop"] 'eyelash' lraatl ['ra.af] 'sea' lkudowl [ku.xfow] 'eyebrow' V3/kapukl [ka.'puk"] 'kapok tree' lei [e] Near low front unrounded vowel:" Itawu?1 [J:a.'wu?] 'ashes' ['&.ElJ] 'betel leaf [se.e.rar] 'when' Ipl vs. 1m! 2.2 Contrast #- /putjit/ [pu.jj-i]"] 'bat' /munutj/ [mu.nun-] 'lips' 2.2.1 Consonants - # Isarupl [sa.rup] 'wind' Ipl vs, /hI Italum/ [ta.'lum] 'mat' V_V Isopukl [so.puk"] 'blowpipe' #- Iparajl [pa.'raj] 'unhusked rice' [ro.lmos] 'kind of rattan' /badi?1 [5a.'di?] 'market' lromusl 3 Isakupl [sa 'kup"] 'spade' Iml vs. Iwl Isokubl [so.'kub"] 'eyelid' #- Imato?1 [ma.'!o?] 'eye' Iwatu?1 [wa.'!u?] 'stone' 7 Most words containing this phoneme are cognate _# Ikaram/ [karam] 'toe' w~th Central Dusun where the feel is represented by loi/whereit occurs in affixes, and lai/,/ahi/or lohi/ Itadawl [J:a.'cfuw] 'day' where it occurs in roots. V_V I'lamanl [?a.'man] 'uncle' Tobilung Central Dusun Itawanl [ja.wan] 'sky' /peenijon/ /poinijon/ IdeelJl Idaingl Id/ vs. ItI /maleen/ Imolohingl 'adult' There are also cognates with Malay: #- ldarunI [daron] 'rain' Tobilung Malay English Italurn/ [ja.Ilum] 'mat' Ilee?1 ltahi/ 'dung' A Phonemic Description ofthe Tobilung lAnguage

_# Isurudl [surud"] 'comb' !II vs. Inl /susut/ [su.'suf] 'below house' »: Ilanasl [Ia.nas] 'original' V_V Iradu?1 [ra.'ou?] 'plough' Inatad/ [na.'!ad'] 'area near house' Iwatu?1 [wa.'ju?] 'stone' _# /bonol/ [6:J·'lJ-:I1] 'otter' Vn_VItundundu?1 [jun.dun.'du?] 'heart' /lonon/ [lo.u-on] 'arm and hand' /tunturur/ [ton..tu.'ru?] 'finger' V_V Iwalu?1 [wa.'lu?] /rnanuk/ [manok'] Idl vs. Inl #- Idulu?1 [efu.'lu?] 'iivingroom' Idf vs, III Inuluwl [nu.'luw] 'mountain' «: Idarunl ['efa.'run] 'rain' _# Isurudl [su.rud"] 'comb' !lasu?1 [Ia.'su?] 'sweat' Idarunl [da.run] 'rain' _# I?opodl ['h'p:Jd'] 'ten' V3!lado?1 [la.'o:J?] 'chili' Itapoll [ja.pol] 'husk of rice' Itano?1 ['ja.n:J?] 'let us' V_V ItodulJ/: [j:J.'efUlJ-] 'nose' Isolugl ['s:J.'lug-'] 'trail' lsI vs, Idl #- Isarupl [sa.rop"] 'wind' Idf vs, Irl Idarun! [cfu.'run] 'rain' #- Idarun! [efa.'run] 'rain' _# Itoposl [jo.pos] 'lungs' Iradu?1 [ra'ou?] 'plough' I?opodl [?:J.'p:Jd'] 'ten' /bankad/ ['6alJ-·'kad'] 'shirt' V_V ItosUlJI [j:J.'sulJ-] 'mortar' /pankar/ [pan-i'kar] 'raft' /todurp' [j:J.'efulJ-] 'nose' V3/lado?1 [la.'ef:J?] 'chili' Vn_V/sansutl ['san.'suf] 'loincloth' /parok/ [parok'] 'huskofrice,8 Itandusl ['jan.'dus] 'spear' Inl vs, Irl Inl vs. ItI #- /natad/ [na.jad"] 'area near house' #- Inuluwl [nu.'luw] 'mountain' /ralan/ [ra.'lan] 'road' Itulu?1 ltu.'lu?] 'head' /darun/ [da.ron] 'rain' _# Itinanl [ji.uan] 'body' Isadurl [sa.,dur] 'watermelon' /balat/ [6a.'laf] 'sea cucumber' V_V Itanaj/ [ja.'naj] 'termite' V_V /manuk/ [ma.nuk] 'chicken' Iparaj/ [pa.'raj] 'unhuskedrice' Iwatu?1 [wa.ju"] 'stone' Irl vs, lsI Inl vs. lsI »: Iradu?1 [ra.'efu?] 'plough' Inuluwl [nu.'luw] 'mountain' Isada?1 [sa.'oa?] 'fish' /susut/ [su.'suf] 'below house' _# Isadurl [sa.ldur] 'watermelon' [ji.'nan] 'body' - # Itinan! Inatusl [na.jus] 'hundreds' Ikanasl [ka.uas] 'wiidpig' V_V Isurudl [surud"] 'comb' V_V /tanud/ [ja.lnud"] 'go with' /susut/ [su.'suf] 'below house' l135u?1 ['Ja.su?] 'dog' 11/ vs. Irl lsi vs. III #- /lonon/ [lo.n-on] 'arm and hand' #- Isarupl [sa.'rup'] 'wind' lrogonl [ro.Iq-on] 'spirit' Ilasu?1 [Ia.'su?] 'sweat' - # Ibadull [6a.'oul] 'pith' _# Itoposl [j:J.'p:Js] 'lungs' Isadurl [sador] 'watermelon' Itapoll lta.'p:JI] 'husk of rice' V_V Itasu?1 ['Ja.su?] 'dog' ltaluml lta.'lum] 'mat' 8 Same meaning as Itapoll G. P. Buck

v_v Ipaladl [pa.'lad~] _# Iweegl ['WE.Eg~] 'water' Iparajl [pa.'raj] IdeeIJI ['dE.EIJ] 'betel leaf' V_V /rogon! [ro.lq-on] ItI vs, Irl /lonon/ [i:J.'IJ-:m] s: ltulu?1 [tu.'lu?] 'head' lrumun/ [ru.'mun] 'nest' IkI vs. 111

- # Iri!]kat/ ['nlJ.'kaf] 'small pot' #- lkaban! [ka.fian] 'container' /pankar/ [palJ-·'kar] 'raft' I?apat/ [?a.'pa! ~] 'four' lwei V_V Idaton! [daton] - # Iguluk/ [g-u.'luk"] Idarun/ [da.run] [rainI ltulu?1 f..tu.'lu?]

It! vs. III Igl vs. 111 #- Itasu?1 ['sa·su?] Igapasl [g-a.'pas] 'cotton flbrel Ilasu?1 [Ia.'su?] I?apat/ [?a.'pan 'four' # Isansut/ ['san.'suf] 'loincloth' - - # Isolugl ['S;).']ug-"] Idunsull ['oun.'sul] 'hammer' Itolu?1 [t;).'lu?] V_V Iwatu?1 [wa·'su?] 'stone' Iwalu?1 [wa.'lu?] 'eight' 111 vs. Iljl #- I?atusl [?a.'!us] 'a hundred' 1if31 vs, Idl [n-a.ran] 'name' Vn_V/lanifja!]1 [']an.'ifja!]-] 'rice pot , _# ['!LE?] 'dung' l?andalJl [?an.'dalJ-] 'of course' /deen/ ['OE.E!]] 'betel leaf'

1if31 vs. lsi Iml vs. Inl V3/ponifju?1 [p;)n.'ifju?] 'turtle' »: Imato?1 [rna.'!;)?] 'eye' Isansutl ['san.'suf] 'loincloth' Inatok/ [na.jo];'] _# /karam/ [ka.ram] Igl vs, IkI /qaran/ [n-a.ran] 'name' 'machete' V_V Igamut/ [g-a.'muf] 'root' Imanuk/ [ma.nuk"] 'chicken' _# Isolugl Igulukl 'chopper' Inl vs, IIJI V_V Ilugu?1 'heartwood' Inatokl [na.jok'] 'sago' Iduku?1 'puppy' [q-a.ran] 'name'

V!]_V/til)gaton! 'areca nut' - # [ja.wan] 'sky' /tinkolob/ 'wrap round skirt' /bawan/ [fia.wan-] [river' V_V Itanajl [ta.'naj] 'termite' IkI vs. Iljl /sanaj' [sa.jj-aj] 'shadow' s: /karam/ [ka.'ram] 'toe' IlJaran! [n-a.ran] 'name' Iml vs. Iljl Imanukl Imato?1 - # [ma.nuk"] 'chicken' #- [mao'j:;)?] 'eye' /munun/ [rnunun-] 'lips' l!]asu?1 [IJ-a.'su?] 'eyetooth' V_V Iwakawl [wa.lkaw] 'rattan' _# Italum/ [ja.Ium] [mat' /sanaw/ [san-aw] 'animal horn' /kolm]/ [k:l,'IUIJ-] 'ankle' V_V Ilamaji [Ia.'maj] 'talisman' Igl vs. Iljl /lanaw/ [la.n-aw] 'fly' #- 'frog'

'name I A PlunlgmicDescription ofthe Tobilung LanlfUfJge

Ijl VS. Iwl C_._ C (poo'l( ['p".,,'l] 'thigh' 'shadow' /puun/ ['pu.un] 'tree' - # IsaIJajl [san-aj] /lanaw/ [la.jj-aw] 'fly' V_V 11ajo?1 [Ia.'j"?] 'ginger' leI vs. lal Ikawo?1 [ka.'w,,'l] 'wing' C_._C I?aleed! [2a.'le.ed'] 'long, of time' I?alaabl ['la.'la.ab'] 'wide' 2.2.2 Vowels Iii vs. lal leI vs. Iii C.CV /pilat/ [pL'laf] 'scar' C_._C Ipeesl ['pe.es] 'knife' Ipalad! [pa.Iad'] 'palm of hand' fbiisl [fii.rs] 'saliva' C- C# Igonitl [g-".'mf] 'lightning' Igalatl [g-a.'laf] 'pocketknife' leI vs. 101 C_._C Itee'll 'dung' 101 vs. lal Itoon! 'kind of trap' C_.CV /lonon/ [lo.In-on] 'arm and hand' /laijod' [la.u-od] 'between nodes' leI vs. lui C- C# /natok/ [na.jo];'] 'sago' C_._C Ipeesl ['pe.es] 'knife' /batak/ [fia.ja];"] 'creature' /puun/ ['pu.un] 'tree' CV. _C Iguoll [q-u.lol] 'yam' /luak/ [lu.'ak'] 'back of knee' 3. Syllables C_._ C lroo'll ['r".,,'l] 'chin' 3.1 Syllable Types Iraa'll ['ra.a'l] 'blood' All Tobilung syllables have a vowel nucleus. There are no vowel-initial words luI vs. lal and hence no contrast between vowel and C.CV lkulatl [ku.'la1'] 'mushroom' glottal-initial words. Vowel-final words are Igalatl [g-a.'laf] 'pocketknife' extremely uncommon and have only been C_C# ImunUI]1 [mu.uon-] 'lips' observed in minor lexical categories such as /tularp' [ju.fan-] 'bone' pronouns and focus markers. The many apparent vowel final words in major lexical Iii vs, lui categories actually have a final glottal stop. C_.CV Itinan! [ji.nan] 'body' The vast majority of root forms have 2 /tulaq/ Ltu.'laIJ-] 'bone' syllables CV(C).(C)V(C), but there are C- C# Itoligl [p.'lIg'] 'wall' nouns with at. least 4 syllables, which Isolugl ['s".'lug-'] 'trail' sometimes contain fossilized affixes. C_.VC lliasl [li.'as] 'plant variety' /luak/ [Iu.'ak'] 'back of knee' Table 3. Distributiou of syllable types Syllable initial medial final Iii vs. 101 rvne syllable s llables syllable C_.CV Inipon! [ni.pon] 'tooth' V /bi.tu.a.non/ Itoposl [jo.pos] 'lungs' ev Ita.su'll Iko.su.la'll lo.kuf C_ C# (togisl [1:".'g-ls] 'sand' ve /ko.on.sok/ Ira.atl Ilokosl [b.'k"s] 'stream' eve Isim.pon! /bu.lun.tun/ /su.sut/ /bi.tu.a.non/ [Bl.!U.'a.mn] 'WIdow' 101 vs. luI Itasu'll ['1a.su'l] 'dog' C_.CV Isolugl ['s".'lug-'] 'trail' /ko.su.la'll [k".su.'la?] 'loofah' /suruk/ [suro];'] 'nape of neck' I?o.ku! ['1".ku] 'r C- C# /kawo'l( [ka.'w,,'l] 'wing' /ko.on.sok/ ['k"."n.s"k'] 'to cook' Itawu'l( Lta.'wu'l] 'ashes' (ra.atl ['ra.ar] 'sea' G. P. Buck

Isim.pon/ ['snn.'p:m] 'short trousers' 4. Distribution of phonemes /bu.lun.tun/ [Bu.lun.jon] 'rainbow' All consonant phonemes occur syllable­ Isu.sut/ [su.'suf] 'below house' initially and syllable-medially (though Ijl is rare in word-initial position). All consonant 3.2 Monosyllabic words phonemes are found syllable-finally, except Single-syllable words have only been 1d3/. found within the minor lexical categories such as pronouns. connectors and focus 4.1 Consonant clusters markers. (These classes also include words Consonant clusters occur at syllable with more than one syllable). No single­ boundaries. They can occur inside a root or syllable nouns (even loan words) have so far across morpheme boundaries as a result of been found. affixation. Various kinds of consonant CVC /'lorn! ['l::>m] 'and,sothat' clusters are represented in the data: CVC /dot/ [cf::>f] 'focus marker' • A nasal followed by its homorganic voiced or voiceless plosive. This type 3.3 Disyllabic words predominates in the data: As mentioned above, disyllabic roots /bambajanan/ [bam.ba.ja.jj-an] 'butterfly' predominate in Tobilung. The most common Igontod/ ['g-on.'jod'] 'heel' syllable pattern is CV.CVC. Others include Itil)gaton/ [!Il).g-a.'jon] 'areca nut' CV.VC, CV.CV and CVC.CVC: CV.CV /'lo.kul ['1::>.\91] 'I' • An alveolar nasal followed by its CV.CVC Isurud/ [su.rud"] 'comb' homorganic fricative or affricate: CV.VC /raat/ ['ra.af] 'sea' Isansagl 'bark of tree' CVC.CVC ltantobl ['!an.'!ob'] 'fence' Ipond3u?1 'turtle'

3.4. Three-syllable words • A voiced plosive followed by a There are a number of syllable patterns voiceless plosive at the same place of that can occur in three-syllable words: articulation: CV.CV.CVC Itakano'll [ta.ka.lno"] 'cooked rice' /mabparan/ [mab'paran-] 'crow' CV.CV.VC Igalaapl [q-a.Ta.ap"] 'wanderer' /potudtur/ [po.jud'.'jur] 'to push' CVC.CV.CVC/til)gaton/ liIl)-.g-a.'!on] 'areca nut' CV.CVC.CVClbuhmtul]1 [6u.1un.'!ul)-]'rainbow' • A voiced alveolar plosive followed by a homorganic fricative: 3.5 Words offour syllables or more /monodsok/ [mo.nodvsok"] 'to poke' There are correspondingly more patterns that can occur with four-syllable words, or 4.2 Vowel clusters more, but these words are relatively rare in Vowels only cluster across syllable occurrence: boundaries. The sequence loaf is not possible CVC.CV.CV.CVC because of the operation of 'vowel /bambajaqan/ [Bam.ba.ja.rj-an] 'butterfly' harmony' . lei has not been found in CV.CV.CVC.CVC combination with other vowels (see 7. Vowel ltananansad/ [ja.na.nan.sad"] 'leopard' harmony) . CV.CV.CV.CVC

Isirurukutl [si.ru.ru/kej"] 'kind of monkey II Table 4. Vowel clusters CV.CVC.CV.CVC Ibolinsakogl [fo.lm.lsa.koq-"] 'shoulder blade' CVC.CV.CV.VC /tobpinee'l/ liob'.pi.'ne.e'l] 'Sibling' CVC.CV.CV.CV.CVC /tompokikiju'll [jom.po.ki.ki.jur] 'dragonfly' A Phonemic Descriptionof the Tobilung Language

The lexical items mentioned above are Off-glides consisting of phonemically as follows: geminate high vowel clusters have also been Itaapl ['!a.ap'] 'roof interpreted as ending in a semivowel. These Imiakl ['mi.a]"] 'kind of oil' words are extremely rare, but again have the Ibiikl ['5Llk'] 'young rat' same duration as unambiguous two-syllable lliosl [IL'::>s] 'louse egg' words. Interpreting the final vowel as a /mo.qi.um/ [mo.q-i.um] 'look for' vowel. nucleus would imply an additional Ipoo?1 ['po.o?] 'thigh' syllable. Interpreted Uninterpreted Iluakl [lu.'ak'] 'back of knee' [nuluw] [nu.'lu"] 'mountain' Iguoll [q-uol] Ipuunl Cpu.un] 5.1.2 Word-medial vowel clusters Iweegl [we.eq'] 'water' Only one example of a word-medial vowel cluster (with two high vowels) has It should be noted that for most of these been found. The second vowel can clearly vowel clusters, there is fair contrast (and not be interpreted as a consonant. Either this sometimes minimal pairs) with the same would result in a syllable without a vowel or vowels separated by a semi-vowel. These a new syllable pattern CYCC. contrasts are clearly recognized by local Interpreted Uninterpreted speakers. [mogium] [mo.q-L'om] 'look for' [lu.lak"] 'back of knee' [lu.wan-] 'hole' [rm.ak"] 'kind of oil' [pL'jak'] 'chick' In words such as the examples below, [li.os] 'louse egg' [ti.jos] 'a boil' interpreting the semivowel as a vowel would [g-u.'ol] 'yam' [q-u.wol] 'mix' imply a third syllable. [mo.g-i.'um] 'look for' [gi.'yuk'] 'worm,9 However such words have the same duration as unambiguous two-syllable words. 5. Interpretation Thus the semi-vowel functions as a syllable margin and is followed by the vowel 5.1 Consonant or vowel interpretation nucleus. Interpreted Uninterpreted 5.1.1 Syllable-final off-glides [kaju?] [ka.'ju?] 'wood' Syllable-final off-glides such as the [tawu"] lta.'wu?] 'ashes,lO examples given below have been interpreted as semivowels. These words are the same 5.2 Vowel interpretation: Unit or length as unambiguous two-syllable words sequence and the off-glides serve as syllable margins. If the off-glide is interpreted as a vowel, this 5.2.1 'Long' vowels in roots requires either the introduction of a new Sometimes a long vowel occurs within a syllable type with a complex vowel nucleus, root word and it would be possible to or that the off-glide becomes the nucleus of interpret such words either as CY.YC or as an additional syllable. CY.C. Words such as those below have the Interpreted Uninterpreted same duration as unambiguous two-syllable [lanaw] [la.jj-a''] 'fly' words. They are fairly uncommon and it is [tanaj] [ja.lna'] 'termite' unnecessary to introduce a new syllable type to account for the data.

