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THE NEW INTERNATIONAL A MONTHLY ORGAN OF REVOLUTIONARY MARXISM

VOLUME 1 AUGUST 1934 NUMBER 2 Published once a month by the New International Publishing Association, Station D, Post Office Box II9, New York, N ew York. Subscription rates: $1.50 per year (I2 issues) ; $1.00 for seven issues. Canada and Foreign subscription rate: $1.75 per year.

1L~\ ~= SIIACHTMAN, Editor MARTIN ABERN, Busincss 1Y1 anager TAB LEO :r 'C 0 N TEN T S

A111cr;ca and the War In the Pacific, by Jack ~V eber, 33' The Stalinists anc! Pacifism, by Arlle S7.(labcck...... S4 ANew Turn to the United Front ...... " ...... " .. 35 Six Months of the Doumergue Regime ...... " 56 BGnapart:sm and Fascism ...... , ...... , 37 Murder for Profit: El Gran Chaco, by Jean llfcndcz .... 57 The Testament of Lenin, by Leon Tj'ots!?y ...... , 39 Banned! , ...... , , ...... , . .. 58 The Second International in the War, by Max Shachtman 43 DOCUMENTS AND DISCUSSION: THE CRISIS IN FASCISM : The Question of Organic Unity 111 France 1. The Events in Germany, by lYJauricc Spector .... 47 2. How It Happened in Italy, by I. C. H .. ... , , .... 48 The Pact ...... " ...... 59 On the Slogan of "Disarmament", by N. Lenin ...... 50 Towards Organic Unity? by La V h'itc " ...... ,' .. 59 Diplomacy in the World War, by G. Vassilkovsky .. " .. 52 Organic Unity? Yes! by Linier ...... , ..... 60 BOOKS: Soule's Revolution, by Felix .M arrow ...... ', .... 61 Honky-Tonk, b:y Louis Berg .... ',.. , ...... A Legal Marxist, by JosePh C artc?' ., ...... ,. American Capacity, by T1/. E. G ...... , ...... I Inside Front Cover: For the Man on the Planet without a Visa. J nside Back Cover: At Home. An Apology. j~~------~~-~, --~

}~or the Man on the Planet Without a Visa

A few months ago the French author­ opening of a campaign to secure Trot­ plan they have been harboring in their ities made a raid on the residence of sky's assassination: minds: Leon Trotsky and immediately thereafter .. 'H. Sarraut not only protects the To deport T1'Otsky to a living death issued an order for his deportation. The killer Bonnefoy-Sibour. ·He also pro­ o/t a French island colony off t/te so'ltth- reactionary press of France unleashed tects Trotsky. easternmost shores of Africa! , its pack of journalistic hounds to bay "'One fine morning we read in the Never before has his lire-to say noth­ for Trotsky's prompt removal from the papers that the revolutionary agitator ing of his work-been so imminently en­ soil of France, if not his removal from had gone to Switzerland. The news was dangered as'at present. Every effort must the realm of the living. Having little to incorrect. Trotsky is still in France. He be made to.:prevent the execution of the fear as yet from the Fourth International lives in a little village where he contin­ sinister plans of the French reaction. as an organization, the Fascists never­ nes to dream of civil war. rn this country it is an elementary theless had cause to be disturbed by the "'\Vhat is the Minister of the Interior duty of every progressive-minded person ideas of the new' International of Com­ waiting for to execute the order of ex­ to insist that Leon Trotsky be granted a munism and its leader. pulsion? Or must we call upon the ex­ visa, the right to asylum for a political Trotsky to the door! has become a servicemcn themsel'lJes to conduct Trot­ refugee on American soil. The right of watchword of the reaction in France. sk'), to the frontier!' asylum was once jealously cherished not The Stalinist spokesmen, determined to "Trotsky's whereahouts is at present a only by the radical revolutionist in the fjnd a spot on the name of Communism close secret. During the past week, how­ United States, but even by every liberal. which they have not yet coverecl with ever, widespread efforts have heen made We are in a position to state that shame so that they might promptly black­ to extract the name of the village from Trotsky would welcome the opportunity en it, took every precaution to let the police officials. At the same time, Fas­ to come to the oDl1ited States, if the legal world know that they were not in the cist or~anizatiol1s in the provinces have arrangements were effected, to live here, least interested in the fate of Trotsky. heen instnlctp-d to do their utmost to lo­ to study, and to do his literary work, Taking the hint, the Fascists aim to see cate Trotsky." placing himself, of course, under the ob­ to it that whatever the fate, it will be a The truth of the matter is, of course, ligation to observe the laws of the coun­ horrible one. that the present French government is as try of his re{uge. They are planning the assassination of anxious to he rid of Trotsky as are the A committee oJ: noted persons is at the Trotsky! . Fascists. Its only difficulty in executing present moment being constituted for the A recent issue of the New Leader of the deportation order has been the want purpose of bending efforts to obtain the London prints an account from a Paris of a country to send him to. All efforts necessary visa from the, United States correspondent which we reproduce in its made up to the present time to obtain a authorities af Washington. THE NEW essential parts: visa for Trotsky, have failed. And as­ INTERN ATIQ~AL urges all its readers and "The French Fascists have discovered suming that a re;\ctionary assassin does friends to give unstinting assistance to that the ex-Soviet War Commissar is not. 11111rder Trotskv in the meantime­ this committee as soon as they are called still in France. The following note in all'} this is hecoming increasingly likely upon. the organ of M. Chiappe, the former with the passage of tiqle-the French Trotsky is now living on a planet with­ Chief of Paris police, is regarded as the authorities intend to put into effect the out a visa. Let us help get one for him. THE NEW INTERNATIONAL A MONTHLY ORGAN OF REVOLUTIONARY MARXISM

VOLUME I AUGUST 1934 NUMBER 2 America and the War in the Pacific AP1T ALIST peace is an armed truce constantly threatened velt to send the U. S. fleet into the Pacific in 1908 for a "tour" of C with being disrupted by the under-handed or overt acts of the world, in precisely the same fashion as the present Roosevelt agiression of one or the other of the imperialist powers. The in­ sent the fleet to Hawaii recently upon the final seizure of Man­ cident that finally precipitates war is merely the indication that churia. The friction over immigration finally resulted in the diplomacy, as an instrument for peaceful expansion of the robber "Gentlemen's Agreement" of 1912 by which the Japanese agreed to interests of finance capital, is powerles3 when faced with a prob­ withhold passports from laborers on condition that no exclusion lem of fundamental contradiction between two national capitalist law were passed. But the U. S. violated this agreement when the states. Such a situation has now been reached in the Far East; at California Alien Land Law of 1920, preventing Japanese from any moment the volcanic pressure of productive forces clamoring owning land, and the Supreme Court decision shutting the Japan­ for expansion in a capitalist world will bring a violent explosion. ese out from becoming citizens, led up to the Exclusion Law of Whether the next war, for which all countries are feverishly pre­ 1924- paring, breaks out in the Pacific zone of conflict first-as seems The conflict over loans and railways in China presents a Gordian most probable-is of little consequence, for it will inevitably be­ knot in the economic battle for. supremacy in the Far East. The come world-wide in its scope. American railway magnate, Harriman, tried to purchase the South From the point of view of imperialism, the problem of the Paci­ Manchurian railway in 1905. This attempt proving futile, Secre­ fic is reducible to quite simple terms. On one side of this vast tary Knox then tried to "neutralize" Manchuria by making its ocean stands the most powerful capitalist nation on earth, the railways "international", a move the only result of which was to United States, with its tremendous resources and its supreme bring about a secret partitioning of Manchuria between Czarist technique of production. On the other side lies a continent with Russia and Japan. In 1913 came the attempt to grant an interna­ more than half the world's population, just beginning to develop, tional loan to China for the purpose of building a rival railway to offering a fabulous market for commodities and for capital invest­ the South-Manchurian in Shantung. The State department in 1919 ment. But •in between lies Japan, also seeking, as a matter of life approved the "consortium" for loans to China. In every case, how­ and death for its capitalism, sources of- raw materials, markets for ever, Japan has outmanreuvred United States imperialism in this its finished goods, fields for investment of finance capital. Japan sphere. threatens to subjugate entirely for its own purposes the greatest The World War intensified the struggle for mastery of the market still undivided, to make of China a colony, to close the door Pacific. The United States opposed the infamous 21 demands in the face of United States imperialism. A problem of such vast forced by Japanese imperialism on China in 1915, and the attempt and profound importance to both these capitalist powers can only of Japan to seize the Siberian Maritime Provinces in the 1918- be "solved" by war. That has been, clear to the ruling classes of 1921 intervention. Owing to American cable and wireless interests both America and Japan ever since the victory of Japan in the the United States opposed the ceding of the Island of Yap to Japan Russo-J ap War. It was perfectly clear to Lenin when in October as a "mandate" after the war. American militarism saw with 1920 he granted (what he did not possess) to the American adven­ dismay the handing over to Japan of the strategic Caroline and turer Washington Vanderlip a seventy-year lease to four hundred Marshall Islands and there has been constant friction over the thousand square miles of territory, including Kamchatka, to exploit secret building of naval bases in these islands. its rich oil, coal and fishery resources. Let the imperialist dogs The Washington Conference of 1921-2 served to emphasize the fight over the bone and leave the Soviet Union alone! American policy of watchful waiting and of slow retreat before A long history of conflicts between the two Pacific powers leads the aggressiveness of Japanese militarism. The purposes of Am­ up to the present situation. It took thirty years for Japan to wrest erican diplomacy at that conference were to limit naval armaments, Manchuria from China and completely shut out all other rivals. particularly Japanese, to bring about the cancellation of the Anglo­ America felt this loss keenly. Back in 1906 U. S. Special Agent Japanese Alliance then up for renewal, to attempt a settlement of Clark, sent to Manchuria, reported: "Manchuria is a very impor­ troublesome Pacific Island questions and to obstruct Japanese im­ tant market for American flour,- oil, tobacco, etc. and especially perialism in China and Siberia. Althqugh Japan retreated from for American cotton piece goods. It is the only section of China Siberia and yielded on the S-S-3 capital ship ratio, she forced the in which American piece goods practically monopolize the market. U. S. to forego fortification of the Pacific possessions beyond . . . The trade of Manchuria is of more importance to the U. S. Hawaii and virtually forced a recognition of accomplished fact • than to any other nation, with the possible exception of Japan." in China. Thus th'e Tsingtao-Tsinan Railway, seized by Japan in It was the Japanese success in closing this trade to the U. S. that Shantung in 1915 and giving complete control to that province, led to the Hays' formulation of the Open Door policy, the only remained in Japanese hands with a promise, never kept, to return method at the time by which American capitalism could oppose it when "redeemed". Japan has never repudiated, and recent Japanese penetration. Needless to say, American imperialism events have demonstrated this amply, the 21 demands that would would be the first to violate this policy if it secured the upper hand. make China completely a colony. The Japanese capitalists consistently bow to this policy in words, Has the Anglo-Japanese Alliance actually been broken? Eng­ the better to violate it in deeds by the methods of railway rebates land entered into this alliance in 1902 because of the rise of indus­ to Japanese business, by the prompt delivery of Japanese goods trial Germany and the naval race with German imperialism. and the holding up of foreign goods on the railroads, by the for­ Threatened with a German fleet in the North Sea and at the same gery of trade marks, by the opening of mail and cables, by the use time with a Czarist Russian thrust toward India in Asia, England of diplomatic pouches to dodge taxes,-in short, by all the tricky was forced to concentrate her fleet in home waters and to permit methods taught by American and world capitalism. the Japanese fleet to police the Pacific for her. In return the The ousting of American business from Manchuria raised a Japanese ruling class was given a free hand in North China. But storm of obloquy in the American press against all things J apan­ with the post-war developments, Japan has become as much a ele. In San Francisco Japanese children were excluded from the threat to England as Germany or America. The Japanese Monroe ordinary schools and were forced to attend ipecial schools for Doctrine for Asia applies no less to England than to America. Oriental.. Japaneae reaentment (Iver thiacauaed Theodore ROOIe- Th. British do not forret such statements a. "the greater the Page 34 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL August 1934 -= consideration paid by Japan to India, the more should be the Brit­ war for any protracted period. The cutting of communications ish concessions to Japan as regards China" in the Japanese press with Manchuria and China would be fatal to Japanese militarism, (Nippon-Ayobi-Nipponjin) or the famous statement of Colonel just as it would prove fatal for any Japanese armies left stranded Misumachi to the Canadian missionaries in Chief Itao in which he