9 These two words are not particularly close. In fact 10 Note from the above vowel cluster chart that the Imo.gLum! is the only example found of the sequence sequences 'ou' and 'au' do not occur in the data, but 'iu'. Not a single example of 'ui' is represented in there are many examples of words where the sequence data collected. 'owu' and 'awu' are found. G.P.Buck 10

CV.VC Iweegl [we.eq"] 'water' that occur in word roots. CV.VC lraatl ('ra.af] 'sea' • Using two .shortened' vowels clearly CV.VC Ipoo?1 ['P:l.:l?] 'thigh' delineates the boundary between the morphemes and except in the case of When the sequence consists of two verb roots with initial 'i' or 'u' preserves similar high vowel phonemes, the two the initial vowel of the word root. different allophones of the same phoneme • Using a lengthened vowel would create can clearly be heard, each being the nucleus a new syllable pattern. of a syllable. The presence of two clear CV.VC.CVC sounds is additional evidence for interpreting I?oonsoml [Yo.on.Isom] 'to be sour' the 'long' vowel as CV.Vc. CV.VC.CVC CV.VC Ipuunl ['pu.un] 'tree' /noonsok/ [no.on.lso];"] 'to be already ripe' CV.VC Ibiik! [fii.ik"] 'young rat' CV.CV.V.CVC Inaawi?1 ['na.a.wI?] 'to be finished' Kroeger (1993) says that in Kimaragang CV.VC.CVC 'the glottal plosive can never be inserted /keenton/ ['ke.EU.'!:lIJ-] 'to be able to see' between elements of a vowel cluster in 5.3 Consonant cluster or unit words such as Itoolu?1'pestle' and the vowel interpretation sequence is scarcely longer than a simple N / Consonant clusters always constitute an in normal speech'. However, in Tobilung, ambiguous homorganic sequence. However, the two vowels are sometimes separated by a consonant clusters are not found word­ glottal and in such cases these vowel initially, so they have been interpreted as sequences cannot be analysed as long sequences. vowels. Such words always consist of a Igontodl 'heel' prefix and verb root. /tinqaton/ 'areca nut' Ito?olu?1 [j:l."hlu?] 'pestle' Isansagl 'bark of tree' Glottals separating geminate vowels do /mabparan/ 'crow' not occur in roots or between verb roots and 5.4 Syllable interpretation following affixes in Tobilung. If the two consonants either side of the 5.2.2 Contiguous dissimilar vowels in syllable boundary in the words below were roots included before the syllable break this would Similar arguments apply to non­ contravene the syllable onset rule and create geminate vowel clusters. In words such as a new syllable type CVCC. If the two those below, the two vowels have similar consonants were included after the syllable weight and should therefore be interpreted as break, a new syllable type CCVC would be nuclei of adjoining syllables rather than one created and as consonant clusters never syllable with a glide: occur word-initially, the word-initial onset Iluak! [lu.ak'] 'back of knee' rule would also be broken. Isansagl '['san.'sag-'] 'bark of tree' IguoIl [q-u.lol] 'yam' Isimponl ['snn.'p:ln] 'short trousers' 5.2.3 Contiguous 'shortened' vowels Imogkukutl [m:>g-".1>u.'1>uf] 'to scratch' Affixation gives rise to sequences of 6. Morphophonemics 'shortened' vowels in Tobilung. These have This section gives some preliminary all been interpreted as vowel sequences for comments about morphophonemic processes the following reasons: seen in verbs. • They occur only in the context of Vowel harmony and neutralization are affixation and can therefore be also operative as a bi-product of affixation distinguished from the 'long' vowels and are described in the next section. The A Phonemic Description ofthe Tobilung lAnguage 11 prefixes ImoNI and /kol have been examined. below show the application of these rules. The data is phonemic. (See 7. Vowel Harmony.)

6.1 The ImoNI prefix Table 6. Formation of verbs with the The 'N' symbolizing the nasal ImoN/prefix consonant in the prefix ImoNI assimilates to Verb Meaning Final form the point of articulation of the root, creating root allomorphs. Note that in some cases a further kogos 'to tie' moNkogos /mo.no.qos/ adjustment is necessary. ?irak 'to laugh' moNirak /mo.ni.rak/ wonsoj 'to make' moNwonsoj Imo.mon.soj/ Table 5. The ImoNI prefix pataj 'to kill' moNpataj Ima.ma.tajl sigup 'to smoke' moNsigup Imo.ni.gupt tolon 'to swallow' moNtolon Imo.no.lonl gamit 'to catch' moNgamit /ma.na.qa.mit/ ruba? 'to meet' moNmba /mo.no.tu.bav/

N.B.: It is not only the epenthetic vowel which can be affected by vowel harmony as can be seen from the examples of Ipatajl and IgarnitJ. (See 7.Vowel harmony.) In most cases the nasal absorbs the original initial root consonant. However, in 6.2 The /ko! prefix the case of Ig/, Id/, III and Ir/, an epenthetic When the Ikol prefix meets an initial vowel follows the nasal IfJl and the initial consonant (except a glottal) in the following consonant is retained. In the table above, '0' verb root, there is no change to the root. represents the epenthetic vowel and 'C' the However, when the initial root consonant is initial root consonant. The underlying form !?I changes are triggered as shown in the of the vowel is 101 but with vowel harmony following table. the 101may become Ia!. The verb examples

Table 7. The /kol prefix Prefix Initial root Final Changes in prefix and verb root nhoneme form /ko/ + any consonant ~ /kol No change excent lottal /ko/ + /fo/ ~ /ko.ol The initial glottal of verb root is lost. The tolin the prefix and the 101in the verb root are both shorter than normal. /ko/ + /fa! ~ /ka.al The initial glottal of the verb root is lost. The tolin the prefix becomes Ia! because of the operation of vowel harmony (See 7. Vowel Harmony). Both the prefix vowel and the initial vowel in the root are shorter than normaI. /ko/ + nv ~ /ke.e/ The initial glottal of the verb root is lost. The 101in the prefix becomes lei.It seems that the front vowel in the verbrootpuJIs the back vowel in the prefix forward. In addition the Iii becomes more 0 en. Both vowels are shorter than normal. /ko/ + nul ~ /ko.o/ The initial glottal of the verb root is lost. The lui in the verb root becomes 101.In this case it seems that the verb root vowel assimilates to the prefix vowel. Both vowels are shorter than normal. G. P. Buck 12

Examples of each type follow: this language. (See 8. Neutralization for comments on the term 'neutral vowel'). The Table 8. Formation of verbs with the tko/preflX following examples show that when the Ian! suffix is added to the root verb, then Verbr~ot Meaning Finalfonn preceding 101.vowels are changed to Ia!. Ikito?1 'can see' lko.ki.to?1 (Other changes caused by the addition of the I?olosl 'can borrow' /ko.o.los/ suffix are not discussed in this section.) I?akan! 'can eat' /ka.a.kan! Ikokotl + Ian!...... /ka.ka.tan/ 'to bite' I?inuml 'can drink' Ike.e.numl I?olosl + Ian! ...... naJa.san! 'to borrow' l?uli?1 'can return' lko.oJi'll This explains why the vowel sequence The fmal form is basically phonemic loa! does not occur, nor the sequence 10Ca!, data with the addition of syllable breaks. (where 'C' represents any consonant). There are also two other prefixes, 101for the stative verb, and Inokol (the past form of 7.2 High vowels do not change to Ial /ko/), which behave in the same way. High vowels are not affected by vowel Some affixation in Tobilung involves harmony, as can be seen from the following prefixes and affixes. 'The place where examples: something takes place' is formed by a prefix Ipigisl + Ian! ...... Ipi.gi.san! 'to cut' Ipol and a suffix lanl. The prefix behaves as Isunsubl + Ian!...... /sun.su.ban/ 'to chase' the !kol prefix just discussed, whilst the Ian! suffix can trigger vowel harmony and 7.3 High vowels block the spread of vowel neutralization which are discussed in the harmony next section. High vowels also block the spread of Finally there are many forms of the verb vowel harmony. In the following examples, that combine affixation with reduplication although there is an 101 to the left of the Ia! such as: vowel, the intervening high vowel prevents Ikoririkotf [1p.'ri.ri.!pn 'has just come' the spreading of the Ia! vowel from right to ko ri - rikot left. ko - REDUP - 'come' II lolit)! + Ian! 1?0.li.l)an! 'to forget' I?owitf + Ian! I?o.wi.tan! 'to carry' Imibooboros/[mi.6:).:).'6:).r:)s]'talktoeachother' mi - boo boros 7.4 Ial 101 mi - REDUP _ 'talk' vowels do not change to by a process of vowel harmony /dudumaqan/ [du.du.ma.q-an] 'seller' It can be seen from the following du - du - rna _ gang12 examples with the suffix Ion! that the 101 REDUP urn - 'sell' vowel cannot spread from right to left through vowel harmony. Ia! vowels do 7. Vowel harmony however change to 101 by another mechanism. (See 8. Neutralization.) 7.1 Vowel 101 changes to Ial I?akan! + Ion! na.ka.non! 'to eat' Vowel harmony causes the 'neutral Isakajl + Ion! Isa.ka.jon! 'to go up' vowel' 101 to change to the low vowella! in 7.5 The effect of morphophonemics on vowel harmony II REDUP: Here means reduplication of the first root In section 6.2 morphophonemic changes syllable. Often there is also lengthening of the vowel as in the second example. resulting from the addition of the !kol prefix were considered. Although with affixation 12Therootis'dagang'andthereisaninfIx'um'.The reduplication then consists of the first letter of the root the initial vowel of the root is shortened, it plusthe'u'fromtheinfIx. nevertheless triggers vowel harmony in the A Phonemic Description ofthe Tobilung Language 13 prefix as can be seen from the following For the purposes of this paper 101will be examples: regarded as the neutral or unmarked vowel. /kol +nakan!-> /ka.a.kan/ 'to be able to eat' Inokol + nakan! -> Ina.ka.a.kanl'to have eaten' 8.2 Where neutralization does and does Inokol + nanu?1 -> Ina.ka.a.nu?/'to have taken' not occur Although Ia! vowels cannot change to 7.6 The effect of geminate vowel clusters 101 through vowel harmony, a process which on vowel harmony Kroeger (1993) has called 'neutralization' Geminate vowel clusters in the root are does in special circumstances have this not affected by vowel harmony as can be effect. Neutralization occurs with verb roots seen by the following example. which have penultimate vowel Ia! and a Iwoog! + Ian! -> two.o.'ganl 'to wash' different final vowel. In this process, the However, when geminate vowel clusters penultimate and any preceding Ia! vowels are found across morpheme boundaries as a become 10/. The examples below show that result of affixation, vowel harmony does this is not a spreading phenomenon and operate: therefore is not blocked by high intervening /ko/+/omot/+/anl->/ka.a.ma.tanl'harvestfestival' vowels. With high vowels it can be seen in the presence of any suffix, not just Ion!: In an unpublished paper (1994) Italibl + Ian! lto.lL'ban! 'to pass' regarding vowel harmony and neutralization Igamit/ + lonl -> Igo.mi.'tonl 'to catch' in Kimaragang and Murut, Kroeger says, 'It appears to be quite uncommon for rules of With final vowel 101the neutralization of Vowel Harmony to exhibit Geminate the preceding Ia! can be observed with the Inalterability effects.' He further makes the Ion! suffix. However, because vowel point that 'this Geminate Inalterability effect harmony takes place after neutralization, the holds only for "true geminates", i.e. effect of neutralization cannot be observed morpheme-internal geminates. It does not once the Ian! suffix is added. The following hold true for clusters in which a morpheme examples demonstrate this: boundary separates the two.' nindakodl + lonl ---> l?in.do.ko.'donl 'to sit down' 8. Neutralization l?indakodl + lanl ---> l?in.da.ka.'danl 'to sit down'

8.1 The neutral vowel in Tobilung The next examples show that The neutral vowel (or the one which neutralization does not occur when the seems to be phonologically unmarked) is 101 second vowel is also Ia!. Hypothetically, the in Tobilung, as also in Kimaragang. Kroeger vowel might be neutralized, but as with the (1994) adduces various strands of evidence example of final 10/, vowel harmony for this, including the fact that 'non-high obliterates the effect: prefix vowels and the epenthetic vowel are Isakajl + ltml >» /sa.ka.jon/ 'to go up' 101 unless subject to Vowel Harmony. A /pataj/ + lonl---> /pa.ta.jon/ 'to kill' third piece of evidence is simply the fact that Vowel Harmony changes 101to Ia! in Dusun. In summary, the examples demonstrate (As seen in the previous section Ia! cannot that where the second vowel is non-low, become 101by this means. This could be neutralization is observed in surface forms; taken as evidence that Ia! is in some sense where it is low, no neutralization is seen. "stronger" than 101 in Dusun, while the reverse holds true in Murut. However, there 8.3 Neutralization and rule-ordering is a danger of circularity in this line of To arrive at the correct form, it is reasoning.') necessary to apply the rule of neutralization first and then changes arising from vowel G.P.Buck harmony. The example demonstrates how, number with penultimate stress. There is no hypothetically, there is an intermediate stage obvious phonological reason for this where neutralization has been applied, but variation. the form is incorrect: Isarupl [sa'rop'] 'wind' I?indakod! + Ian! --> *I?indokodan! /tanaj/ Ua.'naj] 'termite' Iradu71 [ra.'au7] 'plough' The vowel harmony changes must be /lopod! ['b.'p::ld'] 'ten,13 added before the correct form is realized: I?indakod! + Ian! --> I?in.da.ka. 'dan! 'to sit down' but: /tasu?/ ['ja.su7] 'dog' If neutralization were applied after the vowel harmony changes had been made, then 9.1.2 Words with more than two the result would be incorrect: syllables *I?indokadan! Three syllable words exhibit less variation. In many words the main stress is 9. Suprasegmentals on the last syllable with secondary stress on the first syllable. 9.1 Stress /tombologl [jom.bo'loq-"] 'bird' The following comments on stress /buluntun/ [bu.lun.jinj-] 'rainbow' placement must be regarded as provisional /tulunanl [ju.lunan] 'pillow' and are descriptive rather than explanatory. /loligkag/ [hhg'.'kaI]-] 'interesting' Stress is not phonemic in Tobilung. It is realized primarily by a slight lengthening of Words with additional syllables also the relevant syllable and secondarily a usually have primary stress on the final change in pitch and volume. Words have syllable. but secondary stress may be on the been examined in isolation and in various first or second syllable. frames. Sentence stress tends to flatten the /monodulai" [,rno.q-o.du/lai'] 'to stick out word stress. the tongue' /sosodopon/ [so.so.dapon] 'aftemoon' 9.1.1 Bisyllabic Words /barnbajaijan/ [,6am.baja.'I]-an] 'butterfly' In CVVC words, where the same vowel (even a different phone) is repeated, the 9.2 Intensification stress is invariably on the penultimate Length, pitch and loudness together are syllable. : quite often used to intensify meaning. The /deen/ ['cfe.eg] 'beetle leaf second example in each pair shows /puun/ ['pu.un] 'tree' intensification in meaning: Note that the Ibiikl ['6i.lk'] 'young rat' position of stress in the word may be affected by the intensification. In CVVC words where the vowels are /loodi?/ [?::l.::l.'UI?] different most words have final stress. nooodi71 ['h::l.:J.UI?] /lios/ [lt.os] 'louse egg' nanaru?/ [?a.na.'ru?'] 'long' /luak! [lu.lak"] 'back of knee' /lanaaaru7/ [?a.'na.a.a.ru7] 'extremely long' In CVCCVC words, stress is generally !1alagkasaj/ [la.lag-.ka.'saj] 'be quick' equal on each of the syllables. !1alaaagkasaj/ [la.lan-i'ka.a.saj] 'hurry up! , /tantobl ['jan.'j::lb'] 'fence' Igontod! ['g-::m.'j::ld'] 'heel'

In CVCVC words, many words have 13 However when counting, the emphasis is often on final stress, but there are a significant the penultimate syllable, especially if it is the final itemofaseries. A PhonemicDescription oftke Tobilung Language

References

Hutchinson, G. (1991). Tobilung Phonology of Sabah Languages. Sabah Museum (unpublished). Monograph no 4. Eds. Michael E Boutin and Inka Pekkanen. Kadazan Dusun Cultural Association, Sabah. (1995). Kadazan Dusun-Malay-Englisli Kroeger, Paul R. (1994). Vowel Harmony, Dictionary Neutralization and Inalterability in Dusun v Murut (unpublished). Kroeger, Paul R. (1993). Kimaragang Phonemics. Phonological Descriptions Philippine Journal ofLinguistics 40 (2009) 17-32

Power and Politeness: Social Interaction in Philippine Higher Education Classrooms

Mabelle P. Victoria The Open University United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected]

Key words: power, politeness, higher education discourse

1. Introduction transmission by speech is the only one which is felt to be an unconditional This study examines naturally imperative"(p.2l). occurring classroom discourse as it shapes In the Philippine context, it is and is shaped by the power and social claimed that classroom culture tends to be relations between professors and students. highly teacher-centred and authoritarian As Bourdieu and Passeron (1994, p.19) (Licuanan, 2009). Teachers are viewed as argue, the school is a "universe of the "supreme authority" whose words are language" where professors are expected accepted by the students as the "gospel to enforce classroom rules. Their words, truth" Tiongson (2009). However, as data it has been argued, are "not made to be excerpts will illustrate, this 'supreme believed but to be obeyed and to compel authority' is often mitigated and exercised obedience" (Deleuze & Guattari, 1988, p. with a great deal of concern placed on the 76). By virtue of their status, age, skill and protection and preservation of the authority to assign grades (Rees-Miller, students' face. 2000, 1995, p.1095), they are sanctioned by the institution to present and insist on a 1.1 Theoretical framework particular way of thinking and acting in the world and then demand a display of This paper draws on insights from this particular way of thinking and acting. pragmatically informed discourse analysis They determine the topics for discussion, and interactional sociolinguistics. It uses distribute speaking rights, and regulate the Brown and Levinson's (1987) face-saving amount of speaking time (Swann 2009, p. model of politeness as a preliminary 205). Indeed, Bourdieu and Passeron descriptive framework against which (1994) add, "of all the professorial duties, empirical evidence has been contrasted. M.P. Victoria 18