in Manchuria without supplies from the home country. warned them that Japan might give aid to the non-cooperation It is precisely these reasons that caused the U. S. to recognize movement in India. To England mastery of China by either the Soviet Union. Only an ally, a strong ally on the mainland, can America or Japan means as a next step breaking of England's assure victory to the United States, either through weakening strangle-hold on South China and loss of India. Japan in preliminary warfare, or through a combined attack. The British colonies, Canada, South Africa, New Zealand and Siberia would offer excellent air bases for raids on Japanese in­ Australia, understand and fear this fact. England is faced with dustrial centers such as Yawata Arsenal, so essential to Japanese the dilemma that aid to Japan against the U. S. in order to save militarism. The United States navy, following the northern route her colonies from the American colossus may result in desertion from Alaska along the Aleutians, could escape the submarine perils by those very colonies-always outspoken against the Anglo-J ap that would beset it along 2,000 miles of its course if it followed Alliance. Thus D. Massey, when Prime Minister of New Zealand, the lane parallel with the secretly prepared Caroline and Marshall declared that a war between England and the U. S. would "smash Islands, veritable Japanese submarine nests. Soviet submarines the Empire into smithereens". Similarly Hughes, as Prime Minis­ could in turn threaten the Japanese lines of communication. From ter of Australia, stated that "he greeted with joy every battleship every point of view, as Radek pointed out long ago, American im­ laid down in an American shipyard". These alarmists of the perialism needs the aid of Soviet Russia. The Soviet Union, de­ Yellow Peril are themselves the greatest menace to the masses as fending itself against imperialist attack, could utilize the contra­ the White capitalist Peril at home. But England has taken pre­ dictions in the camp of its imperialist enemies. The Japanese im­ cautions and, on the advice of Admiral J ellicoe, has established the perialists, faced with the threat of an alliance between two such most powerful naval bases in the South China Seas, notably at enemies, was forced immediately to postpone its impending attack Singapore and Colombo. Japanese diplomacy has aimed recently on the Maritime Provinces and Siberia. at balancing the U. S. with England when the Japanese armies But further postponement means further endangering the possi­ finally move on Siberia. In view of the intense rivalry in trade bility of Japanese success. For Siberia is being rapidly colonized of Japanese capitalism with the English textile interests and the and built up into a very strong agrarian-industrial unit. Just as threat to British possessions by either victorious power, it is pos­ the Japanese were forced to take steps to seize Manchuria because sible that England will remain neutral and attempt to capture the of the tremendous influx of Chinese, thirty million of them, into a world's trade during the conflict just as America and Japan did in land that Japan hoped to use for colonization by her own people, the last war. so she will now be forced to act in Siberia before it is too late. Even before America entered that last World War the U. S. But the U. S. too can no longer afford to put off staking its for­ ruling class was already engaged in preparations for the next con­ tunes on the sword. The vast surplus of commodities and of flict, with Japan. Having captured the world market, American capital piled up by the most advanced capitalism in the world must capitalism intended to maintain its hegemony after the war. Hence seek an outlet beyond the national boundaries. The contradiction arose the Big Navy propaganda in 1916 when the U. S. Congress of overproduction by rapidly expanding forces of production, U. S. inaugurated its three-year plan for building the largest navy in the capitalism hopes to solve in the world market by a redivision of world. President ,Wilson spoke for "incomparably the most ade­ that market. The crisis drives America, the hardest hit and the quate navy in the world". In 1920 the Report of the General Board slowest to recover, inevitably on this adventurist road. Thus history of the Navy stated the aim of creating "a navy equal to the most may show the "combined" development of imperialist war between powerful maintained by any other nation in the world". Japan capitalist powers with a war of intervention against the Sovist Un­ was at the same time engaged in a naval race. The budgets of ion starting in the East. But such a war will inevitably precipitate both countries set aside naval appropriations vastly in excess of out all the contradictions between all the capitalist countries, and any the ,world had hitherto seen. The ,Washington Conference resolve also the fundamental contradiction of our epoch, that be­ arrested this race for a few years in its acutest form, but the tween a socialist system of society and the capitalist system. That present naval programs indicate that a "crisis" has arrived and solution depends, however, not on the desires of the imperialist that no more limitations will be acceptable. bandits of capitalism, but on the masses of all countries. \\Thy has this "crisis" taken so long to mature? Why has not The epoch of imperialism is the epoch of the deadline of capital­ the U. S. with its incomparab~y superior technology, come to grips ism, the era of wars and revolutions. The fierce competition in a sooner with its Japanese rivals? The answer lies in the immense world of ever more restricted markets means above all an unbear­ distances involved in warfare in the Pacific. Unlike the World ably intense exploitation of the masses of workers and farmers, a War, decided mainly by armies entrenched on land, this war con­ sharp lowering of the living standards of the toilers and the petty cerns navies and naval strategy. The U. S. could not send mil­ bourgeoisie. The largest war budgets are loaded on the backs of lions of soldiers overseas, nor could it support them if they could the toilers even while they starve, even while tens of millions are be sent. Unlike England, America has no first class naval base unemployed and unable to secure adequate relief. To carry through on the mainland of Asia. The radius of battle for the complex the program of imperialist war and plunder abroad requires a mechanism of a modern navy is dependent on the distance from regime of reaction at home to suppress all opposition to the mur­ such fueling and repair bases. In the last war this radius was five derous schemes of big business. Bonapartism and Fascism are the hundred miles and the U. S. has no base nearer than five thousand inevitable concomitants of a regime of reactionary finance capital. miles from the scene of conflict,-Pearl Harbor in Honolulu. The The preparations at home for the program of imperialism abroad Philippine Islands have several naval bases not very strongly forti­ are not only technical, the mobilization of all industry for the war fied but even if well fortified the Japanese navy could very quickly machine, but social in that all the elements of democracy, bourgeois seize these islands before the U. S. could send sufficient forces to and proletarian, must be suppressed to assure a smoothened path defend them. Even so the American militarists will hardly aban­ for dictatorial capitalism. In truth, far from "solving" any prob­ don the Philippines to be taken over immediately by Japan. The lem of livelihood for the masses, war means that they have every­ proposed "independence" of the islands is put ten years hence-and thing to lose. a good deal 'will happen in those ten years. Meantime the strategy The way out of the all-embracing contradictions of modern of Japan has been directed towards complete control of all the sea capitalism is not along the road of imperialist war and its conse- lanes of the Western Pacific with the double view of exercizing ,quent redivision of the world, but by the advance of civilization to complete mastery of Chinese trade and of making enclosed, well­ a new and higher plane through the hegemony of the proletariat. protected inland seas of the waters adjacent to Japan and China. War is as much an attack on the working class at home as on the By keeping the route, to Manchuria open, and to China, Japan can "enemy" abroad by the home bourgeoisie. If civilization is not to secure all that she needs in foodstuffs, coal and iron ore, etc. On be destroyed in flames, if the masses are not to sink back into her own soil the Island Kingdom is almost completely lacking in barbarism, then the machinations of the imperialist scoundrels must raw materiall that are absolutely ellential to the conducting of be resisted by the worken ~nd farmerl. The imperialist war mu.t August 1934 rrHE NEW INTERNATIONAL Page 35. be turned into civil war! The working class must be taught to of the social crisis. At the first touch of war the Japanese peasants distrust all forms of justification for wa",· all manreuvres to bring led by the workers may rise up against intolerable oppression, for about "civil peace" before and during war. The first aim of the Japan resembles nothing so much as Czarist Russia before· the class struggle today must be to resist by mass action all attacks on revolution. .But in America, too,. the masses face intolerable con­ workers' democracy, on the trade unions, on the working class ditions, becoming ever more oppressive. The way out is not parties, because these Fascist blows mean the prelude to incalcu­ through war but through the dictatorship of the proletariat lead­ lable misery for all toilers, because they are the first step towards ing all the oppressed. We revolutionary workers of America greet imperialist war. On the other hand, war itself will be used to our Japanese brothers; we shall extend our hands across the sea further the interests of reactionary capitalism by giving greater im­ to the oppressed of Japan even during the war that inevitably ap­ petus to the Fascist program. proaches. Long live the solidarity of the international working Japanese capitalism and American capitalism rest on the volcano class! Jack WEBER A New Turn to the lTnited Front NDOUBTEDLY the most important event in the internation­ place, as the Paris organ of the bourgeois Radicals points out, "in U al labor movement of recent times is the consummation of a their rapproachment with the communists, no doctrinal concession united front agreement between the Socialist and Stalinist parties has been agreed to. Those who claim that the socialists allowed of France, the official text of which is reproduced elsewhere in themselves to be manacled by Moscow, are making a complete this issue. For the bureaucracies of both parties, the step repre­ travesty of the reality of the facts. All the concessions-absolute­ sents a brusque turn-about-face from the position, hel. by both lyall-have been made by the communists, they have driven ab­ of them only yesterday. Its consequences may be of the most negatio~ to the uttermost limits by renouncing what constituted far-reaching significance for the working class movement of the after all, the whole originality of their propaganda" (l'Information entire world. Sociale, July 26, 1934). The German catastrophe gave most striking confirmation of the The Stalinist somersault in policy is not determined by the idea that the vanguard party which is incapable of uniting the equally powerful, urge for the unitea front which undoubtedly bulk of the working class behind it against the extreme reaction exists in the communist ranks. The bankrupt bureaucracy snaps of Fascism, is crushed together with the proletariat itself. The a contemptuous finger at what its fo~lowers may think or want. Austtian events a year later provided proof of the indispensable It was ready to break with its most powerful local organization, complement of this idea: that the unity of the working class St.-Denis, rather than undertake a change in course from the (which existed to the highest degree, under the banner of the social idiotic dogma of "social-Fascism". If it has tacitly buried it-at democracy), is an invincible weapon only when the proletariat has least for the day-the hero of the funeral is not Thorez, nor yet at its disposal a determined revolutionary party. The working Cachin, but the Honorable Maxim Litvinov, Commissar for For­ class of France, which is now confronted with the same problem eign Affairs of the Soviet Union. With a cynicism which is un­ as the proletariat of Central Europe a couple of years ago-the fortunately not unwarranted, Leon Blum almost approaches the struggle against Fascism is now the first point on the order of the truth when he writes: "Faced with the danger of war in the Far day in the Third Republic-can solve it only by drawing upon the East, the Soviet government knows that in the rear it will have to experiences of the recent defeats. contend with Hitlerism. And, consequently, the instinct of self­ "Everything has changed in the twinkle of an eye," wrote M. preservation dictates to the Bolsheviks a new orientation both in Leon Blum in the socialist daily on July 8. Up to a few weeks the field of its class, or proletarian, policies and in the realm of ago, the French socialists adhered to the policy of all the parties diplomacy and international politics. Soviet Russia has now come of the Second International in rejecting the united front. Such a closer to the French government and therefore is fishing for ,step was either regarded as a sinister manreuvre of the commu­ popular support among the French masses." nists, or else positive action was predicated upon a preliminary The Stalinist theory of "socialism in one country", subverting international agreement. The Stalinists, on the other hand, con­ the communist movement into a border patrol for the Russian tin.ed to cling feverishly to th. dogma of "social-Fascism" and Soviets, is incompatible with a consistent revolutionary policy. the "united front only from below". One papal bull after another We have argued this on more than one occasion. Proceeding from thundered forth from the Stalinist secretariat, excommunicating: this theory, the Stalinists made a united front in China with the and consigning to eternal flames those traitors, counter-revolu­ bourgeois nationalists and helped the counter-revolution to tri­ tionists and followers of the "social-Hitlerite" (Le., Trotsky) who umph, aiding neither the Chinese masses nor the Soviet Union. made the outrageous proposal that the Communist party should With the same motivation, which separates the interests of Soviet "sit down at a table withlWels and Renaudel" for the purpose of defense from the interests of· the world revolution, the commu­ working out a fighting minimum agreement against the Fascist nists were subjected to the yoke of the British trade union bureau­ maraud~rs. How, indeed, is it possible to join in a compact cracy which was going "to protect Russia from intervention", and against Fascism with its "twin brother", social democracy? And, thereby the Third International became a silent partner to the moreover, what interest can the Stalinists have in defending the betrayal of the general strike of 1926. democratic rights of the proletariat-a sinister term invented by Now in France too the Soviet Foreign Office has intervened to Trotskyism for the purpose of misleading the workers into the impose a similar policy upon the French Stalinists. The inaus­ camp of social democracy!