Brown and Levinson's politeness the need to save face. The politeness theory revolves around the notion of face, theory encompasses four super strategies, a concept borrowed from Goffman (1967), ordered according to the seriousness of the which refers to the public self-image of all face-threatening act that speakers can rational adults in social interaction. It is employ when they have the occasion to claimed that everybody has face and face perform an act contrary to the positive and needs, which can be positive or negative. negative face needs of the hearer. A positive face need is the desire to be [1] Do the face-threatening act well thought of, liked and admired by on-record, baldly without redress, others; a negative face need is the desire which means being direct and to act freely, unimpeded and not to be unambiguous such as a professor saying to imposed upon by others. a student, "This kind of academic writing The face-saving model of is not acceptable." politeness, as presented by Brown and [2] Do the face-threatening act Levinson, presupposes that face is always with positive politeness, which means at risk of being lost or threatened; thus, it using language that preserves group is considered in everyone's interest to belonging and common ground. For maintain each other's face by avoiding the example, the use of 'we' in "We should performance of face-threatening acts. discuss how we can improve this essay" Face-threatening acts refer to actions of not only mitigates negative feedback but the speaker that are contrary to the includes both professor and student in the positive and negative face needs of the activity. addressee. Positive politeness strategies [3] Do the face-threatening act means using language to mitigate the with negative politeness, which entails speech acts that threaten the positive face the use of redressive language addressed needs of the addressee (e.g., when to the hearer's negative face or the need to disagreeing, saying "guys, are you sure be freed from imposition. A professor about your answer?" instead of an outright might tell a student, "I know you're really disagreement like "1 disagree."). To use busy and have several articles to work on, positive politeness means to invoke but the office requires a re-submission by belonging and shared common ground. next Friday." Negative politeness strategies involve the [4] Do the face-threatening use of language that conveys the speaker's act off-record, which can entail indirectly wish to minimise imposition and respect criticising the student's work without the addressee's need to be free from committing one's self to the act of imposition (e.g., when requesting, saying criticising. The professor might say "I "1 was wondering if you might have a imagine you've been really busy with minute to... ). In other words, to be your part-time job" instead of addressing linguistically polite means to use the poor quality of the student's essay expressions that soften any form of directly. communication that might threaten the There is a fifth strategy, "Do not positive face and the negative face needs do the face-threatening act," but because of the addressee. of the difficulty in knowing· when speakers refrain from performing a face­ 1.2 Face-threatening acts threatening act, it will not be the concern of this study. There are times when the need to Although Brown & Levinson's perform a face-threatening act outweighs politeness theory has been criticized on Power and Politeness in Philippine Higher Education

various grounds (see Driscoll, 2007; mitigated language when addressing less Arundale, 2006; Watts, 2003; Eelen, powerful hearers. Indeed, Holmes and 2001; Culpeper, 1996; Meier, 1995; Stubbe (2003, p. 40), drawing from their Nwoye, 1992; Gu, 1990; Matsumoto, study of workplace interactions, state that 1989), it has been found to be useful in those with institutional power and this study. Its comprehensive lexico­ authority try to achieve a balance between grammatical framework allowed for a getting their subordinates to do a good job detailed micro-analysis and served as a and showing consideration for their powerful tool for sharpening the analytic subordinates' feelings. Koester (2006, p. eye. 115), in her corpus analysis of workplace discourse, maintains that "getting 2. Related literature: The interplay someone to perform an action creates a between power and politeness in discursive imbalance which the language discursively dominant speaker often seems to try to offset by using relational This article explores the strategies (00')'" discursively and interactionally Other studies highlight how the constructed manifestations of power use of linguistic politeness negotiates which in Brown & Levinson's (1987) symmetry and asymmetry, thus re-shaping view is "the degree to which individuals power relations between interactants. can impose their plans and self-evaluation Takano (2004), in a study of nine at the expense of other people's plans and employment settings in Japan, reported self-evaluation" (p. 77). It is suggested that Japanese women in positions of that the difference in power between power constantly switched between speaker and hearer will influence their powerful and less powerful speech to discursive practices. For example, those in achieve specific interactional goals. If more powerful positions will have less they wanted cooperation, for instance, need for polite or redressed language they invoked solidarity and collegiality when talking to those with less power; but when rules needed to be enforced, those with less power will tend to use they called upon institutional power. heavily mitigated language when Vine's (2004) findings about female addressing those who are considerably managers and employees in a New higher in rank, status or authority. Zealand workplace indicate that social distance and power are constantly The complex interplay between power and politeness has been extensively negotiated. Holmes and Stubbe (2003) and Holmes, Stubbe and. Vine (1999) drew explored within workplace and from a corpus of varied workplace institutional settings. As Fairclough (1992, encounters to describe how polite p. 204) asserts, the manifestations of language is used to mitigate power in the power and status are at their sharpest in workplace. Diamond (1996), using data formal interactions. Although Brown and from a psychotherapy training Levinson (1987) claim that the more organisation in Switzerland, argued that powerful interlocutor will tend to use politeness can be used to achieve more direct and less polite language towards power (p. 73). It is claimed that subordinates, several studies provide evidence to the contrary. In her individuals who want to seek or maintain power might choose to present an outward investigation into British courtrooms and police stations, Harris (2003) found that appearance of being concerned and respectful of other people's feelings, when people in powerful positions use heavily M.P. Victoria 20

in fact they have self-serving ulterior concerned with building rapport and motives. As Holmes, Stubbe and Vine solidarity. (1999, p. 355) suggest, politeness can be It is of relevance in this article to deployed to mask a manipulative, note that, whereas Rees-Miller (2000, transactional goal. 1995) focussed on naturally occurring Although there is a wealth of data, Morand (2000,1996) and Dogancay­ power and politeness studies in workplace Aktuna & Kamisli (1996) analysed contexts, there seems to be a conspicuous elicited data. It can be argued that lack of research activity exploring higher performing face-threatening acts while education discourse. At the time of doing aro1e play or filling out self-report writing, there is none involving Philippine questionnaires might not be an accurate contexts to my knowledge. Two studies reflection of how the participants actually that are most similar to the current one but speak. There might be a difference show contradictory findings are those of between what people say in real life and Rees-Miller's (2000, 1995) and Morand's what they think they should say in (2000, 1996). Rees-Miller investigated hypothetical situations. As Morand (1996) linguistic markers that are used to soften states, "performing a face-threatening act and strengthen disagreements in an toward a potentially reactive face may American university. Her results show cause speakers to express more politeness that 'high power' professors used than they did toward the imagined face in linguistic markers of politeness more the experiment" (p. 552). frequently than 'low power' students even To sum up, the previous studies in cases of disagreements. Morand reviewed above suggest that first, power is explored the linguistic realization of the constantly 'worked on' in institutional effects of power differential using data discourse (whether asserted, softened, from 84 American university students. downplayed or subverted); second, its The students were asked to engage in four negotiation and linguistic realization often role plays and perform face-threatening involve politeness strategies which serve acts while interacting with a hypothetical to mitigate face-threatening acts. other. The findings, consistent with Brown and Levinson's model, showed 3. Method that speakers with less power tend to be more linguistically polite compared to The data being analysed here is speakers with higher relative power; those part of a larger corpus involving 25 hours with more power were less linguistically of classroom observation (12 hours MA polite when interacting with lower power classes, 13 hours undergraduate) from addressees. four higher education institutions (two Dogancay-Aktuna and Kamisli universities and two colleges) in the (1996), in their research involving 80 Philippines collected in May 2008. To native speakers of Turkish, used gather data, a fly-on-the wall, non­ questionnaires as their main data participant observer approach was collection tool. Their study showed how adopted. Two voice digital recorders, hypothetical professors, without feeling which are no bigger than the average any need for redressive action, used direct mobile phone and therefore quite language when disagreeing and correcting inconspicuous, were used to record mistakes of lower status interlocutors. spoken discourse. One was placed on top These professors were also claimed to be of the teacher's desk and the other one was positioned where the researcher was Power and Politeness in Philippine Higher Education

seated. The audio recordings were space limitations, this paper focusses only transcribed upon completion of data on three undergraduate classes, shown collection and then analysed using Brown below, which were each observed on two and Levinson's lexico-grammatical occasions. model, shown in Appendix I. Due to

Figure 1. Overview of the classes observed

Subject Student profile PI (Professor I) Literature 14 S (students): 7 Males, 7 Females Male Age: 16-20

P2 Female Academic Writing 14 S: 13 Males, I Female Age: 16-20

P3 Female Patient Care & 41 S: 6 Males, 35 Females Nutrition Age: 16-20

PI and P2 teach in UPM, a private 4. Results and discussion university located in urban ; P3 teaches for CPN, a private college in Bald on-record elicitation the city outskirts (names are pseudonyms). sequences, as shown in Table 1, Table 2 PI and P2 used a discussion type and Table 3 below, were used most discovery approach, while P3 preferred a frequently by all three professors. This is lecture format. During the two visits, PI's to be expected considering the class was discussing a classic novel and a institutional context of the discourse. As selection of English poems. P2 was using Dalton-Puffer and Nikula (2006) claim, an article on water conservation to teach students how to write an argumentative transmission and/or co­ essay. During the first observation, P3 construction of knowledge gave a lecture on patient care; in the is so central to the second visit, she talked about nutrition. teacher's job description The unit of analysis was based on that there are two acts of the concept of 'elicitation sequence' interpersonal which in the current study is a completed communication which are interaction sequence between professors completely sanctioned by and students consisting of a directive in the purpose of the the form of a question and the institution: giving accompanying response. Due to the information and demanding institutional nature of the discourse, it can information about the be argued that a question is a type of student's state of mind or directive demanding an action in the form state of knowledge. (p. of a response (Dalton-Puffer & Nikula, 244) 2006, p. 243). When teachers want a display of knowledge, they use bald on-record questions. For example, they ask "What is M.P. Victoria 22

the capital of the Philippines" rather than form of homework, the professors in the mitigating the utterance with something study invoked a mixture of positive and like "I was wondering if perhaps you negative politeness strategies, albeit more could .... " However, when performing of the former. I return to this point later potentially face-threatening acts such as with excerpts from the data for correcting a mistake, checking for illustration. understanding and giving orders in the

Table 1: Professor 1, UPM rolitenessstrategies N 0/0 Bald on Record 139 71 Mitigated with Positive Politeness 48 24 Mitigated with Negative Politeness 10 5

Total number of elicitation sequences 197 100

Table 2: Professor 2, UPM Politeness strategies N % Bald on Record 71 42 Mitigated with Positive Politeness 63 37 Mitigated with Negative Politeness 35 21

Total number of elicitation sequences 169 100

Table 3: Professor 3, CPN Politeness strategies N % Bald on Record 24 42 Mitigated with Positive Politeness 12 37 Mitigated with Negative Politeness 21

Total number of elicitation sequences 38 100

As shown above, positive least number of elicitation sequences politeness follows bald on-record as the because of the lecture format of the class. most preferred strategy to mitigate face­ Humour was extensively used in threatening acts. Negative politeness was PI's class, with intensifying interest and the least preferred strategy. P3 has the using in-group identity markers as the second and third preferred strategy. All 15 Power and Politeness in Philippine Higher Education 23

of Brown and Levinson's positive 4.1 Illustrative examples: Performing politeness strategies were present in P2's and mitigating face-threatening acts class with humour. avoiding disagreement and noticing/attending to H as the three In this section, selected excerpts most frequently used. P3' s most frequent from the data demonstrate how the strategies were giving the gift of sympathy professors in the study protect their and avoiding disagreement. students' faces by mitigating potentially Brown and Levinson identified 10 face-threatening actions such as error negative politeness strategies as shown in correction, checking for understanding Appendix 1, however, only three types and giving homework. Transcription were found in the data as used by the conventions are found in Appendix 2. professors: be conventionally indirect, question/hedge and minimize the Example 1 Correcting a mistake imposition. This probably reflects the relative informality of the classes (further The example below illustrates how evidenced by the use of humour as a PI, a male professor, typically corrects a positive politeness strategy). As Holmes 'mistake' in his class. PI was asking a (1995, p. 20) claims, negative politeness student (S1), a male, about his strategies are used more often in formal interpretation of a poem. situations, whereas positive politeness devices tend to occur in intimate and more informal situations.

SI erm, I think it's the sunset PI sunset? Sl because erm the stars that shine on Milky Way it symbolises the sun rise or sun = 4 P =sun? 5 SI it says "along the margin of a bay so it's setting = 6 P =what's setting 7 Sl =the sun 8 P the sun is setting, 9 Sl 'they stretched in never-ending line' means the rays of the sun? 10 P wait, so would you say they stretched, the sun's rays? What is 'they?' 11 S2 flowers? 12 P huh? 13 S2 flowers? 14 P the FLOWERS! 'they' is the flowers righfl 'stretched in never- 15 ending line' what what is 'continuous as the stars' literally what? 16 S2 the daffodils 17 P the flowers again! Qk?

PI's utterance in line 2 sunset is an 'notice/attend to H'). It can also be PI's implied challenge to Sl's interpretation way of giving Sl a chance to change his using 'lexical repetition' which, according answer. From SI 's justification in line 3, to Brown and Levinson (1987, p. 112), it can be inferred that he took PI's can be used to stress interest and to show repetition as a challenge. In lines 4, 6 and that one has heard correctly (strategy 1 9, PI continues without giving the correct M.P. Victoria

answer. In lines 11 and 16, 82 gives the instead re-voiced S3's answer in line 2. correct interpretation and PI confirms that He added the question word why to the correct answer is flowers. PI's tag scaffold the student to the more correct questions right? in line 14 and ok? in line answer, but was just met with silence in 17 are positive politeness devices, that of line 3. To save 83's face, PI in line 5 seeking agreement. PI then asks the acknowledges and partially agrees with students to interpret the figurative use of 83's reply with a hedged but it's more wealth in the poem, but as can be seen than just that. below, he did not offer a correction but

83 pleasure? PI pleasure? why? 83 (silence) (.3) PI ok when you see something nice, sure, pleasure but it's more than just that

Immediately after having interaction with a positive politeness committed face-threatening acts when redress: correcting 81 and 83 above, PI closed the

PI what do you call that a memory candy or something your happy candy your thought candy or something, it's something he can pull out of his memory bank when he's getting low or feeling bored, think back, do you ggyg do that? (referring to 81 and 83)

PI used several markers of about their happy candy (lines 3 and 4 positive politeness: in-group language or above). slang (memory/happy candy), thereby claiming common ground; use of you guys Example 2 Checking for which presupposes familiarity softening a understanding face-threatening act, use of vague language (or something) which relies on Teachers often check to make sure the "inevitable association with shared that students have understood a particular knowledge" (p.lll) and bald on-record topic before moving on to the next lesson. think back which carries an intimate, Oftentimes this is done in a swift familiar tone. Bringing up the topic of straightforward manner (e.g., memory candy is another positive "understood?" or "is that clear?" or "are politeness strategy - 'to seek agreement you with me so far?") before the next by raising safe topics' (p. 112). Evidence topic or activity is introduced. However, that the above positive politeness as the extract below illustrates, P3 needed strategies were meant to be restorative is to make sure that the students had full seen when PI nominated Sl and 83, understanding of the lesson. whose interpretations he corrected, to talk

P3 I just hope you know 'TENACIOUS.' Baka «maybe» you write it there without knowing it. Naintindihan nyo? «Do you understands) Kasi po mahirap talaga. «Because po it is really difficult». You need to know this by heart. Power and Politeness in Philippine Higher Education

P3 had just finished reading a higher social status and authority, so by section from an overhead transparency using po, she is conveying off-record containing the word tenacious. She was sarcasm (Brown & Levinson, 1987, p. making sure that the students knew what it 220), which P3 confmned in an informal meant. Her tone, which to me sounded chat after class. In line 2, P3' s question sarcastic and disapproving, is lexically Naiintinindihan ninyo ito (Do you signalled by the use of the respect particle understand?) is quite direct because of the po in line 3. Po is used to show distance pronoun 'you.' In the extract below, P3 towards people the speaker does not know uses Naiintinindihan ninyo ito three times. well or as a form of deference to those She used 'why' six times with an irritated who are older or with higher social and frustrated tone. status/authority. P3 is older and with

P3 WHY, WHY do you need to know these things? Ss (silence) P3 why, WHY nursing diagnosis facilitates quality care? Ss (silence) P3 WHY WHY do you think? what's nursing diagnosis? NAAINTINDIHANNINYO BA? Why, NAINTINDIHANNINYO BA? «do you understandr) «do you understand") Ss (silence) P3 (looking, with raised eyebrows, specifically at one student) S1 (stands up) Assessment is important J2.Q,. Para makapag-plan. «In order to make a plan» 10 P3 OK exactly! diagnosis will lead to a plan. Naiintindihan ninyo? «do you understand") 11 Ss Opo Yes (mixed)

P3's repetition of why and tone of lack of consideration for the addressee's voice can be inferred as a demand for an feelings and wants. This interpretation, answer which threatens the students' however, needs to be understood in the positive and negative face. She light of the surrounding context. P3 was downgraded the face-threatening act from very disappointed with the students' poor line 1 which is a very general question performance in an exam which had been (Why do you need to know these things) to given a few days before data collection. being more specific in line 3 (why, WHY The implications of the exam results are nursing diagnosis facilitates quality serious - for one, the students might not care?) to line 5 hedged by think (WHY qualify for professional certification; more WHY do vou think?) She eventually importantly, patients' lives can be reduced the difficulty of the question to a endangered if students make grave what (what's nursing diagnosis ?). mistakes. P3 had emphasised to the The lack of response from the students the importance of asking students is face-threatening to P3 and her questions, which explains the face­ outburst is a threat to the positive face of threatening, emotionally loaded stance of the students. According to Brown and naiintindihan nyo? «do you Levinson (1987, p. 66), expression of out­ understandvj). It can be inferred that P3 of-control emotions is face-threatening to used impoliteness strategically to the addressee, indicating the speaker's emphasise a point, which she probably M.P. Victoria 26

thought was more important than face- class illustrate that the speech act of saving. giving an order is a complicated four-step process. Based on the level of mitigation, Example 3 Giving homework it can be inferred that P2 considers giving a three-page essay for homework to be a Giving homework is part of the threat to the students' negative face (the teachers' job. Students expect and are need to be freed from imposition). expected to do school assignments outside of the class hours. The excerpts from P2's

Step 1 Paving the ground for a face-threatening act

P2 so, question, 'am I going to write a ten-page essay for my argumentative essay to persuade?' the answer is no, ok? S ok twenty? (in a light-hearted tone) Ss (laughter) P2 (laughs) NOT twenty, twenty is already a research paper Ss (laughter)

Line 1 above illustrates P2's use of negative politeness strategy 4 'minimise linguistic resources to attend to the the size of the imposition' (which will negative and positive face wants of her become clearer in the next extract). In students. By using active voicing 'am I effect, she has already redressed the face­ going to write .. .' she is presupposing to threatening act even before verbalising it. know what her students' concerns are P2 proceeds to deliver her face threatening (positive politeness strategy 9). Her choice directive: of the word ten (ten-page essay) is

Step 2 Redressing face-threatening acts

P2 I want you to write MAY::BE between a three to five page essay, depends on how heavy your topic was. some people have very difficult topics, some people have easier ones ok? erm so we will start 10 doing the writing next week so I want you to start getting getting the 11 books so that Monday I want you to have the books with you. the only 12 way to write at all is for you to have the books first ok? so tomorrow 13 read pages 158 to 160 that's what we will discuss. ~ 14 we'll end a little bit earlier cuz it's any way a Friday erm ok?

In line 7, P2 says that it is not a ten minimised and hedged by the use of but actually a three to five page essay that maybe. In line 13, she gives a bald on­ she wants the students to write, so the record order (read page 158 to 160) which 'imaginary' huge imposition (ten-page signals that she considers the reading essay) in line I has already been assignment not face-threatening at all. In Power and Politeness in Philippine Higher Education

lines 13 and 14 (1hope we'll end ...Friday) politeness strategy 14 'assume or assert she uses positive politeness strategy 10 reciprocity' is also contained in lines 13 'give an offer or promise.' According to and 14 by 'fulfilling H's want for some X' Brown and Levinson (1987, p. 125), (p. 129). P2 can thus be said to have speakers may stress their cooperation with satisfied her students' positive face want the hearers by claiming that whatever it is by giving them gifts of sympathy, the hearers want, they want for them too understanding and cooperation. and will help to obtain it. So, P2 is After line 14, there is a question presupposing that the students would like from one of the students about when the to go home earlier on a Friday and she can assignment is due (not included in this help make this possible. Positive article). P2 then continues:

Step 3 The penultimate blow: Negotiating symmetry

21 P2 I'm .i.!!§Ltalking about what~ will do tomorrow. It's~ one short 22 essay, three page which I assume we will finish MUCH faster

23 the ten-page~ did today right? ok ? and I want you to start getting 24 your sources so that on Monday ~ have time to take notes in class ok 25 YOU CAN actually start taking notes erm at home on Saturday

26 Sunday while I labour checking your test papers ok coz I still have not 27 finished the (coughs) 28 the short seat work I gave so maybe two or three more and then your 29 actual essays. I normally spend my weekends checking ok (laughs)

Lines 21 to 29 are interspersed just two times in line 21 is a negative with the inclusive pronoun we, thus politeness device aimed at minimising the attending to the solidarity needs of the imposition. Lines 26 and 29 can be students. As Brown and Levinson (p. 127) interpreted as positive politeness strategy using an inclusive 'we' form when 9 'assume and assert reciprocity' (p. 129) or 'me' is meant, "call upon the implying that "I'll do X for you, so do Y cooperative assumptions and thereby for me." redress face-threatening acts." The use of

Step 4 Upgraded face-saving to cushion face-threat

The extracts below were taken the day after; P2 is referring back to the essay mentioned the day before.

that, I would like YQ!! to do on Monday. I'm LETTING you off early in fact M.P. Victoria 28

half an hour early ok (.3) so that there will be no excuse not to have any materials for- on Monday okayyou have Yill! have plenty of time ...§Q.get your notes first so by next week Yill! already have an outline. We'll revise your thesis here so that ~don't have to worry about it at home. Write your essay Friday Saturday Sunday at home ok So okay that's-illJ[game plan for next week. Ok thank you.

The excerpt above highlights how record, unmitigated write your essay P2' s institutional power interfaces with Friday Saturday Sunday at home ok, face-saving politeness. Line 3, so that which is an impingement on the students' there will be no excuses embodies her negative face want or the need to be freed authority. Notice that this voice of from imposition. The ok at the end seems authority, while carrying force, is still to soften the speech act of commanding mitigated by the use of a general and especially because it is said with a slightly agent-less construction. Instead of saying rising intonation, and thus, can be viewed you won't have any excuses, P2 uses there as a positive politeness device 'to seek an will be no excuse. agreement.' P2 concludes the lesson with: Line 7 carries the clearest and most face-threatening utterance, bald on-

P2 So okay that's-illJ[game plan for next week.

In the above, so is used to mark professors' concern for their students' 'pseudo-agreement' when in fact there face needs influenced their linguistic was none (Brown & Levinson, 1987, p. choices. Although correcting students' 115) and our implies co-operative effort mistakes, checking for understanding and when the plan seems to bejustP2's. It can giving homework are an intrinsic part of be argued that the whole utterance that's their job, they managed to cushion the our game plan is P2's way of potentially face-damaging effects of those emphasising power, quite similar to the acts by using positive and negative use of tactical summaries in negotiations politeness devices. They showed restraint where one of the parties presents a in exercising their institutionally vested summing up move that's favourable to power, which suggests that they place a their cause and unfavourable to the high value on solidarity and group interlocutor (Charles & Charles, 1999, p. harmony. 74). Game plan can also be viewed as The extensive use of positive P2's use of metaphor to evoke shared politeness to equalize the power common ground indicating that professor differential and neutralize face-threatening and students belong to the same team. acts resonates with the findings of Rees­ Miller (2000,1995), Morand (2000,1996) 4.2 Positive politeness for the powerful and Dogancay-Aktuna and Kamisli (1996). It does appear that those with A fine-grained analysis of the more power have the prerogative to above examples served to unpack how the initiate informality, friendliness and Power and Politeness in Philippine Higher Education 29

intimacy but not the lower power errors, checking for understanding and speakers. As Morand (1996) claims, giving homework. The use of these power is a "license" for doing positive solidarity-building resources reduced the politeness where there is a "set of power differential in the classroom speaking rights issued only to social enabling the 'high power' professors to superiors"(p.552). come down to the level of their students. It will be recalled that humour, a Therefore, they are able to achieve the positive politeness strategy, was goals of the lesson while at the same time frequently used by P I and P2 in their attending to the relational needs of the classrooms. Holmes (2000) maintains that students. The study also suggests that humour is also a way of doing power less using linguistic politeness in the explicitly making it "more acceptable in classroom may not just be about context where informality is valued and protecting and preserving the students' or status differences are played down" (p. the professors' public face; it is not just 176). It can also be argued that linguistic about establishing harmonious relations; politeness is used by the professors as a linguistic politeness, it seems, is a communicative resource with which to precondition for doing power. slide up and down the power scale. Like the Japanese executives in Takano's References (2005, p. 656) research, a similar strategy is deployed by the Filipino professors in Bourdieu, P. & Passeron, J.C. (1994). the study. The findings suggest that Language and relationship to mitigated language enables the 'high language in theteaching situation. In power' professors to subvert their P. Bourdieu, J. C. 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authority and leadership. Journal of Vine, B. (2004). Getting things done at Pragmatics, 37, 633-666. work: The discourse of power in Tiongson, N. (1994). Education through workplace interaction. Philadelphia: the arts: The gift of tongues. John Benjamins Publishing Retrieved September 23, 2009 on Company. htto://www.crvp.orgibook/Series03/II Watts, R. (2003). Politeness. Cambridge: 1-7/chapter xvi.htm. Cambridge University Press.

Appendix 1 Brown & Levinson's (1987) ohteness stratezies

Negative Politeness Positive Politeness Off-record

Be direct Claim Common Ground Invite conversational irnplicatures I: Be conventionally I: Notice, attend to H (his indirect interests, wants, needs, I: Give hints goods) Don't presume/assume 2: Give association clues 2: Exaggerate (interest, 2: Question, hedge 3: Presuppose approval, sympathy with H) Don't coerce H 4: Understate 3: Intensify interesttoH 3: Be pessimistic 5: Overstate 4: Use in-group identity 4: Minimize the imposition 6: Use tautologies markers 5: Give deference 7: Use contradictions 5: Seek agreement Communicate S's waut 8: Be ironic not to impinge on H 6: Avoid disagreement 9: Use metaphors 7: Presuppose/raise/assert 6: Apologize 10: Use rhetorical questions common ground 7: Impersonalize S andH Be vague or ambiguous: 8: Joke violate the manner maxim 8: State the face Convey that 8 and H are co- threatening act as a general 11: Be ambiguous operators rule 12: Be vague 9: Assert or presuppose S's 9: Nominalize 13: Over-generalize knowledge of and concem for Redress other wants of H'swants 14: DisplaceH H's 15: Be incomplete, use 10: Offer, promise ellipsis 10: Go on record as 11: Be optimistic incurring a debt, or as not indebtingH 12: Include both Sand H in the activity

13: Give (or ask for) reasons 14: Assume or assert reciprocity

Fulfil H's wants 15: Give gifts toH (goods, sympathy, understanding, cooperation) M.P. Victoria 32

Appendix 2 Transcription conventions

(???) unintelligible text (word?) guess at unclear text: e.g. I (apologize?) for the delay in shipment (.2) length of pause in seconds noticeable lengthening of a vowel falling intonation at end of tone unit high rising intonation at end of tone unit slightly rising intonation at end of tone unit animated intonation unfinished utterance, e.g., false start WORD Words written in capitals to indicate emphatic stress: e.g. VERY latching, no perceptible pause after a tum (laughs) single brackets describe current action, transcriber's comments «)) double brackets contain English translation of Pilipino words: e.g. A: lsulatmoito. «Write this down.)) Philippine Journal ofLinguistics 40 (2009) 33-46

Ideological Perspectives on the Dynamics of Code-Switching in the Business Domain!

Paolo Nino M. Valdez De La Salle University Manila, Philippines E-mail: [email protected]

Through the years, advances in bilingual research has led scholars to believe that code-switching (CS) is more than a systematic, rule-governed behavior. However, attempts at formulating a data-driven model that incorporates aspects of culture have been deemed problematic due to theoretical and methodological issues concerning the determination of particular aspects of culture that need to be analyzed in bilingual interaction. This paper revisits the dynamics of code-switching in the business domain. An extension of interactional sociolinguistics, this investigation employs the use of ideological analysis in order to describe the role ofCS in interactions in the business domain. It proceeds with an examination of apparent ideologies in selected communicative situations in the aforementioned domain. The findings of the study suggest that code-switching in business transactions is governed by ideology as manifestation of power. Inaddition,thispaperconcludeswithpossible implications for studying bilingual behavior in the context of different domains.

Key words: code-switching, bilingualism, cultural competence, linguistic ideologies

1. Introduction explaining the reasons why Filipino bilinguals code-switch. Perhaps, this may Code-switching (henceforth CS) be attributed to variations in data analysis research has been a cornerstone in and certain theoretical constraints that have Philippine sociolinguistics for more than hampered researchers in determining the thirty years. Interest in this area has reasons for code-switching. For instance, yielded different perspectives and a better Bautista (1999) points out that the reason understanding of how Filipino bilinguals for code-switching is communicative use linguistic resources to be efficiency. CS allows speakers to draw on communicatively competent (Lorente, rich linguistic resources to negotiate 2001; Bautista, 1974, 1997, 1999 and meaning effectively during interaction. 2004). Interestingly, the scholarship in this Considering this premise, does this mean area has widened its angle in terms of that speakers only consider their intended linguistic and sociolinguistic descriptions meaning and thus would resort to code­ of the said language practice (Bautista, switching? This appears to be problematic 1997 and 1999; Pascasio, 1978; Lorente, if one takes into consideration that 2001). Also, the domains where code­ speakers bring knowledge and experiences switching had been described have largely into the fore which serve as 'cultural been documented in the past 20 capital' that shapes interaction. (Racquel, 1979; Nivera, 2001; De With the influx of cultural studies 1987; Lowenberg, 2005). in applied linguistics scholarship, several However, despite descriptions of authors have included political aspects of code-switching in varying contexts, the code-switching. For the purposes of this literature appears to be wanting in terms of study, Tupas (1998) believes that code- P.N.M. Valdez 34

switching seems to be a form of linguistic belonging to two different grammatical resistance among . He argues that systems or subsystems" (p. 59). the use of code-switching is a means to Apparently, many have defined negotiate identities in order to compensate code-switching with their syntactic nature for the effects of social forces that (whether inter or intra-sentential) (Sridhar compound its speakers. Though these & Sridhar, 1980; Kachru, 1978) or in assumptions deserve further investigation, contrast to borrowing (Poplack, 1980). there is a need to develop explanatory However, Boztepe (2005) cites Eastman models of code-switching that integrate (1992, p. 1) on the dangers of over­ aspects of culture. One important defining code-switching, thus: "Definitions dimension in examining culture is [of CS] are doomed if we want to determining dominant ideologies that understand the social and cultural process influence language use. Since ideologies of code-switching" (p. 8). do not only represent an individual's belief Reviewing the literature would system but rather encompass a group's set indicate that code-switching has been of beliefs and practices, analyzing code­ analyzed from different viewpoints and switching from an ideological perspective have had several typologies. From a may be helpful in considering the role of linguistic perspective, Poplack (1980) institutional norms and forms of power in derived two rules which determine the interaction (Stroud, 2004). Also, linguistic behavior of CS, namely, the free Philippson (1992) believes that ideological morpheme constraint in which CS may influences on language use may be helpful happen in "constituents in discourse" and in determining structures or 'concrete' the equivalence constraint in which manifestations of discursive practices that switching tends to happen without govern speakers to use language in certain violating the first language (LI ) and second ways. language (Lz) rules. In the case of Tagalog­ Several years ago, Pascasio (1978) English code-switching, the research done examined the functions of code-switching by Bautista (1975), Azores (1967), Martil in the business domain employing and Pasigna (1970), Palines (1981), and Gumperz's typology. The present study Sadicon (1978) have examined the furthers the analysis by looking into linguistic features of code-switching in ideologies present in bilingual interaction. either English with Tagalog or with other It is hoped that through an analysis of . Based on the embedded ideologies, this would lead to aforementioned studies, it can be surmised new insights on the influence of culture on that code-switching (in the Philippine language use. context) is a rule-governed and predictable process. 2. Review of related literature On the other side of the continuum, however, scholars such as Gumperz Poplack (2001, p. 2062), defines (1982), Blom and Gumperz (1972) and code-switching (CS) as the, "mixing by Myers-Scotton (1988) believe that there is bilinguals of two or more languages in a sociolinguistic explanation for code­ discourse." Gumperz (1982) expounds on switching. The main claim in their research this definition by saying that "[Code­ is that social factors are attributable to switching] is the juxtaposition within the code choice. Building on the concept of same speech exchange of passages diglossia by Ferguson (1959), Blom and Dynamics of Code-Switching in the Business Domain

Gumperz (1972) argue that there are two viewing it as part of making language as a types of code-switching; metaphorical and social institution that has the ability to situational code-switching. Metaphorical create social identity among its speakers code-switching is CS that is triggered by (Gafaranga, 2005; Cameron, 1990). the change of conversational topic, Focusing on code-switching in the whereas situational shifting pertains to the business domain, Pascasio's (1978) CS triggered by changes in situational investigation of the functions of code­ factors and is triggered by the switching in the Philippine business interlocutors' attempt to assert their rights domain revealed that language choice is and obligations in the conversation. strongly influenced by role relationships, Gumperz (1982) further theorizes that speech functions and topics, leading her to code-switching can be seen as a conclude that "selection of a language is contextualization cue in order to negotiate governed and patterned by a set of cultural identities embodied by a certain language. rules" (p. 40). Moreover, she believes that He proposed a "we/they" code distinction, the typology of functions set by Gumperz in which the "we" code represents the (1982) is apparent in the work context. language of solidarity and is used for in­ However, De Torres' (1987) investigation group communication, while the "they" of code- switching in the business domain code is used to mark "otherness" and in reveals finer points in the "prestige" and for outward group different speech functions of code­ communication. Delving further into the switching such as ease, assent/dissent, sociolinguistic aspects of CS, Myers­ echo and clarification (p. 72). Furthermore, Scotton's (1988) Markedness Model posits she believes that CS is used because that code-switching is a way of negotiating business mostly deals with "foreign (indexing) certain rights and obligations in concepts" that are not present in Philippine interaction. In the Philippine context, business culture. Examining further, she applying a sociolinguistic view of code- found that borrowings were common to switching data has revealed that CS a nouns and verbs and are at the word level way of negotiating meaning and a while CS was at the word, phrase, clause variety of communicative purposes in and sentence level. "Verbal inflection" of different contexts (Pascasio, 1978; English verbs converted to Tagalog was Bautista, 1998; Bautista, 1999). also seen in her corpus. She concludes that A third perspective of code­ the sociolinguistic variables affecting switching is from a critical viewpoint that code-switching are topic, setting, sees the said linguistic phenomenon as a motivational factors, functions of CS, and result of local and national hegemonies role relationships between interlocutors. (Stroud, 2004; Lin & Martin, 2005; De Torres (1987) even recommends that Martin, 2005; Canagarajah, 2005; Probyn, "personal idiosyncracy" of the interlocutor 2005), a way of expressing resistance should also be considered in understanding (Tupas, 1998) to colonial forces that allow CS. Jan (2003), on the other hand, sees a the bilingual speaker to "negotiate his/her more critical view of the use of CS in the identity" during interaction or even Malaysian business context. He posits that manifest "cultural nationalism and since Malaysia is a bilingual community linguistic independence" (Sibayan, 1978). that has several ethnic denominations, CS In addition, scholars have even attempted is used for power wielding among the to "demythologize" code-switching by Malaysian managers under study. He P.N.M.Valdez 36 believes that CS is a way to manipulate the people in order to maintain power. These discourse among workers, manifest power can be seen in linguistic or cultural among subordinates, and mark social class practices that may suppress or control differences among workers. others' rights. Another aspect of ideology may also be seen when people use 3. Conceptual framework language in order to manipulate, and distort or rationalize certain modes of The present study is grounded on thought. In this paper, the manifestation of the ideologies apparent in bilingual power as used in language shall be interaction. Since ideology is considered as analyzed since these are related to notions an "interface between socio-cultural values of social inequality in bureaucratic settings and cognitive representations [or models]" (philips, 2004). of human attitudes and actions that represent the individual and societal 4. Methodology perceptions of certain phenomenon (van Dijk, 1995, p. 248), the present study used 4.1 Sources of data Woolard's (1998) three operational definitions of linguistic ideologies, namely, This study utilized transcripts from ideologies as constructs, ideology as a corpus of naturally occurring data from product of experience, and ideology as the business domain. The corpus was manifestation/s of power. collected for a period of three months. The Woolard (1998) attempted to reason for collecting data from the describe ideology in the context of business domain is to realize the principles language research and has posited that of Li (1998), Labov (1970), Altheide since language is finely ingrained in social (1996), and Johnstone (2000) in examining practices, there are several strands of characteristic patterns in bilingual speech ideology that may be considered by which are reflective of real life interaction. language researchers. The first strand of From five recorded communicative ideology lies in the notion of concepts situations, the study utilized three samples constructed by language. In this case, it is since two of the recorded data had yielded said that language is not only used for very few code-switching occurrences due communication but rather for shaping to the presence of the "halo effect" which certain constructs that govern man's notion may affect the findings of the study. of the world. The second defmition of As shown in Table 1, the following ideology lies in the experiences "[in order] communicative situations were the sources to serve the interests of particular groups of data since there are conventional role­ of people" (p. 6). In this case, language is relationships between interlocutors, used as an instrument to mark or maintain setting, and topics influencing language power. Similar to the second strand of use in the said situations (Fishman, 1965; linguistic ideology, the third strand Sibayan, 1999; 2000; Pascasio, 2005). represents certain attempts of groups of Dynamics ofCode-Switching in the Business Domain 37

Table 1. Description of samples Domain Sample Communicative Setting Participants Situation Business BI Bank officials' Major banking Bank manager, meeting institution, head and regarding Makati members of implementing leasing policies for department leasing of property

B2 Client and agent Major coffee Insurance meeting shop, Ortigas agent-client regarding an insurance policy

B3 General Cooperative officials and members

In the transcription of the corpus, certain 4.2 Analysis of data stretches of discourse in the samples were repeated several times in order to arrive at The samples recorded were an accurate transcription of the interaction. segmented according to their respective In addition, enhancement of the sound discourse structure in order to fully explain quality was done through Windows Media how CS plays a role in the respective Player and Audacity in order to clearly structures of the different communicative transcribe the closely interlapping situations. Due to the voluminous amount utterances found in the samples. The cited of data, segmenting the different technique was applied to all samples. communicative situations also allowed the Considering that samples appeared researcher to explain CS occurrences as to be confusing due to the absence of used within the context of a particular cohesive markers that link the discourse stage of interaction and relate it to the making the transcripts incoherent for context of the whole communicative analysis, these were addressed through situation. Furthermore, segmenting the consultation with the contacts responsible communicative situations also prevented for recording the interaction and informal the making of 'sweeping' generalizations consultations with resource persons regarding the observed CS occurrences, knowledgeable in technical terms used of thus realizing a more inductive approach to business. As regards transcription data analysis in which particular nuances conventions, ten Have's (1998) system was and language behaviors were noted among used in order to systematically categorize the different samples analyzed. One the utterances used for analysis. concern in this research is the description of power in the code-switching samples in P. N. M. Valdez

the study. Due to the pervasiveness of the also contribute to the construction of defmition of power, the study shares power. Walkinshaw's (2009) definition of power as the "ability to influence or control the Examples: behavior of others" (p. 53). Likewise, the segments were analyzed based on French Sample B1 - Episode 15-Lines 83-86 and Raven's (1959) bases of power. Walkinshaw (2009, p. 52) describes these Context: Though speaker B (bank official) as follows: acknowledges speaker A's (presenter) • Reward power - Refers to a suggestion that a scheme stipulating the Person's (P) view that 0 (may amount that will go to one client be made, refer to a speaker, a role, a B questions (as seen in line 84) the basis norm, members of a group or a for establishing the amount. group itself) can provide rewards for him/her. • Coercive power - Refers to P's view that 0 can impose sanctions on him/her. • Legitimate power - Refers to P's view that 0 has institutionally bestowed authority to prescribe behavior for him/her. • Referent power - Refers to P's identification with O. • Expert power - Refers to the view that 0 has expertise that P needs.

5. Results and discussion

5.1 Code-switching and power in business interaction: Some examples

As regards ideology manifestation of power, business interactions appear to be highly influenced by speakers indexing a particular identity. In addition, the identities of speakers seem to be tied to the business institution's hierarchical structure. Therefore, power in the business domain may be attributed to the social status accorded by business institutions to speakers in the interaction. Furthermore, institutional interests seem to Dynamics ofCode-Switching in the Business Domain 39

83 A: =of course at siguro at which case what I would suggest siguro wag muna noh we structure na kung ano pupunta sa kanya in terms of amount. 84 B: [00 yes] =kaya nga kaya amount gusto rin naming malaman isa isa how do we establish amount ano yung basis nung amount (.) rentatl 85 A: =ok rental justfor a year kunyari (.) 86 B: [yung yung yeah] =ano yung rental or yung type of property(.) collateral ganun.