-when the thirteenth plenum has put picious omens attending the birth of the united front in France (it the immediate struggle for Soviet power at the top of the agenda? exists now in the Saar too, and efforts are being made to extend The very pact that has just been signed in Paris is pervaded with it to other countries; what a picture it gives of the Third Interna­ the odor of the expulsion from the C. P. of Jacques Doriot, who tional today-Litvinov accomplishes with a turn of the wrist what proposed--:poor Doriot I-nothing that the Stalinists have not just Manuilsky has been damning for years to choral accompaniments put their signatures to. by Heckert, Thorez, Browder and other choir boys!) render its The change of front· of the social democracy is not difficult to future more than dubious. understand. The tremendous wave of sentiment in the ranks is At the very outset, it is instructive to compare the text of the universally acknowledged. The French socialist proletariat has united front pact finally adopted with the original proposals made learned more from the events of the past two years than its lead­ by the Stalinists on July 2. Article II of the latter specified that ership, and it does not want to bow to Fascist servitude without "The campaign against the decree-laws shall be conducted by the a militant fight. "It was morally impossible for them to decline," same means [meetings and demonstrations in the street], but also says Vandervelde about Leon Blum and Co.'s acceptance of the by bringing to bear the methods of agitation and organization united front, and even Longuet understood "the impossibility of appropriate for leading to a realization of a broad strike action abltainini' without condemning ourselves to death", In the second apiust ~heH decree-laws". The socialist bureaucrats, brothers- Page 36 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL August 1934 under-tha-skin of the German capitulatore, obdurately opposed the deleterioul to the proletariat thaD the whole policy which it just reference to strike action, and the Stalinists withdrew their point. dropped so suddenly. Indeed a united front of inaction I Article IV of the original Stalinist text read: "Doctrinal con­ Not the least important aspect of the latest turn in French labor troversies, the comparing of tactical methods, far from being pro­ politics, however, is the growing trend towards organic tlni'y, that scribed by the realization of unity of action, remain necessary for is, towards merging the two existing organizations into a single the elevation of the political level of the masses and for the devel­ party. At first blush, the very idea may seem preposterous. Yet, opment of the class consciousness of the masses." Blum and it is so, it is a fact. Not only socialist leaders, 'but Stalinists like Faure, who make joint agreements and "united fronts" by the Thorez and Cachin as well, have more than merely intimated that yard with the bourgeois Radicals without demanding a non-ag­ the united front is but the first substantial step towards an organic gression pact, without demanding the suspension of criticism (they fusion into a single party. Of at least equal significance is the have little to fear from the Right), fought against Article IV as fact that among the masses following both parties there has arisen well (the)7 have more than a little to fear from the Left), and the a widespread enthusiasm for the amalgamation of the two parties Stalinists withdrew it. into one. Article V of the original Stalinist draft read: "In the interests Without attempting to exhaust the question, or to express a of the success of the joint action, each party reserves to itself the conclusive and categorical opinion on the dispute which is dealt right of denouncing those who, having undertaken clearcut engage­ with on another page, one can agree from the very start with at ments, seek to evade their application, as well as those who in the least one salient idea from each contender. For the leaders of course of the action take an attitude or commit deeds which may either (in this case, of course, both) of the two parties to speak do damage to the success of the undertaken action." Here the of organic unity is an implicit avowal of the bankruptcy of their Stalinists were mildly seeking to reserve to themselves the right respective organizations, an admission that there never has been, of criticizing those in the camp of the Socialist party (and of or at least that there is not now, any fundamental difference in course grantin~; the reciprocal right to the socialists) who be­ principle warranting the maintenance of an independent social trayed the interests of the struggle against Fascism. But on this democratic party or an independent communist (read: Stalinist) score also they backed water, and adopted instead the text (Ar­ party. In this there is a sound heart of truth. Both Stalinism and ticle IV in the accepted draft) which gives the Socialist party present-day social democracy represent varieties of Centrism, often the "right" to discipline its own flock, and the Communist party enough sharply antagonistic to each other, but varieties of Cen­ the "right" to criticize its own flock-but nothing more. The dis­ trism nevertheless. The facility with which the former fused with tinction is palpable: M. Blum reserves to himself-and to nobody Chiang Kai-Shek, with A. A. Purcell, with Pilsudski (a good 80 else I-the right to check M. Blum, and in exchange is ready to percent, at any rate), with the petty bourgeois pacifists of the concede that M. Thorez-and nobody else-should be empowered Barbusse movement, etc., etc., is sufficiently indicative of its politi­ to examine into the conduct of M. Thorez. cal nature. The two bureaucracies have thus formed a joint protective Examining the problem from the opposite pole, the conclusion associati.on with mutual amnesty as its capital stock, and with is evident that so far as the masses are concerned, their demand anything else as' its goal except the mobilization of the masses for for organic unity is, at least in good part, a vote of non-confidence an active and effective struggle against Fascism. Especially at in both existing parties. The social democracy by i~self-:-no. Tae the present junction in France, the Fascists cannot be eliminated Stalinist party by itself-no. The two together, forming a sinrle, as an increasingly imminent danger by means of meetings in the a new, party-yes: By this the masses are expressing in a still Palais dJHiver or demonstrations at the Bois de Vincennes. badly articulated manner, vaguely, uncertainly, their desire for a The temper of tht1 elders dominating the. present united front new revolutionary party different from those which exist, which movement is adequately indicated by th~' incident of July 8. The breathe and poison the atmosphere with the defeats they pile upon Fascist Croix de Feu demonstrated at the Arc-de-TriompheJ an the back of the proletariat. impudent mob of a few thousand gilded youth. The joint com­ To our mind, the Marxists can have but one view of the prob­ mittee of the S. P. and C. P. proposed a counter-demonstration­ lem posed now in France and elsewhere tomorrow. "Organic not at the Arc-de-Triomphe, god forbid! That would not only be unity" is not the solution to the burning problems of the prole­ a bit audacious for revolutionary working class Paris united under tariat. Even if there were no sound theoretical guiding lines, the a common banner, but it would have put the Doumergue regime crumpling up of the Austrian social democracy would be empirical in the crotch of the fork-but miles away at the Place de la N a­ evidence enough. In Austria, a "perfect organic unity" existed: tion. Even this distance was considered insufficiently remote by one party, one trade union, one cooperative, one yduth, one miii­ the police, and at the order of the Prefecture, the Parisian work­ tary movement-all under one roof and one banner. What was ing class was meekly directed by its leaders to demonstrate in the lacking was the revolutionary party, capable of uniting the masses Bois de Vincennes-as far away as you can get from the Arc-de­ and their organizations upon a revolutionary program. Its ab­ Triomphe without taking a train out of Paris. sence proved nothing less than fatal. Were one to go back further While the Fascists are feverishly engaged in arming themselves, in history, it would be well to remember that the proletarian unity and in launching those experimental sallies upon workers and that existed before the war was shattered in and after the war. workers' gatherings which are preliminary to more extensive as­ Revolutionists cannot remain in the same party with reformists. saults, the French proletariat is intoxicated with the illusion of The champions of the workers' revolution and dictatorship: cannot imposing parades. Indeed, the Stalinists now devote themselves remain in the same party with the champions of bourgeois demo­ to violent attacks upon the French Bolshevik-Leninists for pro­ cracy. The proponents of class struggle are the mortal enemy of posing a program of disarming the Fascists, orga~izing the work­ the practitioners of class collaboration. ers into a Workers' Militia, and preparing the general strike to A merger in France, were it to take place, would be of the brief­ oust the would-be Bonapartist regime o~ Doumergue. est duration: 1934 is not 1904. Thrusting upward through the It is a united front of inaction! I f one looked with a micro­ crustified bureaucratic combination at the top· would inevitably scope for one aspect of the old Stalinist position on the united come the revolutionary ferment at the bottom, breaking through front that had an iota of validity, it might be found in their de­ irresistibly and settling down into a new party, the party of ~nter­ mand for a "united front of action". To the extent that this was counterposed to the social democratic conception of unity or national revolutionary Marxism. united front for purely decorative and consolatory purposes, for The working class progresses, too often alas I by devious routes, parade ground meetings, for anything but active struggle-it was and the revolution has more than once had to pay for the crimes indubitably correct. But the measure of Stalinism is given by of others. But even if it is compelled to retrace a step here and the fact that at each startlinr revolution of the kaleidoscopic another there, the new party of Marxism will make its way. It wheel of iti policies, it throws off that miniscular point which lent is necessary only to hold firm to convictions and to ft,ht for vic­ an ounce of sense to yesterday's course and adopts in its stead tory against all obstacles, under all conditiona, and with unbrokeq, IOmethini new, lomethinr sen.elas, .omethin, e.llally if not mort rank•. AUl\1at 1934 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Page 37 Bonapartism and Fascism HE vast practical importance of a correct theoretical orienta­ Fascism in France. They have found themselves compelled te T tion is most strikingly manifested in a period of acute social distinguish the Doumergue regime from the Fascist regime. But conflict, of rapid political shifts, of abrupt changes in the situation. they have arrived at this distinction as empiricists and not ail In such periods, political conceptions and' generalizations are rap­ Marxists. They do not even attempt to give a scientific definition idly used up and require either a complete replacement (which is of the Doumergue regime. He who operates in the domain of easier) or their concretization, precision or partial rectification theory with abstract categories is condemned to capitulate blindly (which is harder). It is in just such periods that all sorts of to facts. And yet it is precisely in France that the passage from transitional, intermediate situations and combinations arise, as a parliamentarism to Bonapartism (or more exactly, the first stage matter of necessity, which upset the customary patterns and of this passage) has taken on a particularly striking and demon­ doubly require a sustained theoretical attention. In a word, if in strative character. It suffices to recall that the Doumergue gov­ the pacific and "organic" period (before the war) one could still ernment appeared upon the scene between the rehearsal of the live on the revenue from a few ready-made abstractions, in our civil war by the Fascists (February 6) and the general strike of time each new event forcefully brings home the most important the proletariat (February 12). As soon as the irreconcilable law of the dialectic: The truth is always concrete. camps had taken up their fighting positions at the poles of capital­ The Stalinist theory of Fascism indubitably represents one of ist society, it wasn't long before it became clear that the adding the most tragic examples of the injurious practical consequences machine of parliamentarism lost all importance. It is true that that can follow from the