In line 84, B uses English use of CS. Examining the social context intersententially to a question (kaya closely, participants of the business nga kaya amount gusto rin naming meeting seem to be familiar with each malaman isa isa how do we establish other as they interact having shared amount ano yung basis nung amount () knowledge of the topic of interaction. This rental?llthat's why we want to know what is evident in the apparent incoherence of factors or how do we establish amount. Is the utterances. Also, the familiarity of the it rental?). The question posed by speaker speakers is also evident as they use B may be interpreted not only as an Filipino in the majority of the sequences. attempt to scrutinize speaker A's In terms of social identities, the use of stipulations in the proposal but also as a code-switching seems to be initiated by the means for speaker B to assert her role as a one with higher social status. In the case of superior that possesses the technical this sequence, speaker B has social status knowledge in business. accorded by the institution as she does not In the cited episode, it can be only initiate questioning to other speakers inferred that speaker B' s questions are but has more options in terms of the choice related to her attempts to investigate on the of language to use to achieve her details of the lease. In addition, these communicative purposes. attempts show speaker B's authority designated to her by the company which in Sample B2 - Episode 17-Line 50 turn accords her certain rights and obligations. Specifically, as a bank official, Context: Speaker B (Presiding officer) her role in the company is to make sure issues a directive that requires the that her institution benefits from any cooperative members to approve (or transactions made with clients. Based on otherwise) the proposal to purchase service the description, it can be said that this is an vehicles for their institution. example of legitimate power through the P. N. M. Valdez

47 B: Ok so let us decide. Medyo inaantok na tayo siguro may mga singers tayo dito tulad si ((mentions name)) kakanta ub meron bang objection 0 approved an gating proposal? (.) 0 sige !!approved na nohl! for the record puwede bang makita yung kamay natinl! for the record please raise your hands kung kayo!! ay thank you/I po ang take offpo niyan is November 2006 ab

In this episode, speaker Buses manifest legitimate power. Examining the English intersententially to assert that the interaction closely, it can be said that proposal has been approved and to direct Filipino is the language used in the the cooperative members to formalize the majority of the sequences analyzed. approval (0 sige approved na noh for the However, unlike in the first sample, the record puwede bang makita yung kamay use of Filipino does not mean that the natin for the record please raise your speakers are familiar with each other, but hands//Ok for the proposal is approved. rather, since the meeting involves several For the record can we raise our hands). hundred participants, it can be assumed In the cited episode, the presiding that the speaker's use of Filipino is an officer. has the right to direct cooperative attempt to negotiate meaning in a members to a certain course of action. This presumably diverse audience. may be attributed to the nature of cooperatives which elect a set of officers Sample B3 - Episode 16-Lines 112-114 responsible for the cooperative's operations. Specifically, the directive Context: Speaker A (Agent) explains that issued by the presiding officer is a means the insurance policy also serves as a for him to make decisions made by the savings account because a certain amount body official. may be invested in stocks and/or bonds. Similar to the first sample, the second episode suggests that CS is used to

112 A: it's easy in traditional we call it a loan and your charged thirty one now it's ten percent- 113 B: [Di ba ah oh yan ok] 114 A: =dito walang interest and it will keep your money it's your savings account

In line 114, the agent shifts to In the cited episode, the agent's English to point out that the insurance expert knowledge seems to allow her to policy is like a savings account since funds regulate the information given to the client. withdrawn from the policy does not incur In turn, this ability accords her the power interest like a savings account (dito walang to convince the client to avail himself of interest and it will keep your money it's the insurance policy. Based on the your savings account// In this insurance interaction, it can be said that expert power policy there is no interest and it will keep through the use of CS is observed. your money like a savings account). Analysis of the three samples has Speaker A's statement indicates her expert resulted in several inferences. First, code­ knowledge of the product being sold. switching in the business domain is closely related to indexing of social identities Dynamics ofCode-Switching in the Business Domain during interaction (Philips, 2004). For the speaker to direct members of the instance, samples B, and B2 both show cooperative to approve the proposal of code-switching used to manifest legitimate acquiring service vehicles in order for the power for speakers. Speaker B in sample cooperative to earn revenue from this

B j used code-switching during questioning project. Lastly, the agent in the third in order to index her identity as superior of sample uses code-switching to explain the organization. On the hand, the speaker particular details of the insurance policy in sample B2 used code-switching to issue being sold. This guarantees that the client a directive in order to have members of the fully understands the benefits and cooperative take a course of action responsibilities when he avails of the regarding a particular proposal presented. insurance plan. While in sample B3, the agent uses code­ switching not only to index an expert's 5.2 Code-switching and ideology in the identity but also to manifest expert power business domain during the business meeting to convince the client to avail of the insurance policy In order to clearly demonstrate the being sold. existing language ideologies as Second, the use of code-switching manifestation of power in business in the business domain reflects the transactions, there is a need to discuss the apparent shift from English to Filipino in role of English, Filipino and code­ business transactions. Though earlier switching in the business domain. This is studies have pointed out that English is because language ideology represents confined to meetings among top/middle views of language and discourse, "that is management, it appears that code­ constructed in the interest of a specific switching has become more acceptable and social or cultural group... [which in tum may be attributed to the differences of results in] attempts to use language as the social relations (social distance as seen in site at which to promote, protect, and samples B1 and B3) and number of legitimate those interests" (Kroskrity, participants (B2)during interaction. 2004, p. 501). Lazaro and Medalla (2004) Third, the use of code-switching point out that English is often used in also helps ensure that negotiations are business transactions especially among top mutually beneficial. For instance, samples officials of middle/higher management. B, and B2 reveal that speakers do not only Also, with the emergence of the call center represent themselves but as representatives industry, Filipino employees use English of the organizations as they negotiate whenever dealing with clients (Friginal, particular details of proposals in order to 2007). On the other hand, Filipino is used ensure that their organizations benefit from among lower ranking employees or is used such deals. For instance, speaker B1's use whenever personal matters are discussed. of code-switching during questioning may Such relegation of English and Filipino for be interpreted as her attempt to scrutinize specific roles during interaction the details of the proposal so that clients strengthens Philips' (2004) claim regarding will be given the best rates without language and power relations. She points sacrificing her institution's projected out: income. On the other hand, the presiding officer's use of code-switching during the The relative value of approval of the proposal is an attempt of features of language is in P. N. M. Valdez

turn related in part to the code-switching serves as a middle ground social contexts, particularly for these speakers. Examining ideology as the social identities, with manifestation of power embedded in which the forms of talk are bilingual interaction suggests that aside associated. Because forms from linguistic competence in the two of talk carry meaning, language systems - Filipino and English information, or ideas, when (Bautista, 1974; Lorente, 2001) - the some forms of talk are Filipino bilingual uses code-switching as a valued over others, this also means to determine the direction of entails the valuing of some interaction through topics that are relevant ideologies or ways of to the communicative situation. In tum, thinking over others. Ideas these topics of interaction impart about the causes of the experiences that allow speakers to choose emergence and maintenance different sets of rights and obligations of systems of social which, in turn, are regulated through the inequality also figure use of CS (Myers-Scotton, 1993). In prominently in theories of addition to indexing particular identities, language and social speakers use CS as a means to manifest inequality. (p. 489) power relations between and among interlocutors. In the business context, The diametrically opposed roles of code-switching does not only ensure that English and Filipino in the business negotiations are mutually beneficial to the domain reveal several realities. First, it parties involved, but also is a means to appears that Filipino remains inadequate articulate the interests of institutions of amidst attempts at intellectualization due which the speakers are part. Although to the apparent lack of registers/lexicon Bautista (1998) claims that the primary which can accommodate effective business reason why speakers code-switch is to be transactions in the said language. Second, communicatively efficient, the data access to English remains to be a class suggests that Filipino bilinguals are also issue (Tupas, 2007) in which speakers who culturally competent (Valdez, 2008). have had quality education are not only Expounding on the concept of cultural able to get favorable job opportunities, but competence, the Filipino bilingual uses the are allowed to participate in business two linguistic systems that carry valuable transactions in a language favored by the resources in order for them to be elites (Philips, 2004). communicatively competent, considering However, code-switching seems to the context of the situation and the be a 'compromising' strategy for speakers institution/domain where the interaction to accommodate the demands of takes place. Hence, the speaker's use of negotiating with other speakers during Filipino and English to articulate topics, business meetings. As Rafael (2009) regulate interaction, index identities and posits, code-switching or Taglish (in his wield power, reflects their attempts to terms) represent the Filipino bilingual's observe the accepted norms (cultural attempt to fluidly shift identity through the practices) as members of a speech use of two languages. Since the use of community (sub-culture/culture). English in business encounters denotes formality in communicative situations and Filipino seems to symbolize the opposite, DylUllllics ofCode-8witching in the Business Domain 43

6. Conclusion switching (pp. 187-214). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Based on the findings of the study, Azores, F. M. (1967). A preliminary it can be concluded that code-switching investigation of the phenomenon of does not only achieve communicative language change in the Philippines. efficiency, but reveals ideologies that Unpublished MA Thesis, Ateneo de reflect social practices in the business Manila University. domain. Considering the "hazy" nature of Bautista, M. L. S. (1975). The Filipino ideologies, this paper has found Woolard's bilingual's linguistic competence: A typology of linguistic ideologies to be d model based on an analysis of useful framework that can help describe Tagalog-English code-switching. subtle manifestations of power through Unpublished PhD dissertation, social roles indexed by speakers during Philippine Normal College-Ateneo de interaction. These social roles are not Manila Consortium. merely decided on during the course of Bautista, M. L. S. (1991). Tagalog-English interaction but rather may be bestowed code-switching. In M.C. Ravina and F. upon by the institutions with which the Robles (Eds.). Readings on trends and speakers are affiliated. The examination of directions in language education. (pp. embedded ideologies in bilingual 122-138). Manila: Language interaction reveals that speakers use Education Council ofthe Philippines. Filipino and English as a manifestation of Bautista, M. L. S. (Ed.) (1996). Readings their cultural competence in order to be in Philippine sociolinguistics. Manila: communicatively competent. De La Salle University Press. Though this paper has focused only Bautista, M. L. S. (1998). Another look at on one domain, the usefulness of Tagalog-English code-switching. In ideological explanations for code­ M.L.Bautista (Ed.), Pagtanaw: Essays switching behavior may help reveal the in honor of Teodoro Llamzon. influence of culture in language use. (pp.l28-146). Manila; Linguistic Considering that research in applied Society of the Philippines. linguistics has departed from description to Bautista, M. L. S. (1999). An analysis of explanation of linguistic practices in the the functions of Tagalog-English context of culture, perhaps ideological codeswitching: Data from one case. In explanations of code-switching in both M.L. Bautista & G. Chan (Eds.), The controlling and non-controlling domains in Filipino bilingual: A multidisciplinary the Philippines may help describe the Festschrift in honor of linguistic culture of the country, which (pp. 19-31). Manila: may prove useful in developing language Linguistic Society of the Philippines. policies for a linguistically diverse nation. Bautista, M. L. S. (2004). Tagalog-English code-switching as a mode of References discourse. Asia Pacific Education Review, 5(2),226-233. Auer, P. (ed.) (1998). Code-switching in Blom, J. P. & Gumperz, 1. (1972). Social conversation. New York: Routledge. meaning in linguistic structures:Code­ Auer, P. (1988). A conversation analytic switching in Norway. In D. Hymes approach to code-switching and and J. Gumperz (Eds.), Directions in transfer. In M. Heller (Ed.), Code- sociolinguistics: The ethnography of P. NoM. Valdez

communication (pp. 465-497). New perspective. Philippine Journal of York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Development, 31(2),277-299. Boztepe, E. (2005). Issues in code­ Li, W.. (1998). The why and how switching: Competing theories and questions in the analysis of models. [online] Available: conversational code- switching. In www.tc.columbia.edu/academic/tesol/ Auer, P. (Ed.), Code-switching in webjournallboztepe.pdf conversation (pp. 156-175). New Cameron, D. (1990) Demythologizing York: Routledge. sociolinguistics: Why language does Li, W. (2000). Methodological questions in not reflect society. In J. Joseph & T. the study of bilingualism. In L. Wei Taylor (Eds.), Ideologies of language (Ed.), The bilingualism reader (pp. (pp. 79-83). London and New York: 475-486). London: Routledge. Routledge. Li, W. (2002). "What do you want me to De Torres, A. (1987). Codeswitching in the say?" On the conversation analysis business domain: Batangas setting. approach to bilingual interaction. Unpublished MA Thesis, Ateneo de Language in Society, 31(2), 1-42. Manila University. Lorente, B. (2000). Revisiting Taglish na Friginal, E. (2007). Outsource call centers naman: A congruence approach to and English in the Philippines. World Tagalog-English code-switching. Englishes, 26(3), 331-345. Philippine Journal of Linguistics, Gumperz, 1. (1982). Discourse strategies. 31(1),25-37. New York: Cambridge University Lowenberg, P. (2005). Code alternation in Press. the impeachment trial of President Gumperz, (1968). The speech community. Joseph Estrada: A preliminary In P. Giglioli (1972) (Ed.), Language analysis. In D. Dayag & S. and social context (pp. 219-231). New Quakenbush (Eds.), Linguistics and York: Penguin Books language education in the Philippines Heller, M. (Ed.) (2007). Bilingualism: A and beyond: A Festschrift in honor of social approach. New York: Palgrave Ma. Lourdes S. Bautista (pp. 529­ Macmillan. 544). Manila: Linguistic Society of the Heller, M. (2007). Bilingualism as Philippines. ideology and practice. In M. Heller Maranan, R. (1999). A of the (Ed.), Bilingualism: A social instructors' utterances code- approach. (pp. 1-24) New York: switching and code-mixing in teaching Palgrave Macmillan. courses taught in English at the Jan, J. M. (2003). Code-switching for University of Batangas, Batangas power wielding. Multilingua, 22, 41­ City. Unpublished Certificate Project, 57. Philippine Normal University. Kroskirty, P. (2004). Linguistic ideologies. Marfil, A. E. & Pasigna, A. L. (1970). An In A. Duranti (Ed.), A companion to analysis of shifts in Tagalog to linguistic anthropology (pp. 496-517). English in printed materials. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Unpublished MA thesis, Philippine Lazaro, D., & Medalla, E. (2004). English Normal College. as the language of trade, finance and Myers-Scotton (1993). Social motivations technology in APEC: An East Asia for code-switching: Evidence from Dynamics ofCode-Switching in the Business Domain 45

Africa. Oxford: Oxford University Sebba, M. & Wootton, T. (1998). We, Press. they, identity: Sequential versus Nivera, G. (2001). Spoken discourse in the identity-related explanation in code­ tertiary mathematics classroom. switching. In P. Auer (Ed.), Code­ Unpublished MA thesis, Philippine switching in conversation (pp. 262­ Normal University. 286). New York: Routledge. Palines, G.A. (1981). An analysis ofshifts Sridhar, S. N. & Sridhar, K. (1980). The from Waray to English in the oral syntax and psycholinguistics of code­ speech samples of Eastern mixing. Canadian Journal of teachers. Unpublished MA thesis, Psychology, 34,407-416. Philippine Normal College. Stroud, C. (2007). Bilingualism: Pascasio, E. (1978). Dynamics of code­ colonialism and postcolonialism. In switching in the business domain. M. Heller (Ed.), Bilingualism: A Philippine Journal ofLinguistics, 9(1­ social approach (pp. 25-49) New 2),40-50. York: Palgrave Macmillan. Pfaff, C. (1979). Constraints on language Stroud, C. (2004). The performativity of mixing: intrasentential code-switching code-switching. International Journal and borrowing in Spanish/English. ofBilingualism, 8, (2),145-166. Language, 55,291-318. ten Have, P. (1998). Doing conversation Philippson, R. (1992). Linguistic analysis. London: Sage Publications. imperialism. New York: Oxford Tupas, T. (1998). Code-switching as University Press. resistance: A Philippine experience. Philips, S. (2004). Language and social Paper presented at the LEDCO-LSRCI inequality. In A. Duranti (Ed.), A International Conference on Language companion to linguistic anthropology Education, April 3-4, 1998, Manila (pp. 474-495). Oxford: Blackwell Midtown Hotel, Philippines. Publishing. Valdez, P. (2008). The Filipino bilingual's Pimentel, S. V. (1972). A study of the cultural competence: A model based patterns of mixing English and on Filipino-English code-switching. Tagalog in radio broadcast: A Unpublished PhD dissertation, descriptive analysis. Unpublished MA Philippine Normal University. thesis, University of the Philippines. Vicente, R. (2008).Taglish, or the phantom Poplack, S. (2001). Code-switching power of the lingua franca. In M.L. (linguistic). In N. Smelser and P. Bautista and K. Bolton (Eds.), Baltes (Eds.), International : Linguistic and Encyclopedia of the social and literary perspectives (pp. 101-128). behavioral sciences (pp. 2062-2065). Manila: Anvil Publishing. Elsevier Science Limited. Walkinshaw, 1. (2009). Learning Poplack, S. (1980). Sometimes I'll start a politeness: Disagreement in a second sentence in Spanish y termino en language. Berlin: Peter Lang Espafiol: Toward a typology of code­ Publishers switching. Language, 18,581-618. Woolard, K. (2004). Code-switching. In A. Racquel, D.M. (1979). English borrowings Duranti (Ed). A companion to in Ilocano print and broadcast media. linguistic anthropology (pp. 73-94). Unpublished MA thesis, University of Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. the Philippines. P. N. M. Valdez 46

Woolard, K. & Schieffelin, B. (1994). Language ideology. Annual Reviews: Anthropology, 23, 55-82.

Note

1. This paper is dedicated to the late Professor Emy Pascasio (Ateneo de Manila University). Her beliefs in the need for studying code-switching and culture have been influential in the author's motivation to investigate these areas in bilingual research. Philippine Journal ofLinguistics 40 (2009) 47-61

Observations on Regional Variants and Handshape Patterns of Six Signs in Filipino Sign Language

Liza B. Martinez Philippine DeafResource Center (PDRC) E-mail: [email protected]

Key words: Filipino Sign Language, handshape patterns, variants

1. Introduction supply additional linguistic information. The fundamental phonological unit is the 1.1 Filipino Sign Language Handshape, along with the other parameters of , , Palm Manual communication has Orientation and Nonmanual Signal. The existed in the Philippines since the 16th units are bundled to form the basic century when signing was first morphological unit, the sign. These are documented in Dulac, (de Prado, further organized into sentences and 1600; Chirino, 1604). More than 300 discourse (Philippine Deaf Resource years later, in 1907, American Sign Center & Philippine Federation of the Language (ASL), was introduced in a Deaf,2004a). public school for the deaf in City Filipino Sign Language or FSL is (Philippine Deaf Resource & the name that the Filipino Deaf Philippine Federation of the Deaf, community uses for its visual language 2004a). This was the start of a century of (Philippine Deaf Resource Center & continuing contact on the local sign Philippine Federation of the Deaf, language (Abat & Martinez, 2006; Puson 2004a). Despite significant support of & Siloterio, 2006). FSL among its Deaf users (Quilicot, Filipino Sign 2007), it remains largely unrecognized 121 other visual languages by government agencies: i.e., the formal from Deaf communities all over the education sector (Bustos & Tanjusay, world (Sutton-Spence & Woll, 1998; 2006; Bustos & Martinez, 2008), as well Valli & Lucas, 2000; Gordon 2005) has a as in the language domains of hierarchy of linguistic structure based on courtrooms, the workplace, hospitals and a manual signal primarily expressed mass media (Apurado & Agravante, through two articulators (i.e., the hands). 2006; Corpuz, 2006; National Sign In addition, a non-manual signal using Language Committee, 2008; Martinez, different portions of the face and body 2007; Benjamin & Martinez, 2008). LB. Martinez,etaL

Because ASL is the mother language of 1.2 Sign language research FSL, there are understandably strong structural similarities. However, Phonology of FSL - linguistic documentation of structure encounters strong attitudinal resistance, The reference An Introduction to and inaccurate conceptions regarding Filipino Sign Language initially assesses FSL still abound (Philippine Deaf the phonological inventory to be Resource Center & Philippine Federation comprised of 73 handshapes. of the Deaf, 2004a, c). Furthermore, it describes several of these Because of this, there are very handshapes as non-distinctive strong societal motivations for phonological variants used documenting the unique identity of FSL interchangeably for the same sign from ASL. Evidence from both (Philippine Deaf Resource Center & structural as well as sociolinguistic Philippine Federation of the Deaf, sources are essential. Research initiated 2004a). These were observed in by Martinez (1993, 1994, 1995, 1996, traditional signs (i.e., those signs existing 2008), together with the pioneering for at least 25 years from the present) as linguistics reference, An Introduction to well as emerging signs (those arising Filipino Sign Language (Philippine Deaf only in the past ten years) in Resource Center & Philippine Federation telecommunications and information of the Deaf, 2004a, b, c) presents various technology (Philippine Deaf Resource data at the levels of phonology, Center & Philippine Federation of the morphology and discourse. Deaf, 2004b). The table below summarizes the clusters of related handshapes as hypothesized by the reference. Handshape Patterns ofSix Signs in Filipino Sign Language

Table 1. A summary of handshapes used interchangeably in FSL as reported by PDRC & PFD (2004a) Cluster Type of sign Hand Selected Fingers Thumb observed involved Traditional signs - Dominant A Four selected Anterior two-handed Hand fingers, round position symmetrical signs B Fourselected Lateral fingers, round position C Fourselected Lateral fingers, partially position flexed with radial stacking D Index and middle No contact fingers selected with with selected distal joints flexed fingers Emerging signs ­ Dominant A All four non­ Proximal two-handed Hand selected fingers in, joint flexed asymmetrical signs with radial stacking B Index and Middle Opposed fingers selected but not spread C Index and Middle Opposed fingers selected but spread Emerging signs ­ Dominant A Fourselected Contact with two-handed Hand fingers, proximal selected asymmetrical signs joints flexed, middle fingers distal joints slightly flexed B Middle finger Contact with selected nail of selected finger Emerging signs ­ Dominant A Four selected Anterior two-handed Hanu llllgers, round position asymmetrical signs B Middle finger Lateral selected position Emerging signs ­ Nondominant A Four selected Anterior two-handed Hand fingers position asymmetrical signs B Fourselected Lateral position Anterior L.B.Martinez,etaL 50

These handshapes are illustrated below.

Figure 1. Handshape cluster I-A

Figure 3. Handshape cluster l-C

Figure 5. Handshape cluster 2-A

Figure 7. Handshape cluster 2-C

Figure 10. Handshape cluster 4-A Figure11.Handshape cluster 4-B Figure 12. Handshape cluster 5-A

Note that Clusters 3A and 4A, handshapes and phonological processes and 3B and 4B, have observed to was done by Martinez (2008). Because of co-occur sequentially. 5, on the extensive variation, such analysis proved other hand, which the to be tedious and complex. Nondominant observed Even for spoken languages, with handshapes lexicostatistics as a method in historical falling under Clusters 3 or 4. linguistics has its limitations. Liao (2008) recommends specific criteria for Lexicostatistics determining cognates in sign language data if this method will be employed. The Practical Dictionary for Asia­ ideal would be a method akin to Pacific Sign Languages project of the Method, the standard Philippine Federation of the Deaf (PFD) for reconstruction of was faced with the challenge of regional relationships in spoken variation in its to produce a which is based on the national dictionary 2003 to 2007. of and The geographic linguistic environments of the proved to be quite different parallel lexicographic efforts in Viet Nam, Hong Kong and Cambodia. The PFD analyzed their regional data using the modified Swadesh method of sign linguist Woodward (Philippine Federation Deaf, 2005, 2007) following initial comparisons from their previous work (Philippine Deaf Resource Philippine Federation of 2004a). Preliminary examination PFD regional data in the context demonstrated clusters of related L.B.Martinez,etaL include as few as six regional variants all the six items, one-handed and two­ (for DOG/ASO) to as many as thirty-one handed variants were observed. variants (for SHARP/MATALIM). For

Table 2. Number of one-handed and two handed variants of six signs in FSL FILIPINO ENGLISH Number of variants GLOSS GLOSS 1H 2H Total ASO DOG 4 2 6 BITUIN STAR 4 3 7 BATO STONE 4 10 14 BABOY PIG 4 11 15 DAMO GRASS 3 19 21 MATALIM SHARP 5 26 31

Informants sought were at least Philippine Federation of the Deaf, 2004a) 40 years of age or older, although in and were supplemented with some areas where there were not enough videorecording when possible. contacts, younger informants had to be Organization of data was done in Metro interviewed. Both Deaf male and female Manila. informants were included. Rapid notation The most widely observed variant in the field utilized Stokoe symbols for each of five of the six lexical items is (Philippine Deaf Resource Center & shown below.

Figures l4a-b. ASOIDOG

Figures l5a-c. BITUIN/STAR Figure 16. BATO/STONE

Figures 17a-b. DAMO/GRASS

Figure 18. MATALIMJSHARP

For PIGIBABOY, 15 variants DOG/ASO) to 88 (for GRASS/DAMO). were observed among the 22 informants, These variants covered a total of II and a single variant did not stand out. regions throughout the Philippines. They Each of the top ranking variants were also seen in both males and females was observed in at least three, to as many in all of the age groups. However, it as seven different regions by at least 20 appeared that most of the users of these Deaf signers. The number of users for variants were either in their 30s or 40s. these six variants ranged from 23 (for LB.Martinez,etal.

Table 3. Number, location and age ofinformants for most widely used variants of five signs in FSL FILIPINO # of % of Regions observed Age GLOSS users <30 30-39 40-49 50> ASO 23 48 NCR, IVA, V, VII 3 2 4 BITUIN 30 70 I, III, VI, VII, XII 1 10 8 BATO* 30 43 VI, IX, X, XI 1 7 4 DAMO 88 59 NCR, III, IVA, VII, VIII, 11 19 14 IX, X MATALIM 43 30 III,IV-A,XI *variants#1,2,3

Table 4 lists observed handshapes of the Deaf, 2004a). The table also the regional variants of these six indicates the regions where these variants items which follow the proposed were observed, as well as the number of clustering patterns reported by the informants who used them. linguistics reference, An Introduction to Filipino Sign Language (Philippine Deaf Resource Center & Philippine Federation

location and number of users observed for six

FILIPINO Observed handshape Region No. of GLOSS cluster users/ total ASO 4At03A IV-A, V, VII, NCR 11/23 BITUIN 3At04A 1, III, V, VI, VII, XII 28/30 BATO lA, lB, 1C VI, VII, VIII, IX, X, XI 18/30 BABOY (Ear location): III, IV-B, V, VIII 5/22 (Nose location) III, IV-A, VIII 4/22 (Chin location) IV-B,VIII 11/22 DAMO 3A to 4A IV-A 2 (Other) III, IV-A, V, VI, VII, VIlI, IX, 81/86 X,NCR MATALIM 3B to 4B; metathesis IVB 1/15 Modified 3B to 4B IVA, IX 5/15 Modified 4B to 3B, VI 2/15 metathesis IVA, VII, XI, I 5/15 3B IX 2/15 4A

3. Discussion widely used by Deaf Filipinos in different places, as well through several for all the selected six lexical decades and generations. Future efforts items, the extent of variation cuts across should examine further whether this the variables of gender, age and breadth of use holds through for the rest geographical location. Thus, the variants of the core signs in the modified 100 observed are not isolated signs but are item Swadesh list. This would Ham/shape Patterns of Six Signs in FilipinoSign Language

empirically document the rich variation some important implications for the and unique nature of the FSL lexicon. historical study and sociolinguistics of Phonologically, it is interesting to FSL. note that handshape patterns (3A, 4A, In their dictionary project, the 3B,4B, lA, lB, lC) in these variants are PFD performed an initial lexicostatistical also observed in several signers from analysis on their field data. Further study different regions. This shows once again led to the folIowing proposal of possible that these are not isolated occurrences. relationships between the FSL varieties The 15 variants for PIGfBABOY, showing the greatest proportion of despite being very distinct from one indigenous signs (Martinez, 2008): another, still reflect some phonological trends in terms of location. Those group variants with a location by the ear are Leytevariety used by signers who are older as Southern Luzon group compared to those variants signed at the Southern Tagalog variety chin. Furthermore, those signed near the Bicolvariety nose appear to represent transitional variety forms. Metathesis appears to The handshape cluster patterns characterize cluster 3 and 4 handshapes, reported in this paper could represent as observed among some of the variants regular handshape change analogous to of DOG/ASO, STARJBITUIN, sound changes observed in spoken GRASSIDAMO and languages. It would be helpful here to SHARPIMATALIM. consider the available information on The variants for STONE also phonological processes. show all the three handshapes (lA, 1B, Valli and Lucas (2000) describe IC), as reported previously in 2004 Hold Deletion and several phonological (Philippine Deaf Resource Center & processes in ASL. A prior study by Philippine Federation of the Deaf, Liddell and Johnson (1989) also includes 2004a). Gemination, Reduction and These observations on the PerseverationfAnticipation. The table phonological structure as welI as below gives a summary of these known distribution of the regional variants have processes. LB. Martinez,etaL

Table 5. Phonological processes in

Process Nature of phonological change

Movement Insertion of a Movement segment between signs during Epenthesis discourse Hold Deletion Elimination of a Hold segment between Movement segments of signs during discourse Metathesis Interchanging oflocations between segments in a sign Assimilation Changes in phonology of a sign as influenced by the segment or sign before or after it. Gemination* Merging of the terminal segment of a sign identical to the initial segment of a sign following it Reduction* Diachronic relocation of signs either less central to the face, or more central to the lower head and upper body regions of the signing space Perseveration* Lingering of an articulator of a two-handed sign (frequently the nondominant hand or NDH) in the signing space during discourse Anticipation * Early appearance of the hand of a two-handed sign in the signing space prior to its actual production during discourse *In Liddell and Johnson (1989)

The An Introduction to Filipino other hand, describes other phonological Sign Language reference (Philippine processes listed below: Deaf Resource Center & Philippine Federation of the Deaf, 2004a) on the

Table 6. Phonological processes in Filipino Sign Language (PDRC & PFD, 2004a)

Process Nature of phonological change

Finger Extension Extension of either the thumb or the smallest finger/pinky Segment Reduction or complete loss of a Hold or Movement Segment, Deletion frequently in the initial position Modifications of Change in the size and direction of the space depending on discourse register or the physical signing environment Space and Signing Space NDH Deletion / Omission of the non-dominant hand, or substitution with an Substitution inanimate surface NMS Retention of non-manual signals even after the production of the Perseveration sign by the hands Deletion of Loss of sign production by the manual articulators, leaving solely Manual a non-manual signal Component Handshape Patterns of Six Signs in Filipino Sign Language

Examples of signs resulting from Center & Philippine Federation of the these processes are summarized in the Deaf, 2004a). Note that phonological next table, again as first described from processes and conditioning environments the reference (Philippine Deaf Resource are already proposed.

Table 7. Signs displaying phonological changes (PDRC & PFD, 2004a) SIGN Phonological process Phonological change/ conditioning environment PANCIT Anticipation by NDH SPAGHETTI GOOD- Hold Deletion 2H, IH MORNING TELL-Pro.l Segment Deletion 1 to open 8 in presence of final 5 Assimilation (Palm 1 to ext thumb in presence of final Orientation shift) 5

THINK-WALA Assimilation (Palm (l)naiI8 to final 5 Orientation shift) THINK-SKIP- Assimilation (Palm 1 t05 in presence of final 5 MIND Orientation shift) POLITE-NOT Segment Deletion Open A in presence of initial 5 Assimilation PROMISE Assimilation 1 toBasfinalHS Displacement (Location) IGNORE-Pro.1 Segment Deletion lt05(ifinitial) Movement Epenthesis *Movement inserted (arc path) Assimilation (Palm Orientation shift) HOME-GO Segment Deletion MHorHM? ?Assimilation (Palm Orientation shift) CIVIL Metathesis Selected fingers MARRIAGE COUNT MENSTRUATION Deletion of manual signal Sign is solely NMS

With the collected data and Palawan) as hypothetically phonological information available, distinct. reconstruction of possible historical 2. Compile cognate sets for relationships in FSL analogous to the these four varieties based on Comparative Method can perhaps be the core vocabulary attempted through the following: documented by the PFD. 3. Determine handshape I. Focus on the varieties correspondences following observed in Eastern Visayas previously documented (Leyte) and Southern Luzon phonological processes in (Southern Tagalog, Bicol and FSL. L.B.Martinez,etaL

4. Attempt 4. Conclusion handshape correspondences and handshape change. Analysis of the 94 variants of six Related data on the FSL signs reveals patterns of use that cut demographics of the signers across the variables of gender, age and and history of sign language geographical location. Furthermore, in the area (Philippine handshape patterns coincide with Federation of the Deaf, 2005, previously observed phonological 2007) may be useful here. processes and conditioning environments 5. Check for regularity of observed in FSL, as well as with other handshape correspondences sign languages. Thus, the data point to and changes. possible extensive and complex diachronic processes in the spread of A second important set of FSL throughout the archipelago. implications arising from treatment of data as reported here could have a 5. Recommendations marked impact on the sociolinguistics of FSL. Determining cognate sets from the Determining the top ranking field data involving numerous signers is variant of each of the five lexical items in very complex and tedious. Fortunately, this paper shows that these variants several developments in vision-based comprise about half to three quarters of recognition involving artificial the total number of users. This can intelligence and other innovative potentially contribute towards approaches have been gaining ground. standardization efforts for sign language Human-computer interactions for planning. These efforts were initiated in gesture is currently a very dynamic field, 2005 (Philippine Deaf Resource Center, and applications to recognition of sign 2005; Tiongson & Martinez, 2007) but languages are increasing. The use of have not progressed because of a lack of artificial intelligence is theoretically research inputs and direction. A recent more objective, efficient and precise than forum of the University of the data handling by (human) researchers. In Philippines Linguistics Department the Philippines, pioneering research by (2009) has attempted to continue these De La Salle University, and more efforts. recently, the University of the Analysis of the entire database of Philippines, shows potential for the PFD Practical Dictionaries project interdisciplinary collaboration (Cabalfin following the suggested mechanics used & Martinez, 2008; Sandjaja, 2008; here for the six lexical items shall yield Cabalfin, in progress; Sarmiento, in empirically based recommendations for progress; Pamparo, in progress). These sign language planning and policy may prove to be very useful in the formulation. This would contribute to the automatic analysis of the extensive field National Plan of Action which targets data collected by the PFD and shall development and coordination of sign the challenges of phonological language standardization for this and historical reconstruction in Philippine Decade of Persons with the years to come (Martinez & Cabalfin, Disabilities (2003-2012). 2008). Handshape Patterns ofSix Signs in Filipino Sign Language

References

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Interpreting, Gallaudet University. Philippine Deaf Resource Washington, D.C. Martinez, L. B. (1995). Filipino Sign Philippine Deaf Resource Center & Language: May kaugnayan at Philippine Federation of the Deaf. kabuIuhan ba sa Deaf education? (2004b). An Introduction to Filipino Tan Chi King Professorial Chair Sign Language Part II. Traditional Lecture, De La Salle University, and emerging signs. Quezon City: Manila. Philippine DeafResource Center. Martinez, L. B. (1996). Understanding Philippine Deaf Resource Center & the deaf student: Phonological Philippine Federation of the Deaf. modifications in Filipino Sign (2004c). An Introduction to . Unpublished manuscript, Sign Language Part 111. Current University Research Coordination issues. Quezon City: Philippine Deaf Office, De La Salle University. Resource Center. Manila. Philippine Federation of the Deaf. Martinez, L. B. (2008). Proving the (2005). A compilation of signs from existence of Filipino Sign Language regions of the Philippines, Part 1. - Evidence and challenges. March Metro Manila: Philippine Federation 13, 2008. Department of Linguistics, of the Deaf. University of the Philippines, Philippine Federation of the Deaf. Quezon City. (2007). A compilation of signs from Martinez, L. B. & Cabalfin, E. regions of the Philippines, Part 2. (2008). Sign language Metro Manila: Philippine Federation computing in a developing country: of the Deaf. A research roadmap for the next two Puson, M. J. & Siloterio, M. (2006). decades in the Philippines. Pacific Language contact and lexicalization Asia Conference on Language, in Filipino Sign Language: A focus Information and Computation on fingerspelled signs. 9th (PACLIC 22), Cebu City. Philippine Linguistics Congress: National Sign Language Committee. Proceedings. University of the (2008). Status Report on the Use of Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City. Sign Language in the Philippines. Quilicot, D. T. (2007). Filipino Sign Metro Manila: Philippine Federation Language: Pagkilala at umuunlad of the Deaf. na wikang senyas ng kumunidad ng Pamparo, D. 1. (In progress). Extraction mga Pilipinong may kapansanan sa of facial action units for Filipino pandinig. Unpublished M.A. thesis, Sign Language. University of the Philippines, Philippine Deaf Resource Center. (2005). Quezon City. Preliminary sectoral Position Sandjaja, 1. N. (2008). Filipino Sign Papers for an initiative in language Language number recognition. planning for sign language policy Unpublished M.S. thesis, College of for the Republic of the Philippines: Computer Studies, De La Salle A Compilation. Unpublished University, Manila. manuscript, Quezon City. Sarmiento, E. (In progress). Vision-based Philippine Deaf Resource Center & continuous Filipino Sign Language Philippine Federation of the Deaf. (2004a). An Introduction to Filipino R. & Woll, B. (1998). Sign Part 1. of British Sign Understanding Quezon Cambridge: University Handshape Patterns of Six Signs in Filipino Sign Language

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Sociolinguistic Centrifuge: Comparing Language Attitudes from Urban Center to Urban Periphery

Michael Ian Benedict P. Estipona La Salle Green Hills (High School) San Juan City, Philippines E-mail: [email protected]

Much research on L2 leaming and use plays a role in principled and reasoned language planning, and even relevant and pivotal legislation as seen in the tug-of-war between Filipino and English as medium of instruction that has been a national issue for decades. This study builds on the comparatively-emergent language attitudes-based research done in the Philippines, comparing language attitudes of Ateneo de Manila University college undergraduate students with those from Romblon State College. While not necessarily reflective of the attitudes of their larger populations, both respondent sets see both languages as important and useful languages for education, entertainment, and employment; English, while the preferred MOl, does not necessarily carry higher apparent social status. On the whole, integrative and instrumental motivations for nsing either language still make both of them vital and generally favored options for learners and users close to and far from the urban center.

Key words: language attitudes, urban, language planning

1. Introduction

The current Philippine language Spanish, for instance, was taught to situation, characterized by Kaplan and select sectors of society over the course of Baldauf (1998) as "linguistically three centuries of Spanish occupation. The heterogeneous with no absolute majority establishment of a public school system of speakers of any given indigenous under American rule, characterized by language" (cited in Young, 2002, p. 1) Martin (1999) as "an essential component and by Pascasio (2002) as a of military strategy," (p. 132) then meant "multilingual and multicultural that English went on to be taught to environment" (p. 136), has been in various everyone who received public education. modes and speeds of flux since its earliest The Monroe report, Martin continues, led to days - with whatever local languages the inclusion of regional languages as encroached upon, at various points and to "auxiliary languages to teach character various degrees, by the languages of education, good manners and right conduct" whichever conquerors happened to be in (Board of Educational Survey 1925, cited in power. Language attitudes have been in Martin, 1999, p. 133) but allowed English existence for about as long, especially to remain central to language education and considering Eastman (1983)'s statement education in general. Taught as a language that they come into being when "one social that would pave the way for unity across the group comes in contact with a second social linguistically diverse archipelago and group possessing a different language [and] provide the Filipino "access to each group then develops ideas about the civilization," English stayed at the other group's language vis-a-vis its own" forefront of language teaching until the (cited in Ting, 2003, p. 1). large-scale American occupation of the era ended. M. P. Estipona 64