substitution of the dialectical analysis o~ the Doumergue government, like the Briining-Schleicher govern­ reality, in its every concrete phase, in all its transitional stages, ments in their day, appears at first glance to govern with the as­ that is, in its gradual changes as well as in its revolutionary (or sent of' parliament. But it is a parliament which has abdicated, counter-revolutionary) leaps, by abstract categories formulated a parliament which knows that in case of resistance the govern­ upon the basis of a partial and insufficient historical experience ment would dispense with it. Thanks to the relative equilibrium (or a narrow and insufficient view of the whole). The Stalinists between the camp of counter-revolution which attacks and the adopted the idea that in the contemporary period, finance capital camp of the revolution which defends itself, thanks to their tem­ cannot accomodate itself to parliamentary democracy and is porary mutual neutralization, the axis of power has been raised obliged to resort to Fascism. From this idea, absolutely correct above the classes and above their parliamentary representation. It within certain limits, they draw in a purely deductive, formally was necessary to seek the head of the government outside of parli­ logical manner the same conclusions for all the countries and for ament and "outside the parties". The head of the government haa all stages of development. To them, Primo de Rivera, Mussolini, called two generals to his aid. This trinity has supported itself on Chiang Kai-Shek, Masaryk, Briining, Dollfuss, Pilsudski, the its Right and its Left by symmetrically arranged parliamentary Setvian king Alexander, Severing, MacDonald, etc., were the hostages. The government does not appear as an executive organ representatives of Fascism. In doing this, they forgot: a) that in of the parliamentary majority, but as a judge-arbiter between two the past too capitalism never accomodated itself to "pure" camps in struggle. democracy, now supplementing it with a regime of open repres­ A government which raises itself above the nation is not, how­ sion, now substituting one for it; b) that "pure" finance capitalism ever, suspended in air. The true axis of the present government nowhere exists; c) that even while occupying a dominant posi­ passes through the police, the bureaucracy, the military clique. It tion, finance capital does not act within, a void' and is obliged to is a military-police dictatorship with. which we are confronted, reckon with the other strata of the bourgeoisie and with the re­ barely concealed with the decorations of parliamentarism. But a sistance of the oppressed classes; d) that, finally, between parlia­ government of the saber as the judge-arbiter of the nation---that'a mentary democracy and the Fascist regime a series of transitional just what B onapartism is. forms, one after another, inevitably interposes itself, now "peace­ The saber by itself has no independent program. It is the in­ ably", now by civil war. And each one of these transitional forms, strument of "order". It is summoned to safeguard what exists. if we want to go forward and not be flung to the rear, demands Raising itself politically above the classes, Bonapartism, like its ,a correct theoretical appraisal and a corresponding policy of the predecessor Cresarism, for that matter, represents in the social proletariat. sense, always and at all epochs, the government of the strongest On the basis of the German experience, the Bolshevik-Leninists and solidest part of the exploiters; consequently, present-day recorded for the first time the transitional governmental form Bonapartism can be nothing else than the government of finance (even though it could and should already have been established on capital which directs, inspires and corrupts the summits of the the basis of Italy) which we called Bonapartism (the Briining, bureaucracy, the police, the officers' caste and the press. Papen, Schleicher governments). In a more precis~ and more The "constitutional reform" about which so much has been said developed form, we subsequently observed the Bonapartist regime in the course of recent months, has as its sole task the adaptation in Austria. The determinism of this transitional form has become of the state institutions to the exigencies and conveniences of the patent, naturally not in the fatalistic but in the dialectical sense, Bonapartist government. . Finance capital is seeking legal paths that is, for the countries and periods where Fascism, with growing that would give it the possibility of each time imposing upon the success, without encountering a victorious resistance of the prole­ nation the most suitable judge-arbiter with the forced assent of tariat, attacked the positions of parliamentary democracy in order the quasi-parliament. It is evident that the Doumergue govern­ thereupon to strangle the proletariat. ment is not the ideal of a "strong government". More suitable During the period of Briining-Schleicher, Manuilsky-Kuusinen candidates for a Bonaparte exist in reserve. New experiences and proclaimed: "Fascism is already here"; the theory of the inter­ combinations are possible in this domain if the future course of mediate, Bonapartist stage they declared to be an attempt to paint the class struggle is to leave them enough time. over and mask Fascism in order to make easier for the social demo­ In prognosticating, we are obliged to repeat what the Bolshevik­ cracy the policy of the "lesser evil". At that time the social Leninists said at one time about Germany: the political chances of democrats were called social-Fascists, and the "Left" social demo­ present French Bonapartism are not great; its stability is deter­ crats of the Zyromsky, Marceau Pivert, Just type passed-after mined by the temporary, and at bottom unsteady equilibrium be­ the "Trotskyists"-for the most dangerous social-Fascists. All tween the camps of the proletariat and Fascism. The relation of this has change

to the nationalism of the outlanden. This correspondence, although national. Upon this side of the question, howev&r, we cannot paute extremely interesting politically, is still concealed from the party. here. Highly important for our theme, however, is the verbal The bureaucratic national policy had already at that time pro­ estimate which Lenin gave of the Workers and Peasants Inspec­ voked a keen opposition in Georgia, uniting against Stalin and his tion: "Let us speak frankly. The People's Commissariat of Work­ right hand man, Ordjonikidze, the flower of Georgian Bolshevism. erg and Peasants Inspection does not enjoy at the present moment Through Krupskaia, Lenin got into private connection with the a shadow of authority. Everybody knows that a worse organized ~"'""'!';.""';"." .l~.f!.ders of the Georgian opposition (Mdivani, Makharadze, etc.) institution than the institution of our Workers and Peasants In­ against the faction of Stalin, Ordjonikidze and Dzherzhinsky. The spection does not exist, and that under present conditions you can struggle in the borderlands was too keen, and Stalin had bound ask nothing of this People's Commissariat." This extraordinarily himself too closely with definite groupings, to yield in silence as he biting allusion in print by the head of the government to one of had on the question of the monopoly of foreign trade. In the next the most important state institutions, was a direct and unmitigated few weeks Lenin became convinced that it would be necessary to blow against Stalin as the organizer and head of this Inspection. appeal to the party. At the end of December he dictated a vol­ The reason for this should now be clear. The Inspection was to uminous letter on the national question which was to take the place serve chiefly as an antidote to bureaucratic distortions of the revo­ of his speech at the party congress if illness prevented him from lutionary dictatorship. This responsible function could be fulfilled appearing. successfully upon condition of complete loyalty in its leadership, Lenin employed against Stalin an accusation of administrative but it was just this loyalty which Stalin lacked. He had converted impulsiveness and spite against a pretended nationalism. "Spite in the Inspection like the party Secretariat into an implement of general," he wrote weightily, "usually plays the worst possible role machine intrigues, of protection for "his men" and persecution of in politics." The struggle against the just, even though at first his opponents. In the article "Better Less and Better" Lenin exaggerated, demands of the nations formerly oppressed, Lenin openly pointed out that his proposed reform of the Inspection, at qualified as a manifestation of Great Russian bureaucratism. He whose head Tziurupa had not long ago been placed, must inevitably for the first time named his opponents by name. "It is necessary, meet the resistance of "all our bureaucracy, both the Soviet and of course, to hold Stalin and Dzherzhinsky politically responsible the party bureaucracy". "In parenthesis, be it remarked," he adds for this whole downright Great Russian nationalistic campaign." significantly, "we have a bureaucracy not only in the Soviet insti­ That the Great Russian, Lenin, accuses the Georgian, Dzhugashvili, tutions, but in the institutions of the party." This was a perfectly and the Pole, Dzherzhinsky, of Great Russian nationalism, may deliberate blow at Stalin as general secretary. seem paradoxical: but the question here is not one of national Thus it would be no exaggeration to say that the last half year feelings and partialities, but of two systems of politics whose dif­ of Lenin's political life, between his convalescence and his second ferences reveal themselves in all spheres, the national question illness, was filled with a sharpening struggle against Stalin. Let us among them. In mercilessly condemning the methods of the Stalin recall once more the principal dates. In September Lenin opened faction, Rakovsky wrote some years later: "To the national ques­ fire against the national policy of Stalin. In the first half of De­ tion, as to all other questions, the bureaucracy makes its approach cember he attacked Stalin on the question of the monopoly of from the point of view of convenience of administration and regu­ foreign trade. On December 25 he wrote the first part of his lation." Nothing better could be said. testament. On December 30, 1922, he wrote his letter on the na­ Stalin's verbal concessions did not quiet Lenin in the least, but tional question (the "bomb"). On January 4 he added a postscript on the contrary sharpened his suspicions. "Stalin will enter a to his testament on the necessity of removing Stalin from his posi­ rotten compromise," Lenin warned me through his secretary, "and tion as general secretary. On January 23 he drew up against afterward he will deceive us." And that was just Stalin's course. Stalin a heavy battery: the project of a Control Commission. In He was ready to accept at the coming congress any theoretical an article on the 2nd of March he dealt Stalin a double blow, both formulation of the national policy on condition that it should not as organizer of the Inspection and as general secretary. On March weaken his factional support in the center and in the borderlands. 5 he wrote me on the subject of his memorandum on the national To be sure, Stalin had plenty of grounds for fearing that Lenin question: "If you would agree to take upon yourself its defense saw through his plans completely. But on the other hand, the then I could be at rest." On that same day he for the first time condition of the sick man was continually growing worse. Stalin openly joined forces with the irreconciliable Georgian enemies of coolly included this not unimportant factor in his calculations. The Stalin, informing them in a special note that he was following practical policy of the general secretariat became the more decisive, their" cause "with all my heart" and was preparing for them docu­ the worse became Lenin's health. Stalin tried to isolate the dan­ ments against Stalin, Ordjonikidze and Dzherzhinsky, "With all gerous supe.rvisor from all information which might give him a my heart"-this expression was not a frequent one with Lenin. weapon against the secretariat and its allies. This policy of block­ "This question [the national question] disturbed him to an extra­ ade naturally was directed against the people closest to Lenin. ordinary degree," testifies his secretary, Fotieva, "and he was Krupskaia did what she could to protect the sick man from contact getting ready to speak on this at the party congress." But a month with the hostile machinations of the secretariat. But Lenin knew before the congress Lenin finally broke down, and without even how to guess a whole situation from accidental symptoms. He having given directions in regard to the article. A weight rolled was clearly aware of the activities of Stalin, his motives and calcu­ from Stalin's shoulders. At the seniority caucus of the twelfth lations. It is not difficult to imagine what reactions they provoked congress he already made bold to speak in the style characteristic in his mind. We should remember that at that moment there al­ of him of Lenin's letter as the document of a sick man under the ready lay on Lenin's writing table, besides the testament insisting influence of "womenfolk". (That is, Krupskaia and the two secre­ upon the removal of Stalin, also the documents on the national taries). Under pretext of the necessity of finding out the actual question which Lenin's secretaries Fotieva and Gliasser, sensitively will of Lenin, it was decided to put the letter under lock and key. reflecting the mood of their chief, were describing as "a bomb There is remains to this day. against Stalin" The dramatic episodes enumerated above, vivid enough in them­ A Hall Year 01 Sharpening Struggle selves, do not in the remotest degree convey the fervor with which Lenin developed his idea of the role of the Central Control Com­ Lenin was living through the party events of the last months of mission as a protector of party law and unity in connection with his active life. In letters and articles he laid upon himself the the question of reorganizing the Workers and Peasants Inspection usual very severe censorship. Lenin understood well enough from (Rabkriu) , whose head for several preceding years had been Stalin. his first stroke the nature of his illness. After he returned to work On the 4th of March, Pravda published an article famous in the in October 1922 the capillary vessels of his brain did not cease to history of the party, "Better Less and Better." This work was remind him of themselves by a hardly noticeable, but ominous and written at several different times. Lenin did not like to, and could more and more frequent nudge, obviously threatening a relapse. not, dictate. He had a hard time writing the article. On March Lenin soberly estimated his own situation in spite of the quieting 2 he finally listened to it with satisfaction: "At tast it seems all assurances of his physicians. At the beginning of March, when right." This article included the reform of the guiding party in­ he was compelled again to withdraw from work, at least from ",~:~tltions on a hroad polit.ical perspective both national and inter- meetings, interviews and telephone conversations, he carried away August. i934 T II ENE WIN T ERN A T ION A L Page 4t -~.~-~=--=~~~~~~~==~-=~.e_ into his sick room"a number of troubling ob~ervation8 and dreads. the fear that any sharp conflict" in the ruling group at that time The bureaucratic apparatus had become an independent factor in when Lenin was struggling with death, might be understood by the big politics with Stalin's secret factional staff in the Secretariat of party as a casting of lots for Lenin's mantle. I will not raise the the Central Committee. In the national sphere, where Lenin de­ question here as to whether my restraint in that case was right or manded special sensitiveness, the tusks of imperial centralism were not, nor the broader question as to whether it would have been revealing themselves more and more openly. The ideas and princ­ possible at that time to ward off the advancing danger with organ­ iples of the revolution were bending to the interests of combina­ izational reforms and personal shi ftings. But how far were aU the tions behind" the scenes. The authority of the dictatorship was actual positions of the actors from the picture which is given us by more and more often serving as a cover for the dictations of func­ this popular German writer who so lightly picks the keys to all tionaries. enigmas! Lenin keenly sensed the approach of a political crisis, and feared We have heard from him that the testament "decided the fate of that the apparatus would strangle the party. The policies of Stalin Trotsky"-that is, evidently served as a cause of Trotsky'S losing became for Lenin in the last period of his life the incarnation of a power. According to another version of Ludwig's expounded rising monster of bureaucratism. The sick man must more than alongside of this with not even an attempt to reconcile them, Lenin once have shuddered at the thought that he had not succeeded in desired "a duumvirate of Trotsky and Stalin". This latter thought, carrying out that reform of the apparatus about which he had also doubtless suggested by Radek, gives excellent proof that even talked with me before his second illness. A terrible danger, it now, even in the close circle around Stalin, even in the tendentious seemed to him, threatened the work of his whole life. manipulation of a foreign writer invited in for a conversation, And Stalin? Having gone too far to retreat, spurred on by his nobody dared assert that Lenin saw his successor in Stalin. In own faction, fearing that concentrated attack whose threads all order not to come into too crude conflict with the text of the testi­ issued from the sickbed of his dread enemy, Stalin was already mony, and a whole series of other documents, it is necessary to going headlong, was openly recruiting partisans by the distribution put forward ex post facto this idea of a duumvirate. of party and Soviet positions, was terrorizing those who appealed But how reconcile this story with Lenin's ad"vice: remove the to Lenin through Krupskaia, and was more and more persistently general secretary? That would have meant to deprive Stalin of issuing rumors that Lenin was already not responsible for his. ac­ all the weapons of his influence. You do not treat in this way the tions. Such was the atmosphere from which rose Lenin's letter candidate for duumvir.. No, and moreover this second hypothesis breaking with Stalin absolutely. No, it did not drop from a clear of Radek-Ludwig, although more cautious, finds no support in the sky. It meant merely that the cup of endurance had run over. text of the testament. The aim of the document was defined by Not only chronologically, but politically and morally, it drew a last its author-to guarantee the stability of the Central Committee. line under the attitude of Lenin to Stalin. Lenin sought the road to this goal, not in the artificial combination Is it not surprising that Ludwig, gratefully repeating the official of a duumvirate, but in strengthening the collective control over story about the pupil faithful to his teacher "up to his very death", the activity of the leaders. How in doing this he conceived the says not a word of this final letter, or indeed of all the other cir­ relative influence of individual members of the collective leader­ cumstances which do not accord with the present Kremlin legends? ship-as to this the reader is free to draw his own conclusions on Ludwig ought at least to know the fact of the letter, if only from the basis of the above quotations from the testament. Only he my autobiography, with which he was once aquainted, for he gave should not lose sight of the fact that the testament was not the it a favorable review. Maybe Ludwig had doubts of the authen­ last word of Lenin, and that his attitude to Stalin became more ticity of my testimony. But neither the existence of the letter nor severe the more closely he felt the denouement approaching. its contents was ever disputed by anybody. Moreover, they are Ludwig would not have made so capital a mistake in his ap­ confirmed in stenographic reports of the Central Committee. At praisal of the meaning and spirit of the testament, if he had inter­ the July plenum in 1926, Zinoviev said: '''At the beginning of 1923 ested himself a little bit in its further fate. Concealed by Stalin Vladimir Ilych in a personal letter to Stalin broke off comradely and his group from the party, the testament was reprinted and relations with him." (Stenographic report of the plenum, NO.4, republished only by Oppositionists-of course, secretly. Hundreds page 32). And other speakers, among them M. 1. Ulianova, Lenin~s of my friends and partisans were arrested and exiled for copying sister, spoke of the letter as of a fact generally known in the circles and distributing those two little pages. On November 7, 1927- of the Central Committee. In those days it could not even enter the tenth anniversary of the October revolution-the Moscow Op­ Stalin's head to oppose this testimony. Indeed, he has not ventured positionists took part in the anniversary demonstration with a to do that so far as I know, in a direct form, even subsequently. placard: "Fulfill the Testament of Lenin." Specially chosen troops It is true that the official historians have in recent years made of Stalinists broke into the line of march and snatched away the literally gigantic efforts to wipe out of the memory of man this criminal placard. Two years later, at the moment of my banish­ whole chapter of history. And so far as the Communist youth are ment abroad, a story was even created of an insurrection in pre­ concerned, these efforts have achieved certain results. But inves­ paration by the "Trotskyists" on November 7, 1927. The summons tigators exist, it would seem, exactly for the purpose of destroying to "fulfill the testament of Lenin" was interpreted by the Stalinist legends and confirming the real facts in their rights. Or is this faction as a summons to insurrection! And even now the testa­ not true of psychologists? ment is forbidden publication by any section of the Communist The Hypothesis of the ({Duumvirate" International. The Left Opposition, on the contrary, is republish­ We have indicated above. the sign-posts of the final struggle ing the testament upon every appropriate occasion in all countries. between Lenin and Stalin. At all these stages Lenin sought my Politically these facts exhaust the question. support and found it. From the speeches, articles and letters of Radek As a Sourse of Information Lenin you could without difficulty adduce dozens of testimonies to Still, where did that fantastic tale come from about how I leapt the fact that after our temporary disagreement on the questions of from my seat during the reading of the testament, or rather of the the trade unions, throughout 1921 and 1922. and the beginning of Hsix words" which are not in the testament,' with the question: 1923, Lenin did not lose one chance to emphasize in open forum "What does it say there?" Of this I can only offer a hypothetical his solidarity with me, to quote this or that statement from me, to explanation. How correct it may be, let the reader judge. support this or that step which I had taken. We must understand Radek belongs to the tribe of professional wits and story-tellers. that his motives :were not personal, but political. What may have By this I do not mean that he does not possess other qualities. alarmed him and grieved him in the last months, indeed, was my Suffice it to say that at the seventh congress of the party on March not activ~ enough support of his fighting measures against Stalin. 8, 1918, Lenin, who was in general very restrained in personal Yes, sUf:h is the paradox of tlJ.e situation! Lenin, fearing in the comments, considered it possible to say: "I return to comrade future a split on the line of Stalin and Trotsky, demanded of me Radek, and here I want to remark that he has accidentally suc­ a more energetic struggle against Stalin. The contradiction here, ceeded in uttering a serious remark. .." And once again later on : however, is only superficial. It was in the interests of the stability "This time it did happen that WP. got a perfectly serious remark of the party leadership in the future, that Lenin now wished to from Radek. . .." People who speak seriously only by way of condemn Stalin sharply and disarm him. iWhat restrained me was exception have an organic tendency to improve reality, for in it. Page 42 THE NE\tV INTERNATIONAL August 1934 .:zzc=z raw form reality is not always appropriate to their stories. My lated Ludwig to so effective and sO mistaken an inference. per!onal experience has taught me to adopt a very cautious attitude Although Lenin, as we have seen, found no reason to declare in to Radek's testimonies. His custom is, not to recount events, but his testament that my non-Bolshevik past was "not accidental", to take them as the occasion for a witty discourse. Since every still I am ready to adopt that formula on my own authority. In art, including the anecdotal, aspires towards a synthesis, Radek is the spiritual world the law of causation is as inflexible as in the inclined to unite together various facts, or the brighter features of physical world. In that general sense my political orbit was, of various episodes, even though they took place at different times course, "not accidental", but the fact that I became a Bolshevik and places. There is no malice in this. It is the manner of his was also not accidental. The question how seriously and perma­ calling. nently I came over to Bolshevism, is not to be decided either by a And so it happened, apparently, this time. Radek, according to bare chronological record or by the guesses of literary psychology. all the evidence, has combined a session of the council of seniors A theoretical and political analysis is necessary. This, of course, of the thirteenth congress with a session of the plenum of the Cen­ is too big a theme, and lies wholly outside the frame of the present tral Committee of 1926, in spite of the fact that an interval of more essay. For our purpose it suffices that Lenin in describing the than two years lay between the two. At that plenum also secret conduct of Zinoviev and Kamenev in 1917 as "not accidental" was manuscripts were read, among them the testament. This time not making a philosophical reference to the laws of determinism, Stalin did actually read them, and not Kamenev who was then but a political warning for the future. It is exactly for this reason already sitting beside me in the opposition benches. The reading that Radek found it necessary, through Ludwig, to transfer this was provoked by the fact that during those days copies of the warning from Zinoviev and Kamenev to me. testament, the national letter of Lenin, and other documents kept The Legend of "Trotskyism" under lock and key, were already circulating rather broadly in the Let us recall the chief sign-posts of this question. From 1917 party. The party apparatus was getting nervous, and wanted to to 1924 not a word was spoken of the contrast between Trotskyism find out what it was that Lenin had actually said. "The Opposi­ and Leninism. In this period occurred the October revolution, the tion knows and we don't know," they were saying. After prolonged civil war, the construction of the Soviet state, the creation of the resistance Stalin found himself compelled to read the forbidden Red army, the working out of the party program, the establishment documents at a session of the Central Committee-thus automati­ of the Communist International, the formation of its cadres, and cally bringing them into the stenographic record, printed in secret the drawing up of its fundamental documents. After the with­ notebooks for the heads of the party apparatus. drawal of Lenin from his work in the nucleus of the Central Com­ This time also there were no exclamations during the reading of mittee, serious disagreements developed. In 1924 the spectre of the testament, for the document was long ago too well known to "Trotskyism"-after careful preparation behind the scenes-was the members of the Central Committee. But I actually interrupted brought forth on the stage. The entire inner struggle of the party Stalin during the reading of the correspondence on the national was henceforth carried on within the frame of a contrast