Filipino, in tum, began as what to increase the Philippines' flagging English President Quezon dubbed the "wikang proficiency [and, subsequently, pambansa," the , in 1939. competitiveness in the job market] by virtue Gonzalez (1998) notes that it then became of increased exposure to and use of the Pilipino (formerly Tagalog) in 1959 to language (Llanto, 2008). reflect a "national rather than ethnic" feel However, several counter-arguments (p. 487). Following the 1960s "National have been voiced by language experts, who Language Wars" between Pilipino and cite a number of studies that show that Cebuano supporters, among others, the 1987 learning takes place faster when conducted Constitution declared the cenciliatorily­ in one's mother tongue and thus with a renamed Filipino the national language, minimum of language interference. Young itself a multilingual blend at least in part (2002) cites evidence from Sibayan (1983) that "will be enriched with elements (largely stating that "to provide a relevant early vocabulary) from the other Philippine school experience which will build upon languages and non-local languages used in pre-school experiences requires the use of the Philippines." This view of it may partly the mother tongue" (p. 222). As shown by be what leads people, even today, to say Dekker in a 2003 paper and supported by Tagalog when referring to Filipino and vice members of the FLC Bridging Program, the versa. now-familiar First Language Education The Summer Institute of Linguistics project in Lubuagan, , stands as (SIL International) Web Ethnologue proof of this. currently posts that the Philippines has 171 living languages and four extinct languages 1.1 The importance of examining as of 2003 - almost all of which, with the language attitudes exception of English, Spanish, Hokkien, Mandarin, and some others, are The attitudes and motivation of of Malayo-Polynesian origin. Filipino and language learners and users themselves, as English have official status in this additive language learners and users, are often bilingual society, with English being the overlooked but can be of notable influence. current primary medium of instruction This has been seen to a considerable extent (MOl) as per 2003 Executive Order 210 in Malaysia, as noted by Ting (2003): issued by President Gloria Macapagal "Legislation often precedes change in Arroyo (shifting from the 1987 policy on language-use behaviour and language bilingual education, which proposed that attitudes, but in the Malaysian state of both Filipino and English be used as media Sarawak the full implementation of the of instruction). This directive has been national language policy had to be put on supported to some extent by subsequent hold until the people were more receptive bills and similar proposed legislations ­ towards using Bahasa Malaysia for official among the most recent of which are House purposes of communication" (p. 207). Bills 320, 305 and 406, which seek to set While certainly not without either English, Filipino or a regional consideration of the learners' needs, much, language (where appropriate) as the MOl if not all, of the movement behind for subjects from preschool to Grade II, and language use and policy in the propose to set English as the MOl from Philippines seems to have been motivated Grade III onwards. Proponents of the bills by various outside forces, be they political, argue that the proposed system is projected economic, or otherwise. It may be possible Language Attitudes 65

that changes on this order may have a more Indeed, while globalization and all meaningful and lasting impact when manifestations of its socioeconomic learners' language attitudes are taken into impact are indeed formidable, it must be account. acknowledged that what occurs at the Motivations for learning these learner's core has influence of its own­ languages, which shape the attitudes, these attitudes are not hardwired into our have clear implications for acquisition and being or inherited genetically, but learned learning. Krashen's (1981) theories on the and developed and individuals shape impact of the affective dimension hold that their learning and use, based partly on their motivation, among other intangibles as self­ attitudes toward what they are learning and confidence and anxiety, is a considerable using. These may be said to be the trickle­ factor in second language acquisition. This down effects of the larger global movement, is bolstered by informed statements from but with an impact and influence all their such other researchers as Castillo (1969, own, one tends to think of oneself less as a 1972) and Samonte (1981) who argued that cog in a national machine affected by what "motivation is a necessary factor for powers the machine, and more as one's own successfully acquiring a second language being with one's own social concerns. and is related to second language learning The conscious or unconscious achievement as well as to attitude" (cited in tendency toward acquiring "linguistic Pascasio, 2002, p. 137). capital" French sociologist Pierre Various studies (e.g., Otanes & Bourdieu's term for the social authority and Sibayan, 1969; Feenstra & Castillo, 1970; respect commanded by one's use of Gaston, 1978; Bangalan; 1979) have language (Bartlett 2003) - or otherwise pegged the emergence of what appears dealing with those who have it, would seem to be the Filipino bilingual's "instrumental to logically be of more immediate motivation for learning English and importance to the average citizen (or, integrative [motivation] for learning indeed, even to students and teachers Filipino" (cited Pascasio, 2002, p. 136). The themselves) than the language that the increasing speed and inclination towards business or political sectors want others to globalization, one of the prime forces use. Thus, learners' language attitudes may influencing language shifts among other serve as significant determiners of whether things, may thus be tempered by other or not these hypotheses prove true in the concerns to lead to an interesting long term. The social and linguistic balance between Filipino, English and other significance of language attitudes is indeed local languages. Fishman (1996) has posited undeniable, and determining their presence that for many countries, "global and nature in various circles of society is arrangements will increasingly make use of thus equally significant. English while local life between locals will increasingly be attached to national 1.2 Related literature languages and cultures, each complementing the other by satisfying Language attitudes have long been different needs and granting different an object of various sociolinguistic studies satisfactions" (cited in Villacorta, 2000, p. in various bilingual/multilingual locations 265). This seems to corroborate the findings such as Papua New Guinea (Buschenhofen, of the Filipino bilingual motivation studies 1998), India (Hohenthal, 1998) and above. Sarawak, Malaysia (Ting, 2003). These M. P. Estinona 66 studies generally showed that there were and Chan-Yap 1977) to install Filipino in positive attitudes toward English in their place of English as the medium of respective contexts. Hohenthal instruction (Pascasio, 2002, p. 137). acknowledged that English had "acquired In slight contrast to these findings, a new functions, including the self-expressive study of college students conducted by or emotive function" and Ting noted Borromeo- Santos (1981) connected English's significant levels of approval positive attitudes toward English with toward English as a medium of instruction integrative motivations toward the same, (and even concern toward maintaining or "conditioned by choice of improving its standard quality). profession/vocation, age, teacher influence Ting's study is particularly notable and peer group influence" (Borromeo­ because it analyzes the connection between Santos, 1981, cited in Vizconde, 2006, p. language planning - quoting Weinstein's 12-13). Later studies (e.g., Amano, 2002) (1980) definition of it as "a government­ covered student, parent and teacher authorized, long-term, sustained and language attitudes toward English and conscious effort to alter a language's Filipino, which revealed that English is function in a society for the purpose of preferred by students and teachers as an solving communication problems" (cited in MOl (teachers felt that "English is an Ting, 2003, p. 195) - and language intellectualized language and a valuable tool attitudes. Findings regarding the Malaysian to source information technology") but that government's language plans to have parents felt that Filipino provides an Bahasa Malaysia take over the role of avenue for people to "think and express English showed that these plans did not themselves," as a language through affect the respondents' attitudes toward which "they themselves are better either language, as they still sought to gain understood" (Amano, 2002, cited in proficiency in both languages and had Vizconde, 2006, p. 12). favorable attitudes toward both despite the Fuentes and Mojica (1999) intended and expected shift in loyalties. attempted to replicate a 1974 Pascasio Philippine studies have not been language attitude study. Their study, which especially lacking in examining language centered on students from the lower middle planning and language attitudes, even and class and upper class "outside of Metro especially across shifting national language Manila" established that the respondents' situations. Gonzalez (1998) and Sibayan "attitude toward English [are] more (2000) have published articles looking at favorable than their attitude toward various "eras" of language planning and Filipino," exhibiting a positive attitude resulting sociolinguistic, socioeconomic toward both as possible media of instruction and other behavior patterns. Language and suggesting that Filipino be used in attitudes have also been the subject of "certain subjects offered at the tertiary much Philippine analysis, as Pascasio level" (p. 54). summarized in 2002: a study by Otanes and The study also supported Pascasio's Sibayan in the late 60s showed that there earlier statement that English was pursued was a "preference for English as the largely out of instrumental motivation (as language of instruction at all academic well as for "formal situations") and that levels," while "activism and national fervor" Filipino was pursued largely out of sparked a desire (evident in the youth, integrative motivation (for "informal including the young elite, as seen in Castillo situations", "at home and "in the Language Attitudes 67

neighborhood", to "preserve and enhance 2. The study his/her cultural and literary heritage") - the latter influenced by their "spirit of The study aims to take a nationalism" and "their awareness to comparative look at the language attitudes maintain their identity as Filipino." In (toward Filipino and English) of selected general, the study pointed toward a Filipino bilingual students. The specific considerably positive outcome of the issues addressed are the following: country's aim to strengthen the bilingual 1. What are the differences and nature of the Philippines by having its similarities in the attitudes of people speak both languages with fluency. Filipino bilingual students from Various studies conducted by Metro Manila and from other Pascasio herself, which are referenced in the regions toward Filipino and English same paper, looked at attitudes toward in general? language and identity. Instrumental and 2. What are the differences and sentimental attitudes toward each language similarities in their attitudes toward supported findings mentioned above, as Filipino and English as status Filipino was seen to carry the ability to markers? "express the Filipino bilingual's needs, 3. What are the differences and feelings, sentiments and aspirations" while similarities in their attitudes toward sentiments toward English indicated that Filipino and English in the mass it was seen to give speakers the ability media? "to impress others, to show status, [and] 4. What are the differences and to impose control/authority" (Pascasio, similarities in their attitudes toward 2002, p. 141). This indicates that the Filipino and English as media of instrumentally-used English may be more instruction? immediately seen as a means toward 5. What are the differences and achieving Bourdieu's linguistic capital. similarities in their attitudes toward Castillo's (1999) findings would tend to the cultural impact and importance support this role that English plays, as it is of Filipino and English? viewed to be a "language of power and 6. What are the significant factors that upward social and economic mobility affect their attitudes toward Filipino deemed to be of economic significance" and English? (cited in Young, 2002, p. 222). There remains, however, proof that 2.1 Scope and limitations considerable pride remains in being identified with one's native language The language attitudes compared in (Sibayan & Segovia, 1984), which will the study were those of male and female hopefully guarantee that ethnic languages college undergraduate students in a - despite their supposedly relatively low relatively urban setting opposite those cache of linguistic capital - will not be of college undergraduate students based abandoned. Overall, Pascasio's series of in a school closer to a relatively studies seems to collectively reinforce that provincial setting. Specifically, these were English and Filipino are "in complementary college students from Ateneo de Manila distribution," both in spread and in people's University and students of relatively similar attitudes toward them. ages and genders from Romblon State College. While the original study plan M.P.EstipQna 68

contemplated on controlling such schools attended and variables as respondent age and gender, inclusive years), considerations such as available time, target college and course (up resources and respondents made this to three choices each; all unfeasible. were included in the Taking into account findings by tabulation), Fuentes and Mojica (1999) that target occupation (up to three socioeconomic class and gender differences choices each; all were tended to cause no significant differences in included in the tabulation), language attitudes, this study eschews the and option of analyzing those as well as course some language information background. Instead, this study was inspired (mother tongue, other by a suggestion from Fuentes and Mojica to languages investigate "the attitude of Filipino non­ written/read/spoken, when Tagalog speakers" (p. 54), and focuses on and how they learned English finding out whether language attitudes differ - no distinction was made substantially with regard to location between learning and in relation to the metropolitan/urban center acquisition). or capital. While cultural backgrounds may be considered a factor influencing whatever The second was a 36-item language differences may be found in language attitude questionnaire using the Likert scale attitudes, the study does not investigate or format and incorporating modified questions categorize the respondents' cultural roots from Buschenhofen (1998), Hohenthal and in fact only ascertains basic (1998) and Ting (2003), which were more demographical information as seen below. readily available than the 1974 Pascasio study. 2.2 Methodology The respondent populations were not selected in any particular manner or Questionnaire was drawn up to according to criteria aside from availability gauge respondents' language attitudes. The and location (at or closer to the Metro use of this direct method parallels Ting's Manila urban center, as represented by the (2003), following the same mentalist Metro Manila respondents and closer to the reasoning (from studies by Agheysi and periphery as represented by the Romblon Fishman and Cooper and Fishman) that respondents). Some 72 or so students in all "attitude is viewed as a state of readiness, were given these questionnaires - some affecting a person's response" (cited in Ting 36 from Ateneo de Manila University 2003, p. 199). The final language attitude and 36 from Romblon State College ­ questionnaire used was designed to have and 35 questionnaires from each population two major parts for recording and were tabulated (some had left almost 1/3 of tabulation. The first was a demographic the Likert scale items blank and were thus information portion that called for not recorded). Each sample was composed respondents to list relevant information of males and females with ages ranging about themselves. from 17-23 collectively, with notable values age and gender, arranged in the table below. educational background (elementary and secondary Language Attitudes 69

Table 1. Age and gender groups of Romblon and Manila respondents Item RSC ADMU Age: Highest 23 21 Age: Lowest 19 17 Age: Average 20 19 Gender: M 6 18 Gender: F 28 17

The items from the Likert scale ­ and the means per item. half of the questionnaire - were attitude statements that were loosely categorized 3. Results and discussion into groups of similar focus, in order to directly arrange the answers that correlated 3.1 Langnage background with the specific research questions: Respondents from both groups • general language attitudes acknowledged that school and home (originally 20 items but were their source/venue of English reduced to 18 for tabulation learning. Most of the respondents learned because two of the items the language fairly early, i.e., before the were duplicates from other age of 10, with one Romblon respondent categories), being the exception at age 12. Filipino attitudes toward English and and English were generally the most Filipino as status markers (5), commonly cited mother tongues, but • attitudes toward English and Romblon respondents mentioned several Filipino for mass media and other languages as their mother tongue entertainment (5), (which, like English when listed, were attitudes toward English and usually in conjunction with Filipino), as Filipino as media of instruction (5), listed below. It is notable that Odiongan, and which was also listed as a mother tongue attitudes toward cultural by three of the Romblon respondents, was impact/importance of English and informally described as a declining or Filipino (5). dying language by some of the respondents. The language, which is No sophisticated statistical named after the municipality, is otherwise treatment was used beyond tabulating the known as Bantoanon or Asi, which may responses (Strongly Agree was assigned 5 currently be the more consistently used points, Agree 4, Neutral 3, Disagree 2, and forms of the Odiongan core language. Strongly Disagree 1) to check for the totals M.P. Estipona 70

Table 2. Language backgrounds of Romblon and Manila respondents Language background RSC ADMU English. 10 English. 7 Filipino, 25 Filipino, 27

Odiongan (3) Asi(3) French (1) Waray(l) Kapampangan (1) Rinconada (I) Bisaya(1) Mother tongue Romblonanon (2) Chinese (I) Bicolnon (1)

Earliest-3 Earliest-I Learned English at age Latest-12 Latest-8

Spanish (5) Chinese/Mandarin/Fookien (6) Learned other language/s Nippongo (2; 1 Japanese (1) [not English/mother "limited") Portuguese (1) tongue]? Mandarin (I) German (1) French(l)

The Manila respondents' fairly if not more, also due consistent mentions of European languages elementary/secondary school curricula may be due to language electives that are (under educational background, more than part of the curricula they attended, while the two respondents listed Xavier School and presence of Chinese (as a mother tongue one listed Lanao Chung Hua School), which and/or additional language) may have to do may also have provided language subjects with family backgrounds - or, just as likely for some).

Table 3. Target college contexts of Romblou and Manila respondents Target colleges RSC ADMU DLSU/CSB 2 13 DLSU, 2 CSB 26 (first choice); Ateneo Law ADMU/de Naga School Rockwell, 1 UST 3 4 PLM 1 RSC 30 (first choice) UPIUPLBlManila/PUP 11 19 Other Sta. Monica College of UA&P(4) Nursing (1) St. Augustine (I) UC Berkeley, Stanford (1) Language Attitudes

A respondent's language 3.2 Target contexts (courses) background is a considerably significant factor influencing language attitudes. The "Colleges" part of the Pascasio (2002) certainly points to ethnic demographic portion's Target Contexts identity as a factor related to language use segment has been retained in the questionnaire (p. 141) and mentions the circular for the current study, considering that this relationship between language use and might reflect respondents' ideal college positive attitude influencing language and/or course contexts, especially in light proficiency (p. 139), which, in turn, of the possibility of shifting or transferring. positively influences attitudes toward the As such, the "target contexts" portion of the language. That most speakers consider questionnaire was labeled "future Filipino and English to be their mother plans/possibilities." In any event, the tongues points to a likelihood of a respondents typically listed either their current relatively positive view toward either or school or one they would be willing to shift to both, especially in light of modern times' under "First Choice." Some listed courses "relaxed relationship among languages in without specific schools. The colleges and the Philippines" (Villacorta, 2000, p. courses listed in the tables below, as well as 263). the target work contexts in the next segment, include multiple choices (first, second, third) from each respondent. M.P.Estipona 72

Table 4. Target course contexts of Romblon and Manila respondents Target courses RSC ADMU Business administration! management 15 15 Accountancy 4 2 Information Technology 1 1 Engineering 1 8 Law 1 4 Mass communication 2 12 Nursing 2 1 Entrepreneurship 2 Chemistry 1 Fine Arts 2 Architecture 1 Management economics (1) Management information systems (3) European languages (1) Theater Other (1) Multimedia arts (1) Economics (1)

For this population, business 3.3 Target contexts (work/occupation) administration!management is the clear leader, with Accountancy being the While some left this part blank, most Romblon respondents' next most popular of the Romblon respondents had relatively choice and Mass communication-based similar answers. Some 34 respondents courses being the next most popular for the indicated interest in managerial positions ­ Manila respondents. some abroad, some at multinational The target contexts' frequency of corporations (one specified Unilever) and use of English and Filipino (as well as other one at the Department of Science and languages like German or Odiongan), Technology. Four other respondents particularly on a day-to-day basis such as signified interest in unspecified is called for by school or work, may have government work, while one respondent an impact on their language attitudes. It is expressed interest in a post in either the notable that the Romblon respondents Philippine Air Force or Philippine Navy, appeared to choose schools that are based and another wanted to become a closer to (or in) the urban center without policeman. Various others indicated interest necessarily neglecting relatively in occupations such as teaching, secretarial peripherally-based branches of known work, banking, accounting, sales and institutions (Ateneo de Naga and so on), contact center work. Three specified that while almost none of the Manila they would like to become entrepreneurs, respondents opted for any locale outside of while only one mentioned wanting to be a the greater metropolitan area or abroad. housewife. Language Attitudes

Table 5. Target occupation contexts of Romblon and Manila respondents Target occupations RSC ._--e.:AD'----=-'.:M=U _ 34 (abroad, 1; specified Managerial multinational, 2; specified DOST,l) "government employee", 2; Government work Philippine Navy/Air Force, 1; policeman, 1 Education 2 Secretarial 2 Banking 1 Accounting 2 Sales 2 Contact Center work Law 4 Media 3 Film 5 ("independent film," 1) 6 (animation, graphics design, layout, Arts art direction, advertising, painting) Information Technology Entrepreneurship 1 Unspecified (Ayala Land, Unilever, PLDT),1 "Businessman/woman", 3 Events management, 1 Farming, I Politics, I Other Housewife, 1 Biology/Medicine, I Clerical work, 1 Novelist, 1 Basketball player, 1 UN ambassador/translator, 1 Engineer, 1 M.P.Estipona

The respondents' language rather subjective item "the English backgrounds may influence their choice of language sounds very nice" was rated target professions (which may, in turn, higher by the Romblon respondents (most leads to further reinforcement or change at 48.6% said Strongly Agree) than the in their language attitudes). The target Manila respondents (most at 54.3% said professions' extent and quality of Agree). The Romblon respondents were language use are also clear factors generally divided (most at 34.3% were affecting this choice. It is of note that Neutral) toward the statement "I feel while both sets of respondents cited uncomfortable when hearing one Filipino professions where both languages were speaking to another in English (standard used (usually with English as the preferred deviation was among the higher rates at language) in an interpersonal context, the 1.1), although disagreement (45.7% total) Manila respondents cited professions that remained higher than agreement (20.01% could require more creative, more total). The Manila respondents were more specialized use of English. clearly in disagreement (40% Disagree) with the item, even compared to a combined 3.4 Language attitudes 28.5% agreement rating. The overall similarity in perception is clear for most of General language attitudes the items; however, it is also notable that the Romblon respondents' answer concentration The first set of questions covered was higher in many cases (such as items 3­ general language attitudes toward English 5, where the majority of the responses were and Filipino. These questions incorporated in one of the five columns as opposed to the items such as situational preference, Manila responses which were more emotional reactions toward situations using scattered across the five with one slightly English and/or Filipino, viewing English higher than the rest). and/or Filipino as an advantage in general, Both groups were fairly ambivalent and so on. toward using English in most situations As indicated in Table 6, both sets of (although many agreed with a total of 37.1% respondents seemed to give similar ratings SA/A for Manila and 28.5% Romblon) or to the same statements. Both were neutral the mother tongue (both nevertheless on using English in most situations, saw recorded overall high agreement levels) in both languages as an advantage, and agreed most situations. This overall attitude is that English was an advantage to the consistent with their overall high desire for country as a whole. A desire to speak both them and other Filipinos to speak both languages well (and English fluently and English and Filipino well. It is possible that accurately) was common to both sets of the specifications "all/most situations" and respondents, as was a belief that "whenever possible" may have led most Philippines-based foreigners should learn respondents to avoid making a definite Filipino. answer right away to allow for deviation Even notable differences for this from the proposed absolute. segment of the questionnaire are slight. The Language Attitudes