between question. The episode in itself is not so important, but maybe it Trotskyism and Leninism. In other words, the disagreements will be of use to the psychologists for certain inferences. created by new circumstances and new tasks between me and the Lenin was extremely economical in his literary means and meth­ epigones, were presented as a continuation of myoid disagreements ods. He carried on hiS( business correspondence with close col­ with Lenin. A vast literature was created upon this theme. Its leagues in telegraphic language. The form of address was always sharp-shooters were always Zinoviev and Kamenev. In their the last name of the addressee with the letter "T" (Tovarishch: character of old and very close colleagues of Lenin they stood at comrade) and the signature was "Lenin". Complicated explana­ the head of "the old Bolshevik guard" against Trotskyism. But tions were replaced by a doubl~ or triple underlining of separate under the pressure of deep social processes this group itself fell words, extra exclamation points, etc. We all well knew the pe­ apart. Zinoviev and Kamenev found themselves obliged to ac­ culiarities of Lenin's manner, and therefore even a slight depar­ knowledge that the socalled "Trotskyists" had been right upon ture from his laconic custom attracted attention. fundamental questions. New thousands of old Bolshevists adhered In sending his letter on the national question Lenin wrote me on to "Trotskyism". March S: "Esteemed Comrade Trotsky: I urgently request you to At the July plenum of 1926 Zinoviev announced that his struggle take upon yourself the defense of the Georgian affair at the Cen­ against me had been the greatest mistake of his life-"more dang­ tral Committee of the party. The thing is at present under 'prose­ erous than the mistake of 1917". Ordjonikidze was not entirely cution' at the hands of Stalin and Dzherzhinsky, and I cannot rely wrong in calling to him from his seat: "Why did you befool the upon their impartiality. Indeed, quite the opposite. If you would whole party?" (See the already quoted stenographic report). To agree to take upon yourself its defense, then I could be at rest. If this weighty rejoinder Zinoviev officially found no answer. But you for some reason do not agree, then return the whole thing to he gave an unofficial explanation at a conference of the Opposition me. I will consider this a sign of your disagreement. With the in October 1926. "You must understand," he said in my presence best comradely greetings, Lenin. March S, 1923." to his closest friends, some Leningrad workers who honestly be­ Both the content and the tone of this slight note, dictated by lieved in the legend of Trotskyism, "you must understand that it Lenin during the last day of his political life, were no less painful was a struggle for power. The whole art of the thing was to to Stalin than the testament. A lack of "impartiality"-does not combine the old disagreements with the new questions. For this this imply, indeed, that same lack of loyalty? The last thing to be purpose Trotskyism was invented.... " felt in this note is any confidence in Stalin-"indeed quite the op­ During their two year stay in the Opposition, Zinoviev. and posite"-the thing emphasized is confidence in me. A confirma­ Kamenev managed to expose completely the back-stage mechanics tion of the tacit union between Lenin and me against Stalin and of the preceding period when they wid.. Stalin had created the his faction was at hand. Stalin controlled himself badly during legend of "Trotskyism" by conspiratorial methods. A year later, the reading. When he arrived at the signature he hesitated: "With when it became finally clear that the Opposition would be com­ the best comradely greetings"-that was too demonstrative from pelled to swim long and stubbornly against the current, Zinoviev Lenin's pen. Stalin read: "With Communist greetings." That and Kamenev threw themselves on the mercy of the victor. As a sounded more dry and official. At that moment I did rise in my first condition of their party rehabilitation it was demanded that seat and ask: "What is written there?" Stalin was obliged, not they rehabilitate the legend of Trotskyism. They agreed. At that without embarrassment, to read the authentic text of Lenin. Some­ time I decided to reinforce their own previous declarations on this one of his close friends shouted at me that I was quibbling over matter through a series of authoritative testimonials. It was Rad­ details, although I had only sought to verify a text. That slight ek, no other than Karl Radek, who gave the following written incident made an impression. There was talk about it among the testimony: "I was present at a conversation with Kamenev to the h,eads of the party. Radek, who at fhat time was no longer a effect that Kamenev was going to tell at a plenum of the Central member of the Central Committee, learned of it at the plenum from Committee how they [that is, Kamenev and Zinoviev] together .others, and perhaps from me. Five years later: when he was al­ with Stalin, decided to use the old disagreements between Trotsky ready with Stalin and no longer with me, his flexible memory evi­ and Lenin, in order after the death of Lenin to keep Trotsky out dt:ntly helped him to compose this synthetic episode which stimu- of the party leadership, Moreover, I have often heard· from the August 1934 TIlE NEW INTERNATIONAL Page 43 lip! of Zinoviev and Kamenev how they 'invented' Trotskyism as its periods of reaction. The mood and orientation of the ruling an actual slogan. K. Radek, December 25, 1927." class changes according to circumstances. This is true also of the ~imilar written testimonies were given by Preobrazhensky, working' class. The pressure of the petty bourgeoisie upon the Piatakov, Rakovsky and Eltzin. Piatakov, the present director of proletariat, tired from the tumult, entailed a revival of petty bour­ the Statf! Bank, summed up Zinoviev's· testimony in the following geois tendencies in the proletariat itself and a first deep reaction words: UTrotskyism was thought up in order to replace the actual on the crest of which the present bureaucratic apparatus headed by disagreements with pretended ones, that is, with disagreements Stalin rose to power. taken from the past having no significance now, but artificially Those qualities which Lenin valued in Stalin-stubbornness of galvanized for the aforesaid purposes." This is clear enough, is character and craftiness-remained of course, even then. But they it not? "No one-" wrote V. Eltzin, a representative of the found a new field of action, and a new point of application. Those younger generation, "no one of the Zinovievists present at the time features which in the past had represented a minus in Stalin's per­ objected. They all accepted this communication from Zinoviev as sonality-narrowness of outlook, lack of creative imagination, a generally known fact." empiricism-now gained an effective significance important in the The above-cited testimony of Radek was submitted by him on highest degree. They permitted Stalin to become the semi-con­ December 25, 1927. A few weeks later he was already in exile, scious instrument of the Soviet bureaucracy, and they impelled the and a few months later on the meridian of Tomsk he became con­ bureaucracy to see in Stalin its inspired leader. This ten year vinced of the correctness of Stalin's position, a thing which had struggle among the heads of the Bolshevik party has indubitably not been revealed to him earlier in Moscow. But from Radek also proved that under the conditions of this new stage of the revolu­ the powers demanded as a condition sine qua non an acknowledg­ tion Stalin has been developing to the limit those very traits of his ment of the reality of this same legend of Trotskyism. After Radek political character against which Lenin in the last period of his life agreed to this, he had nothing left to do but repeat the old formula: waged irreconcilable war. But this question, standing even now of Zinoviev which the latter had himself exposed in 1926 only to at the focus of Soviet politics, would carry us far beyond the limits return to them again in 1928. Radek has gone farther. In a con­ of our historic theme. versation with a credulous foreigner he has amended the testament Many years have passed since the events we have related. If of Lenin in order to find in it support for this epigonist legend of even ten years ago there were factors in action far more powerful "Trotskyism". than the counsel of Lenin, it would now be utterly naive to appeal From this short historic record, resting exclusively upon docu­ to the testament as to an effective political document. The interna­ mentary data, many conclusions may be drawn. One is that a tional struggle between the two groups which have grown out of revolution is an austere process and does not spare its human Bolshevism long ago outgrew the question of the fate of individu­ vertebra:. als. Lenin's letter, known under the name of his testament, has The course of subsequent events in the Kremlin and in the Soviet henceforward chiefly a historic interest. But history, we may Union was determined not by a single document, even though it venture to think, has also its rights, which moreover do not always were· the testament of Lenin, but by historical causes of a far conflict with the interests of politics. The most elementary of deeper order. A political reaction after the enormous effort of the scientific demands-correctly to establish facts and verify rumon years of the insurrection and the civil war was inevitable. The by document-may at least be recommended alike to politician and concept of reaction must here be strictly distinguished from the historian. And this demand might well be extended even to the concept of counter-revolution. Reaction does not necessarily imply psychologist. a social overturn-that is, a transfer of power from one class to TRANSLATED BY MAX EASTMAN another. Even Czarism had its periods of progressive reform and PRINKIPO, Dece'lnber 31, 1932. Leon TROTSKY. The Second International in the War "To forget is counter-revolutionary." or convulsions. That a war would actually break out, seemed a -OSKAR KANEHL. remote prospect. How to combat it if it actually supervened, was "IF OUR resolution does not foresee any specific method of a problem about which few cudgeled their brains. When the In­ action for the vast diversity of eventualities," said Jean ternational made its last impotent gesture by; a special Bureau J aures in urging the adoption of the famous anti-war resolution session at Brussels hastily convened after the Austrian ultimatum of the Second International at its special conference in Basel on to Servia, "it is remarkable," wrote Kautsky six later years, "that November 24, 1912, "neither does it exclude any. It serves notice the thoughG never occurred to anyone of. us who was there to upon the governments, and it draws their attention clearly to the bring up the question of what to do if the war breaks out before fact that [l>y war] they would easily create a revolutionary situa­ then [before the special congress which was called for August 9] ? tion, yes, the' most revolutionary situation imaginable." What position would the socialist parties have to adopt in this So the resolution did. The unanimous vote cast for the memor­ war?" able document of Basel marked the highest point ever reached by The fact is, as the Austrian chauvinist Karl Seitz pointed out, the Second International. It was a solemn warning, not one syl­ "The world war caught us unprepared." Unprepared to act like lable of which nurtured the illusion of "national defense", that revolutionists against the imperialist war, but thoroughly prepared the allied socialist parties of the entire world would reply to an to support it with jingo enthusiasm. Nor was the bourgeoisie imperialist war as did the Parisian masses in 1871 after the unaware of the inclinations of its respective social democracies. Franco-Prussian war and the Russian workers in 1905 after the Quite the contrary. And these inclinations were part of the calcu­ Russo-Japanese war. lations of the warmongers who were driving towards action at a The great betrayal of socialism in 1914 by the Second Interna­ terrific speed in those crucial days. tional consisted in trampling in trencJ1-mud the Basel anti-war "I never had any doubts about the patriotic sentiments of the resolution and the whole of revolutionary socialist tradition. The social democracy in the event of war," read the memoirs of Victor main parties of the International aad become so closely interwoven Naumann, the intimate of the later Chancellor, Hertling, "and with the fate and interests of the capitalist fatherland that the never understood the Berlin policy which constantly brought up declaration oi 1912 was little more than a heroic echo of a revo­ the fearful question: will not the conduct of the social democracy, lutionary past. The vast institutions they had built up, the trade at the outbre'ak of a great war, produce severe conflicts in the in­ uRions they had expanded, the steaSweden, he Arbeiterzeitung of August 5: "Man by man the German social was sent to persuade the Italian socialists to help the' Entente; democrats voted for the loan. Like the entire international social they gave him a cold reception, but he boasted on his return that democracy, our Reichs-German party, that jewel of the organiza­ the King of Italy had helped him on with his overcoat. tion of the class conscious proletariat, is also the most vigorous Vaillant, the old Blanquist whose articles in fHumanite became opponent of war, the most passionate supporter of concord and so violently jingoist that even the editors felt constrained to eli­ solidarity of the people. . . . Never did a party act more grandly minate them little by little, until he was completely silenced by and loftily than this German social democracy which proved its death in 1915, wrote when the war began: "In face of the aggres­ worth at this extremely serious moment." sion, the socialists will fulfill their whole duty for the fatherland, For' others it was harder to believe that the classic party of the for the republic and for the revolution." "More than that," an­ Second International had committed so heinous a crime. Even swered the satisfied editor of Le Temps on August 4, "we do not Lenin, whose illusions were few enough about the German social ask of M. Edouard Vaillant and his friends." . democracy, could not bring himself to believe the report. "It can­ Each social patriot sought to outdo his fellow; and the bour­ not be, it must be a forged number," he told Zinoviev when the geoisie itself. "Come generals! We are giving you men, give us first copy of the Berlin Vorwiirts arrived in his Galician exile. victories!" cried Compere-Morel. ":We promise to fulfill our duty "Those scoundrels, the German bourgeoisie, have especially pub­ completely, as Frenchmen and as socialists faithful to the Inter­ lished such a number of the V orwiirts in order also to compel us national," came the pledge made at J aures' grave by Marcel to go against the International." Cachin, who later fulfilled his duty just as completely under Stalin. In Bucharest, the organ of the Rumanian social democracy, "When seven French departments are invaded, when cities in the R011linia Muncitoare, condemned the report that Haase had ap­ army zone, like those from which I write these lines, live under proved war credits in the Reichstag as a "monstrous lie", and to the constant menace of German cannon, it is impossible to say, sub~tantiate its view, proudly reprinted the anti-war speech which be it only seemingly, to those who are fighting: we refuse you the "Bebel's successor" had delivered in Brussels only the week before. means of defending yourselves," wrote Frossard. "Cruel a$ the As late as August 13, it still wrote: "As to the Arbeiterzeitung, if sacrifices for it are, the war must and will be pursued to its liber­ it still exists, it must have passed into the camp of the Austrian ating finish. The finest, the most heroic army that France haa officialdom in order to disseminate the government's lies about the ever had, seconded and supported by the firm resolve of the na­ socialists." Only at the end of the month did it accept as truth tion, will give her the victory that will be her salvation, the saly.