Table 6. General language attitudes of Romblon and Manila respondents Romblon Manila % %% % Item S % A % N % DSS % A % N % DS 1. I prefer using English in most situations, whenever possible. 11.4 17.1 68.6 2.86 0 17.1 20 45.7 17.1 0 2. Speaking both Filipino and English is an 82.9 11.4 0 0 0 82.9 14.3 2.86 0 0 advantage. 3. EnglishisimportanttothePhilippinesasa 34.3 45.7 17.1 0 2.86 37.1 48.6 8.57 2.86 2.86 whole. 4. Speaking English is an advantage. 82.9 14.3 2.86 0 65.7 28.6 5.71 0 5. I would like to speak both English and 74.3 20 5.71 0 65.7 28.6 2.86 0 Filipino well. 6. Filipinos should be able to speak both English and Filipino. 74.3 11.4 11.4 0 2.86 65.7 22.9 8.57 2.86 0 7. I prefer using my mother tongue in all situations, whenever possible. 20 25.7 51.4 2.86 0 34.3 22.9 37.1 5.71 0 8. I think it's important to maintain English to help the Philippines develop. 40 37.1 20 0 2.86 51.4 34.3 8.57 2.86 2.86 9. Foreigners working or living in the Philippines should learn Filipino. 60 20 20 0 57.1 37.1 5.71 0 10. I like hearing Filipino being spoken by other people. 34.3 34.3 28.6 2.86 0 37.1 37.1 20 5.71 0 11. I feel uncomfortable when hearing one Filipino speaking to another in English. 5.71 14.3 34.3 25.7 20 11.4 17.1 17.1 40 14.3 12. Filipino is less useful to know than 2.86 17.1 20 37.1 20 2.86 22.9 25.7 34.3 11.4 English. 13. The English language sounds very nice. 48.6 42.9 8.57 0 25.7 54.3 20 0 14. I wish that I could speak fluent and accurate English. 71.4 17.1 8.57 0 65.7 25.7 5.71 0 2.86 15. I feel uneasy and lack confidence when speaking English. 5.71 14.3 42.9 25.7 11.4 22.9 20 22.9 17.1 14.3 16. Filipino, as a language, is superior to 28.6 22.9 42.9 2.86 2.86 22.9 8.57 48.6 11.4 5.71 English. 17. IdonotfeelawkwardwhenusingEnglish. 25.7 22.9 22.9 14.3 11.434.3 42.9 11.4 8.57 2.86 18. I would feel embarrassed if I couldn't speak any English. 82.9 11.4 0 82.9 14.3 2.86 0

Languageandsocialstatus differences between respondent populations were more pronounced with this group of The second set of questions looked statements. at status height or elevation associated with The Romblon respondents were the use of English and Filipino. While some mostly Neutral (37.1) toward associating the sets of responses were grouped generally use of English with a high social status, similarly across both populations, the while the Manila respondents tended to M.P.Estipona

agree with it more (45.7%). A similar respondents have grown to see English as a outcome - for a similar question - was prestigious language with a status that has evident for a statement that associated applications in the real world, whether English with praise from family, perceptual ( "the mark of an educated relatives and friends, with Romblon person") or practical ("advantages in respondents mostly neutral at 42.9% while seeking good job opportunities"). Manila residents mostly Agreed at 37.1%. However, this is not to say that Both groups agreed that English Filipino is automatically at a serious is the mark of an educated person disadvantage for all respondents: while the (Romblon respondents 42.9% Agree, majority of Manila respondents were neutral Manila respondents 34.3% Agree), and at 37.1% and most others in general both strongly agreed that English offers disagreement at 37.2% SDID, the advantages in seeking good job majority of respondents from Romblon opportunities (Romblon respondents 65.7% saw Filipino as having a higher status than Strongly Agree, Manila respondents 48.6% English in the Philippines (57.1% SAlA). Strongly Agree). Notably, however, despite Furthermore, the Romblon respondents these similarities, the Romblon respondents generally did not strongly associate were in stronger agreement (SAlA totaling English with praise and approval from 57.1%) than the Manila respondents family and friends (most were Neutral at (SAIA totaling 25.7%, highest average 42.9%) at 28.56% SAiA and 28.61% SDID, being Neutral 37.1%) that Filipino had a especially compared to the Manila higher status than English in the Philippines. residents who agreed at a combined rate of Positive attitudes toward English 48.5% and only disagreed at a combined and its position as a status indicator were rate of 20.01% (also lower than the Neutral reflected overall, suggesting that the 28.6%).

Table 7. Language attitudes of Romblon and Manila respondents toward EnglishlFilipino as statusmarkers Romblon Manila % %% % Item S %A %N %DSS %A %N %DS 1. If I use English, I seem to have a high socialstatus. 2.86 31.4 37.1 17.1 11.4 11.4 45.7 25.7 8.57 8.57 Englishisthemarkofaneducatedperson.11.4 42.9 25.7 8.57 8.57 22.9 34.3 28.6 5.71 8.57 IfI useEnglish,Iwillbepraisedand approvedofbymyfamily, relativesand 2.86 25.7 42.9 22.9 5.71 11.4 37.1 28.6 14.3 5.71 friends. 4. The status of Filipinois higher than that ofEnglishinThePhilippines. 25.7 31.4 25.7 8.57 0 11.4 14.3 37.1 22.9 14.3 5. Englishoffers advantages in seeking good job opportunities. 65.7 20 8.57 0 2.86 48.6 45.7 2.86 2.86 0 Language Attitudes

Table 8. Language attitudes of Romblon and Manila respondents toward English/Filipino in mass media/entertainment Romblon Manila % % % % Item S %A %N %D S S %A %N %D S

1. I enjoyseeingmoviesin English. 42.9 37.1 20 0 34.3 57.1 8.57 0 2. Thereshouldbe morelocally-produced TV andradioprogramsavailablein 28.6 48.6 20 0 22.9 34.3 34.3 5.71 2.86 English. 3. Englishshouldalwaysbeused onpublic signs,noticesand ads. 11.4 20 48.6 17.1 2.86 14.3 40 25.7 17.1 2.86 4. To readEnglishmagazinesis a kindof 37.1 45.7 11.4 2.86 2.86 40 48.6 11.4 0 0 enjoyment. 5. Without the knowledgeof Filipino, I would miss out on many rewarding and enjoyableparts of culture,such as 37.1 37.1 20 0 62.9 31.4 2.86 2.86 0 folkmusicandindigenousliterature.

Language and mass media/entertainment The spread of mass media and their use of English in their content, carriage and The third set of questions looked at coverage may have to do with the overall how the respondents viewed the use of English positive responses toward English in film, and Filipino in the mass media and television and print. This, however, has not entertainment circles. Print media, film and affected the appreciation of Filipino as an television, music and literature - as well as entertainment and information or public notices and advertisements - were all communications medium, likely because included. Filipino has of late also enjoyed As Table 8 indicates, both populations considerable prominence and use as a lingua can be said to enjoy movies in English franca in both real life and media (Romblon respondents rated higher overall, representations. with 42.9% Strongly Agree and 37.1% Agree to Manila's 34.3% Strongly Agree and 57.1% Language and instruction Agree) and magazines in English (both agreeing - Romblon respondents at 45.7% The fourth set of questions looked at and Manila respondents at 48.6%). Both possible attitudes toward English and/or populations also generally agreed that Filipino as media of instruction. Included in Filipino provides rewarding cultural and this were statements covering preferences for literary opportunities (Romblon respondents English or another language as medium of evenly split across SA/A at 37.1% each, and instruction in school, Filipino as medium for Manila respondents more concentrated in SA social science and mathematics textbooks, and with 62.9%). Furthermore, both populations interest in a high standard of English in were mostly Neutral with regard to a schools as well as a motivation to study possible preference for English on public English as a non-required subject. notices and advertisements. Overall similarities across both populations continue to be seen, albeit with M.P.Estipona

Table 9. Language attitudes of Romblon and Manila respondents toward English/Filipino as MOl Romblon Manila

2. My social science and mathematics textbooksshouldbe writtenin, or 5.71 5.71 42.9 28.6 17.1 5.71 25.7 28.6 25.7 14.3 translatedinto,Filipino. 3. Englishshouldnotbe a mediumof instructionin the schoolsin the 11.4 17.1 25.7 31.4 14.3 5.71 14.3 28.6 37.1 14.3 Philippines. 4. It is importantto keepa high standardof Englishin schools. 65.725.78.570 54.3 37.1 8.57 0 5. I wouldtake Englishevenif it werenot a requiredsubjectat school. 22.9 40 28.6 5.71 2.86 20 45.7 28.6 2.86 2.86

some notable differences. A preference for instruction at 31.4% for Romblon and 34.3% English as the medium of instruction was clear for Manila). However, despite a less than in both populations' responses (Romblon 40% absolute preference for it, English is seen as Agree, Manila 31.4% Strongly Agree), as was something worth doing and worth doing well, a desire for the maintenance of a high standard considering the favor ascribed to taking of English in schools (Romblon 65.7% English, even as an optional and to Strongly Agree, Manila 54.3% Strongly maintaining a high standard in Agree). Both populations ambivalent schools. English's academic presence and about Filipino being used the medium prestige certainly seems assured, at least as far for social science and mathematics as these respondents are concerned. textbooks (Neutral at 42.9% for Romblon and 28.6% for Manila), and both were interested Language and culture in taking English even if it were not a required subject (Agree at 40% for Romblon and 45.7% The fifth and last set of Manila). Both were also in disagreement covered impressions of and toward not having English as the MOl Filipino as elements of culture. in (Disagree at 31.4% for Romblon and 37.1% this set covered personal identification with for Manila). Both were more clearly in favor either Anglo-American or Filipino cultures, of having English as the MOl (62.9% SNA values and languages, allowing the respondent for Romblon and 57.1% SAl A for Manila, to base his or her response on a personal although Manila's highest single percentage definition of what these values and ideas were. was Neutral at 34.3%). As Table 10 suggests, there were clear English is clearly seen as a useful and parallels in response ratings from both beneficial medium of instruction, although it populations; both strongly agreed that does not necessarily enjoy this treatment Filipino as a language is closely tied to culture, exclusively (there was a high level of heritage and identity, and strongly disagreed neutrality toward it as a preferred medium of that using English means that one is not lLlnguage Attitudes 79 nationalistic. The last item is of interest to a culture (leaning toward disagreement at reader aware of nationalism's impact on 45.7% Neutral vs. 42.9% SDID) and with language planning: it has been a factor in modem, western values, as well as toward various shifts in national language policy, English being a significant part of Philippine being part of the reasons why the history and identity. This may have to do with Pilipino/Cebuano/other language conflicts of their comparative personal distance from the the 1960s were shelved in the name of unity language as compared to the Manila and being one of the influential forces respondents. The Manila respondents, on the resulting in the Bilingual Education Policy of other hand, were more forthrightly 1974. Nationalism itself has long been used in opinionated: they were in disagreement with arguments in favor of minimizing or self-identification with British/Anglo­ eliminating the focus on English or trying to American culture (31.4% Disagree, 20% downplay English's prestige and influence in Strongly Disagree) but in agreement with self­ favor of the national language. It is thus identification with modem, western values

Table10.Languageattitudesof Romblonand ManilarespondentstowardEngIishIFiIipino in culture Romblon Manila % %% Item S%A%N%DSS%A%N%D 1. The Filipinolanguage is sucha big part of ourculture,heritageandidentity. 77.1 20 0 62.9 28.6 5.71 2.86 0 2. If I use English, it means that I am not nationalistic. 2.86 8.57 11.4 31.4 45.7 2.86 5.71 5.71 37.1 48.6 3. I identify myself with the British and Anglo-Americanculture. 5.71 5.71 45.7 28.6 14.3 11.4 11.4 25.7 31.4 20 4. I identify myself with modem, western values, and thus I also find the 11.4 25.7 45.7 14.3 2.86 17.1 42.9 20 17.1 2.86 knowledgeof Englishimportant. makes part 20 28.6 48.6 0 2.86 25.7 34.3 28.6 5.71 5.71 notablehere that the use of Englishis not seen (42.9% Agree) and English being significant by either population to mean a lack of in Philippine history and identity (34.3% nationalism. Agree). There were also slight but noticeable divergences. Romblon respondents were consistently neutral toward identifying themselves with the British/Anglo-American M.P.Estipona 80

4. Conclusion and implications strong bilingual tendency have for language planning? In the words of Gonzalez (1996), The ratings from both sets of responses "Life precedes law, prescription or policy. In were generally similar. Both populations ­ fact, language policy must be based on life" (p. one closer to the country'S first and main 215). It remains true that there is a need to urban center (mostly oriented toward using support both English and Filipino, and that Filipino and English, with some use of foreign neither language is going away any time soon. languages), and one closer to a provincial base English is set to stay; as Wardhaugh has (who generally used more Filipino and suggested, "it is unlikely that external other local languages) - had positive languages which open up access to the attitudes toward English in general, as a world outside will disappear" (cited in Ting, language that was important to individual and 2003). Fishman (1996) adds that "global national development. English was seen as a arrangements will increasingly make use of language that represented an educated nature English while local life between locals will and advantages in seeking job opportunities, increasingly be attached to national but was not necessarily superior to Filipino or languages and cultures" (cited in Villacorta, a threat to nationalism. Filipino was also seen 2000, p. 265). Hence, continued institutional positively by both populations, as a language support for and promotion of both in various integral to culture and literature and a circles can only be a good thing. This will language that Filipinos and foreigners alike require, in no uncertain terms, "an should speak. Both populations were improvement of the entire educational system" ambivalent toward absolutely choosing one (Villacorta, 2000, p. 264). language or the other for use. There is considerable headway to be The generalization is that the made for both languages. The results suggest respondents from both urban and less urban that learners would be open to measures that locales do indeed exhibit mostly similar try to improve and maintain the quality of language attitudes toward English and English use, and to its continued extensive use Filipino. As with Fuentes and Mojica's (1999) in mass media. Gonzalez (1996) also has much study, the overaii results pointed toward to say about what has yet to be done for positive movement of the country's bilingual Filipino: "The Filipino language is still in the tendency, with language users having process of standardization (not a major positive attitudes toward their mother tongues difficulty at present for its uses in the and the second language as well as strong classroom) but also in the process of desires to use both with adequate fluency. modernization... and the process of Various factors may be cited for this healthy intellectualization (begun in the domain of collective attitude: the maintenance of Filipino Literature but still relatively developing in the as a lingua franca, an informed and practically domain of Science and Technology)" (p. 213). moderated sentiment of nationalism, and As to language planning covering consistent with Fuentes and Mojica's (1999) MOl, bilingual and first-language approaches findings which themselves continue a trend such as the Lubuagan project (Dumatog & from Feenstra and Castillo's 1970 study, a Dekker, 2003) seem to be heading in the right clear understanding of English's instrumental direction with its initial focus and later potential and role as well as those of movement toward using both languages. Filipino. Indeed, macro-level policies such as the bills What implications does this continued in Congress currently under consideration Language Attitudes would do well to avoid outright favoring one today that "there must be of the two languages, and instead focus on the transitional arrangement using a language promotion, development and use of both ­ [students] do know before a new medium of streamlining the subject matter and content instruction (a second or a third language) can into proportionate amounts for the students' be used. Otherwise, one will have a bi-channel developmental pace and following a language mode of instruction which results in wastage path similar to the Lubuagan project's. and ineffectiveness" (p. 216). Gonzalez's 1998 paper on the state of However, as he also cautions, "in the Philippine language planning seems to Philippines, there is unfortunately a tendency continue to ring true ten years on, especially to make fine plans and projects for the suggestion "to make the students implementation, perhaps a subconscious functionally literate in Filipino first, then belief that once proper plans are formulated, slowly leading them to carry on higher order implementation eventually follows. The cognitive activities in Filipino while, at the reality is different" (Gonzalez, 1996). While same time, training them in oral skills in we may continue to establish close English and eventually reading skills for similarities between language attitudes of higher cognitive order activity in English" (p. urban and less-urban respondents and find 521). Micro- level policies and programs, as empirical grounds to take action that we may seen in the schools themselves, would ideally then spend much time designing to perfection, avoid the traditional, penalizing and the implementation and follow-up still sometimes traumatizing institutional English remains a constantly underestimated part of campaigns in favor of providing reading the work that we must focus on seeing material and writing activities that help through. establish the language in the students' comfort Finally, as for future research, while zone and helping them see what they can be the direct approach of using the Likert-scale capable of with its use. Overall, questionnaire format has yielded interesting Kirkpatrick's (2007) observations of results on its own, future studies would do language planning implications - as drafted well to, where circumstances permit, add and by the 2003 HK Curriculum Development incorporate more varied subjective-response Council - seem to provide good general collection formats such as a commitment objectives here as well: to give second­ scale, motivational-intensity scale, and language learners "opportunities for semantic differential. Care will have to be extending their knowledge and experience of taken, however, to ensure that the format the cultures of other people as well as keeps from overwhelming and/or otherwise opportunities for personal and intellectual intimidating the respondents. On the other development," and "to enable every learner hand, if a Likert-type scale format continues to to prepare for the changing socio-economic be used, it may be instructive to remove the demands resulting from advances in "Neutral"I"Undecided" option so as to avoid information technology" (p. 388). "safe" answers from respondents. This will hopefully help stem a A more extensive study would do well possible tide of what Sibayan (2000) calls to incorporate more of the languages of the "semilinguals" who use languages for various region said to be farther from the urban purposes but have limited command of the center, instead of merely stipulating Filipino languages themselves and content written in as the English counterpart for both situations the languages. Indeed, Gonzalez's (1996) - although questions would have to be point is reflected in the ideal step taken carefully constructed for the sake of M. P. Estipona

analysis, and closer screening of much their individual language backgrounds respondents will be necessary due to the and contexts ultimately affect their concepts of need for specific L1's spoken. Future studies language. Expansions of the scope and can also try and track language attitudes limitations set by and/or upon this study can through time instead of just across the urban also be looked into, as well as the control of spectrum - from respondents as they move other variables (gender, age, migratory from secondary school age to college and pattern), in addition to the urban/provincial possibly on to work, to try and gauge how location.

References Llanto, 1. (2008, June 9 ). Legislators push English as medium of instruction. Bartlett, L. (2003). Social studies of literacy Newsbreak. Retrieved from and comparative education: Intersections. . Bautista, M. L. S., Llamzon, T., & Sibayan, B. Mann, C. C. (2000). Language attitudes, (2000). Parangal cang Brother Andrew: instrumentality and identity: Survey Festschrift for Andrew Gonzalez on his findings from urban Southern Nigeria. In 60th birthday. Manila: Linguistic Society M. L. S. Bautista, T. Llamzon and B. P. of the Philippines. Sibayan (Eds.), Parangal cang Brother Dayag, D. T., & Quakenbush, J. S. (2005). Andrew: Festschrift for Andrew Gonzalez Linguistics and language education in the on his 60th birthday (pp. 288-299). Philippines and beyond: A Festschrift in Manila: Linguistic Society of the honor ofMa. Lourdes S. Bautista. Manila: Philippines. Linguistic Society of the Philippines. Medium of instruction: English, Filipino or De Beaugrande, R. (1999). Theory versus both? (2008, June 11). RP Congress House practice in language planning and in the of Representatives Committee News. discourse of language planning. World Retrieved October 16, 2008 from Englishes, 18(2),107-121. . language education in Lubuagan, Pascasio, E. (2002). The Filipino bilingual Northern Philippines. Retrieved October from a sociolinguistic perspective. A 16, 2008 from paper presented at the International Language Education: Theory and Practice, Ethnologue report for Philippines. (n.d.). Manila, December 9-11, 2002. Retrieved Oct. 16,2008. Republic of the Philippines. (1987). Kirkpatrick, A. (2007). Setting attainable and Constitution of the Philippines. appropriate English language targets in Rubrico, J. The metamorphosis of Filipino as multilingual settings: A case for Hong national language. Language1inks.org. Kong. International Journal ofApplied Retrieved October 17 2008 from Linguistics, 17(3), 376-391. . in second language acquisition. (English Sibayan, B.P. (2000). Resulting patterns of Language Teaching series). London: sociolinguistic, socioeconomic, and Prentice-Hall International (UK) Ltd. cultural practice and. behavior after more Language Attitudes 83

than four hundred years of language Vizconde, C. (2006). Attitudes of student policy and practice in the Philippines. In teachers towards the use of English as M. L. S. Bautista, T. Llamzon and B.P. language of instruction for science and Sibayan (Eds.), Parangal cang Brother mathematics in the Philippines. The Andrew: Festschrift for Andrew Gonzalez Linguistics Journal, 1(3), 7-33. on his 60th birthday (pp. 247-261). Young, C. (2002). First language first: Manila: Linguistic Society of the Literacy education for the future in a Philippines. multilingual Philippine society. Ting, S-H. (2003). Impact of language International Journal ofBilingual planning on language attitudes: A case Education and Bilingualism, 5(4), 221­ study in Sarawak, Journal ofMultilingual 232. and Multicultural Development, 24(3), 195-210. Villacorta, W. V. (2000). Filipino language and nationalism in the 21st century. In M. L. S. Bautista, T. Llamzon and B. P. Sibayan (Eds.), Parangal cang Brother Andrew: Festschrift for Andrew Gonzalez on his 60th birthday (pp. 262-266). Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines. Philippine Tournai of Linguistics 40 (2009) 85-88

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