- August 1934 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Page 4S tion of Europe, the salvation of the peoples, the salvation of de­ crats, here the allies of the tools of German imperialism, permitted mocracy and !ocialism in the entire world," were the prophetic Stauning to accept a ministerial post in the bourgeois cabinet. words of Vaillant. ':'Who then is fighting against the work of Treachery, opportunism, conservatism, chauvinism-these were national defense? IWho then is disinterested in the fate of the the victors of the day. And not even the revolutionary traditions country? Is there then any incompatibility between the Interna­ of the Russian movement rendered it immune from them. tional and the fatherland?" asked the same Paul Faure who in Plekhanov, the scintillating Marxist, the godfather of the whole 1934 pledges himself so glibly to lead the French proletariat in the Russian party, the man with whom others broke but never ceased struggle against war. And Herve who clamored at the Limoges to admire, sank to the level of drummer-boy to czarist imperialism. congress in 1906 for a resolution declaring the need of replying "The marauders are at the borders of my country and are ready to every declaration of war with a military strike and an insur­ to rob and murder." "Make youl{ reservations," he urged the rection, who exclaimed "We detest our fatherlands, we are anti­ Duma deputy Burianov, "-this is absolutely necessary-but vote patriots!", wrote a demagogic plea to the Minister of War on for the credits. The rejection of the credits would be a betrayal August 2, 1914, begging as a special favor to be sent to the front [of the people] and abstention would be cowardice, vote for the with the first infantry regiment "in spite of my myopia and my credits!" The old man was for the imperialist war, for saving forty-three years"; in 1915 he changed his La Guerre Sociale into the French bourgeoisie in the name of the revolution of 1789, the chauvinist La Victoire. against the I arbarisl.1 of the German Junkers. Together with The Belgian socialists took the same road. With the blessing such Bolsheviks-turned-patriot as Alexinsky and Liubimov, he of the party, Emile Vandervelde joined the reactionary clerical joined hands at Laussane in 1915 with turncoat Social Revolu­ cabinet of his most august majesty, Albert, king of the Belgians tionists like Avksentiev, Bunakov, Voronov and Argunov to and butcher of the Congo. Louis de Brouckere, who had served launch the chauvinist paper Priziv. a term of six months in his youth for an anti-militarist article, The Mensheviks, those abroad in particular, under Martov's quit the editorship of Le Peuple to join the aviation corps. Into leadership, took up an internationalist position, but they never the same nationalist wave plunged the young "radical", Henri de strayed far from the Centrist camp of Kautsky. Trotsky, with a Man, who enlisted in the army with the same enthusiasm with group of Bolsheviks and Left wing Mensheviks, took over the which he now seeks to enlist the radical Belgian proletariat for Parisian N ashe Slovo, fought for a revolutionary internationalist his equally treacherous "plan". position until deported to Spain, but did not reconcile himself with In England, the Labour party was enthusiastically bellicose. the Bolsheviks until after the March revolution. Lenin and Zino­ Arthur Henderson, John Hodge, Brace and Roberts joined the viev, speaking for the Bolshevik Central Committee abroad, in government of National Defense. The Independent Labour party Switzerland, were like a voice crying in a mad, war-devastated adopted a pacifist position, but its members in the Parliament wilderness for their far advanced, consistent revolutionary position. never voted against the war budget. Ramsay MacDonald, who N ames which once commanded nothing but respect in' the Rus­ gained a reputation for opposition to the war, nevertheless wrote sian movement were now associated with service in the camp of the mayor of his constituency, Leicester, endorsing the recruiting czarist imperialism. Parvus, as an exception, joined the service drive and spoke at the LL.P. conference in 1916 against expelling of German imperialism. Plekhanov, Alexinsky who later passed the chauvinists Clynes and Parker because he "was not going to openly into the camp of czarism, Potressov, Mazlov, Cherevanin, say that men who had participated in the recruiting campaign Vera Sassulich, Ida Axelrod, to say nothing of the prince-regent should be turned out of socialist organizations"! H. M. Hynd­ of the anarchists, Kropotkin, all became social patriots. In Russia man, who had advocated preparedness, together with Robert especially, the Mensheviks took an ambiguous Centrist position, or Blatchford, long befora the war, turned bitter-end patriot and else became semi-pacifist, semi-collaborationists in the war. Out­ wrote: "Everybody must eagerly desire the final defeat of Ger­ side of Russia, nobody could be found to, support the drastic thesis many." His party split in two, one wing forming the internation­ of Lenin in favor of revolutionary defeatism, for a thoroughgoing alist British Socialist party. H. G. Wells left his utopias to swim break with the Centrists of all shadings-nobody. And even in lustily in the jingo pool and kept shouting for Germany to be put the Bolshevik party itself, very few, certainly in· the first period to the sword. Bernard Shaw cut a pitiful figure throughout: "We of the war, were those who stood by the Swiss exiles. shall punch Prussia's head all the more gloriously if we do it for Hundreds of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks enlisted in the French honor and not for malice. Then, when we have knocked all the army, fearing that a German victory would mean the end of Eu­ militarism out of her and taughf her to respect us, we can let her ropean civilization. Another Bolshevik group, centered around up again." Lunacharsky, published V period in Switzerland, confining its pro­ In Bulgaria, the leaders of the Right wing "Broad" socialists, gram to the demands for peace without annexations or indemni­ Sakasoff, Pastukoff and Dsidroff concluded a civil peace with ties, general disarmament, and a United States of Europe. In the their bourgeoisie and entered the cabinet, first of Malinoff and leading circles in Russia, matters were still worse. There the dis­ then of Theodoroff. In Poland, the split in the ranks of the Inter­ tinction between Mensheviks and Bolsheviks was often difficult to national was more favorable to the Left wing than in many other discern-at times for cause. In the August 8, 19I4 session of the countries. After having denounced the reactionaryPolisn Club Duma, convened by the Czar to demonstrate the national unity of of the Austrian chamber as the "Shlakhzizenklubs", the leader of the Russians, the Menshevik Khaustov read a joint declaration of the Polish Social Democracy in Austro-Hungary, Daszinsky, to­ the deputies from both social democratic fractions, which declared gether with the other Austro-Polish social democrats, joined it in their refusal to vote war credits. But, it added, in order to show a burst of national enthusiasm. Together with the reactionary that f~eir refusal did not breathe the spirit of support for the Polish Socialist party, they made open and common cause with Central powers, they would abstain on the vote-a position which the Hapsburg monarchy, established the Supreme National Com­ instead breathed the spirit of support for Kautsky's position. (The mittee of patriots, formed the Polish Legion with Josef Pilsudski socialist deputy Manikov, who did vote for war credits and "civil at its head and fought for Polonia Irredenta. The Social Demo­ peace", was immediately expelled from the Menshevik fraction.) cracy of Poland and Lithuania (the party of R9sa Luxemburg and In November 1914, the Bolshevik deputies, Badayev, Petrovsky, Jogisches), joined with the Left wing of the P.P.S. and the Bund Samoilov, Shagov and Muranov, together with the representative in an anti-war position and proclaimed: "The proletariat declares of the Central Committee, Kafllenev, were arrested at a secret war upon its governments, its oppressors!" In Holland, all the meeting where Lenin's startling theses on the war were just being Right wing socialists voted for military credits "for the protection cOll,;idered. At the trial of the six, they declared that the theses of neutrality"-while the group of Gorter, Pannekoek, Roland­ were a draft. from abroad, but that they themselves were not in Holst and Wij nkoop (the Tribunists) took a militant internation­ agreement with it. In their appeal against the verdict, all the alist stand. In equally neutral Sweden, the social democrats, allies defendants declared themselves expressly against points 6 and 7 of the tools of French imperialism, sent Hjalmar Branting and in Lenin's theses because they "contradicted the declaration which three other party leaders into the Eden cabinet; Branting later was read in the name of the two fractions on August 8" and more­ became president of the council. In Denmark, the social demo. over "were not shared either by social democratic' deputies or by Page 46 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL August 1934 the central instances of the party". Point 6 dealt with revolution­ surrektio-nsgelUste"-war frenzy as an over-compenMtion of lust ary defeatism as the lesser evil fOJ' the proletariat; point 7 dealt for insurrection. Heinrich Cunow, who signed the original anti­ with the transformation of the imperialist war into a civil war war protest of the Vorwarts editors, quickly leaped to the right, against the bourgeoisie! Yaroslavky's history euphemistically was later rewarded with Kautsky's post as editor of Die Neue dismisses the whole affair with the judgment: "It is true that not Zeit, and propagated the theory that imperialism was an inevitable all the accused adopted an equally worthy attitude." and progressive stage of capitalism against which nothing could In the United States, the party also divided into two main camps. be done. Paul Lensch, another of the radicals who voted against With the war in its third year, the American Socialist party called war credits on August 3 in the fraction, soon occupied himself an emergency convention in St. Louis at which the famous major­ with proving by Marxism that the fraction could not have acted ity resolution was adopted, taking a militant attitude against the otherwise than it did. Konrad Haenisch, another of yesterday'S impending war. Except for Debs, Coldwell and a few dozen wordy radicals, described his own transformation in a rapturous others, none of the leaders of the party outside of the militant prean which should never be forgotten: Left wing, organized but tiny, ever allowed the majority resolution "Not for everything in the world would I live again through to leave the paper it was written on. The semi-patriotic, semi­ those days of inner struggle! That impulsive ardent yearning to pacifist minority resolution, signed among others by John Spargo, fling yourself into the vast stream of the general national flood­ George H. Goebel, Cameron H. King, Charles Edward Russell tide, and from the other side, the terrible fear of the soul to follow and the present party chairman, Leo Krzycki, really represented this yearning relentlessly, to surrender entirely to the mood which the course pursued by the authoritative party leaders in action­ roared and raged all around you and which, did you but peer into the legend of the St. Louis resolution to the contrary notwithstand­ your heart, had already long ago taken possession of your very ing. insides! That fear: shall you not become a· scoundrel to yourself The extreme Right wing split off from the party, and with and your cause-should you too feel the way your heart com­ Phelps Stokes, Henry Slobodin, William English \Valling, Charles mands? Until at ,last-I shall not forget the day and hour-the Edward Russell, A. M. Simons, Alexander Howat, Louis Kopelin, terrific tension suddenly snaps, and you dare to be what you really John Spargo and several other patriots-many if not most of were; until-despite all petrified principles and wooden theories~ whom had but yesterday been the most in submersible phrase-revo­ for the first time (the first time for almost a quarter of a cen­ lutionists-they formed the Social Democratic League and, to­ tury !) with swelling heart, with clear conscience, and without any gether with the A. F. of L. bureaucracy, the American Alliance fear .of thereby becoming a traitor, you join in the tempestuous for Labor and Democracy. Upton Sinclair, Haldemann-Julius, storm-song: DelltschlatJd, Deutschland uber Alles I" Leroy Scott and Robert Rives La Monte, who bemoaned the fact '" '" '" that he was too old to shoulder a musket, turned proper jingo. To swim against this stream-no, not'" a stream, a torrent !-how The official party, promptly forgot the St. Louis resolution. many were there? Internationalism was submerged, and true iR­ Meyer London, its lone Congressman, conducted himself disgrace­ ternationalists could be found only with the greatest difficulty. fully, never used the floor to attack the war, and confined his anti­ Only those with the stoutest hearts. only those inspired with the war activity to voting in favor of or not voting against practically most deep-rooted conviction, believed that the International-the all the war measures and appropriations. The socialist aldermen new International-could and would be rebuilt, that the social in New York City voted for Liberty Bonds and a Victory Arch. revolution would rise triumphant from the blood-soaked trenches. The ousted New York state assemblymen protested their patriotism And they were completely isolated! with a piteous earnestness that would have wrung tears from ,Whatever opposition to the war manifested itself in the first rock. Hillquit announced in 1917: "I do not advocate an immedi­ period was for the most part pacifist, vacillatory, cowardly-in a ate separate peace, a withdrawal by America. Nothing that I word, Kautskyan. And even this tendency made little headway have ever said or written could justify such a sweeping assertion. until it became clear that the prevalent optimism-"The war will ... I want America to act, not to withdraw." The National Ex­ last only three months !"-rested on self-deception. The Indepen­ ecutive Committee issued a manifesto in the iame year saying: dent Labour party was overwhelmingly pacifist in its policy; the "vVe are not discouraging enlistments. We are not obstructing Communist movement finally emerged out of such tiny revolution­ the conduct of the war." And while Debs went to prison, the ary anti-war groups as the British Socialist party, the Socialist party's struggle against war was entirely submerged and dissolved Labour party, the Shop Stewards' movement. In France, the into the. pacifist People's Council-the League against War and predominant anti-war tendency was for a long tim~ that led by Fascism of its day. Longuet and his friends, for whom Woodrow Wilson was the new It seemed that the whole International had turned delirious with Messiah. Even the French Zimmerwaldians did not all stay with war fever. All the hidden jingoism of the socialist leaders came the revolution to the end. Of that little group which was so to the surface as the flames of war burned off the thin veneer of heavily influenced by Trotsky, few remained with the revolution­ their Marxian phraseology. ary movement. Merrheim, the most popular of the Zimmerwald­ The French and Belgians and English became the most inflamed ians, turned Wilsonian, and then became a violent enemy of Com­ "jusqtt'au bouJistes"-bitter-enders. In Austria, Pernerstorfer munism and the Soviets; Bourderon soon returned to the bosom took care to explain that the tiny anti-war minority was composed of the social democracy; Brizon, who also became a Wilsonian, not merely of academicians, but of Jews. Austerlitz wrote blood­ returned from Kienthal with the report that he had had "to defend curdling leaders-HOn to Paris"-in the Arbeiterzeitung. The France inch by inch against Lenin" and his thesis on defeatism; Reichenberger V orwarts under Joseph Strasser, the only paper in Monatte returned to syndicalism, and Loriot died as a Communist the dual monarchy to take a revolutionary position, was suppressed who withdrew to the position of syndicalism; Rosmer outlasted by the government and its place taken by a Right wing organ most of them, and then retired from active political life. which outdid its Viennese model. In Germany, the brave internationalists assembled around im­ In Germany, social democrats went from patriotism to open mortal Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht constituted only a imperialism. Heilmann, who demanded the conquest of the Baltic, handful, and even here it required all the persuasiveness at Rosa's shouted: "Let the eternally vacillating figures suddenly desire to command to convince Liebknecht of the imperative need of break­ play the strains of the 'International'-as for me, I go to Hinden­ ing openly the discipline of the social patriots. The main stream burg!" Meerfeld claimed that the rejection of anr.exations was of proletarian anti-war sentiment flowed in the channels of Cen­ un-Marxian. Landsberg explained that the annexation of Poland trism, and was vitiated by Kautsky and Bernstein. "We too wanted up to the N arev line was still far from a wild annexationist policy. to bring about the speedy termination of the war," wrote the Not only the old opportunists, but many who had but yesterday former, "but not by means of a revolutionary rising, which seemed distinguished themselves by a fiery oratorical or literary revolu­ to us improbable. . . ." tionism overnight became just as fiery patriots-a somersault which In Italy, where the Socialist party took a militant anti-war posi­ was psychologically explained by Freidrich Adler, and not so tion, where the patriots like Bissolati, Cabrini and Bonomi, had \", ;-f}ngly, as UKriegsbegeistet:ung also Ueberkompeusatioll de,. [1J- already been expelled in 1912 for supporting the Tripolitan war August 1934 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Page 47 adventure (expelled on the motion of Benito Mussolini!), the most the support of the masses who flocked to It in the early years after authoritative leaders were unable, for years, to bring themselves the war; the world is plunging with terrifying speed into the abYls to a separation frem the Right wing and Centrist elements which of a new world war. would have permitted the speedy-the timely!-growth of a strong And because war is not merely inevitable under capitalism, but revolutionary party. is actually impending as this is written. Because the Stalinist In­ Only in a few parties did the revolutionary Marxists find sup­ ternational is even less capable of leading the struggle against the port: among the Russian Bolsheviks, the courageous Servian so­ new imperialist carnage than it. was of leading the struggle cialists, the Rumanians, the Bulgarians, some of the Swiss and against Hitlerism. Because the Second International remains true Scandinavians, the Hollanders, and very few others. As for the to itself and to its past, true to its bourgeois fatherlands, because rest, the imposing idea of transforming the imperialist war into tomorrow it will enter the service with the war-cry of "Democracy the war for the sotial revolution, took their very breath away. versus Fascism!" as it did twenty years ago with the war-cry of The thesis of revolutionary defeatism as the lesser evil for the "Democracy versus Kaiserism!" or "Kultur versus Czarism!"­ proletariat, far from meeting with a favorable response, encount­ we in turn have raised the war-cry of "For the proletarian revo­ ered savage attack. And most fantastic of all appeared the idea lution to end imperialist war!" "For the Fourth International to in which was concentrated the most urgent need of the revolution­ lead the proletarian revolution!" ary proletariat of that period: the irrevocable break with the What the slogan of the Third International was in the last war, Second International and the founding of the Third International. the watchword of the Fourth International shall be in the next: Even those who would acknowledge that the former had failed, the rallying banner of all that is alive and vigorous in the prole­ would not agree that it was bankrupt and had to be discarded. tarian movement, the avenger of the exploited and oppressed and For the first years of the war, Lenin and the consistent Marxists martyred, the executor of the testament of our death, the intrepid were practically alone, and few, very few. challenger and deadly enemy of the ruling class and all class rule. Twenty of history's most amazing years have passed since the AnQ it will have among its mottoes the stirring inscription on colossal tragedy of August 4, 1914. The working class is at the Schiller's symbolic clock: conjunction of three crucial processes: the Second International Vivos voco, mortuos plango, fulgura frango. has succeeded, in regaining if not its lost progressive character I summon the living, I mourn the dead, I shatter the thunder­ then at least the grudging support of millions of workers; the bolts! Third International has lost both its progressive character and Max SHACHTMAN The Crisis in Fascism essary that the Fighting League of the Trading Middle Classes 1. The Events in Gel-Illany and its military counterpart, the S. A. be taught the limits of the totalitarian state. Hitler preferred to be the agent rather than LL who resisted have been shot, some have committed suicide. the victim of this necessity. A Without the ceremony even of a drumhead court martial, the When in 1926 he declared the Nazi program "unalterable", souls of Roehm and his staff were dispatched to Valhalla amid Hitler intended by that no more than his Italian prototype who at farewell accusations of sodomy. Partisans of. due process of law a similar stage favored the abolition of the monarchy, the dissolu­ protest that there was no evidence of overt conspiracy, that Hit­ tion of joint stock corporations, and transfer of large estates to ler's Reichstag oration was "an accounting without vouchers" by the peasants' ~ooperatives. Once the March on 'Rome was accom­ one who was prosecuting attorney, witness, judge and executioner. plished (a single regiment of regulars could, have dispersed it) But conspiracies, like convenient "assassinations", can always be and the Facta government had by secret agreement delivered over invented. What Hitler-Goering-Goebbels faced was the much the power, Mussolini set about trampling down all in his own party more deadly fact of a condition. In the historic social crisis of a who had taken his demagogy at its face value. Except for the falling rate of profit and mounting class antagonisms, Capital had brutal reality of the Fascist syndicates, the "corporate state" re­ decided that the only alternative to socialization was the forcible mains a petty-bourgeois fantasy on paper. So, too, Hitler came degradation of wages to the barest level of subsistence. The end not to destroy German capitalism but to fulfill neo-Germanl im­ entailed the complete destruction of all the barriers of proletarian perialism. The program of nationalization of the trusts, confisca­ organization; its instrumentality was the "anti-Marxist" mobiliza­ tion of the land, and abolition of "interest-servitude" was like the tion of the petty-bourgeoisie, a victim itself of monopolist expro­ whole propaganda of anti-Semitism designed as bait for the lower pr:iation. The working class, criminally divided and betrayed, middle class. The Aryan capital of the Krupps, Thyssen and virtually capitulated without a struggle; the trade unions, the social Siemens was pronounced "creative" and sacrosanct. The autarchy democracy, and the communists were crushed. Intoxicated by its which Hitler advocated is to be understood in the context of his easy triumph, the middle class mistakes the illusion of power for published view that the "mere restoration of the German frontiers its substance; it attempts to function as an independent social of 1914 is a l'oliticallunacy and a crime". The Alfred Rosenbergs force. At this point, the reality of Fascism clashes with its dema­ are no less aware than any Marxist that the productive forces gogic form. The J acobin petty-bourgeoisie, which saved a great have outgrown the boundaries of the national state, that Ruhr coal revolution from feudal reaction, had finally to cede command of cannot be permanently divorced from Lorraine iron-ore without the state to Big Business. The Brownshirt creatures of the capi­ dire consequences for German economy. A scientific anthropolo­ talist twilight could not succeed where the Red Bonnets of the gist like Boas misses the point that the Nordic racial ideology is capitalist dawn had failed. The plebeian phase of German Fascism the Nazi pseudonym for the new imperialism. is liquidated. In this light, those who have profited from the Hitler regime The blood-purge of the Storm Troops was, a preventive coup are easily distinguished. There are first the Junkers whose estates d' etat against the elements of the "second revolution". Stripped of despite the "unalterable program" remain intact and who have its nebulous flights into ethics and metaphysics, von Papen's been accorded higher tariffs. The industrialists who invested so Marburg address was the unmistakeable handwriting on the wall. heavily in Hitler have received about one billion dollars worth of This hero of the Herren-klub, by the side of whom Judas Iscariot returns in the form of tax reductions, subsidies and wage cuts. was positively a saint, knew first-hand as intermediary between The upper middle class, the social base of the black-shirted S chutJJ embezzling Junkers and R.uhr industrialists, that Hitler was a Staffel, has profited from openings created by the ostracism of preduct of capitalist subsidy no less than of middle class misery. Jews and liberal office-holders of th6 Weimar regime. But tlte Had Marxism been suppressed, he now asked, so that national lower middle classes, dazzled with the heralded prosperity of th_ Bolshevism would be instituted in its place? It was plainly nec- Third Reich, have been given a stone. The processes of r~tional- Page 48 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL August 1934 ization and centralizlltion continue their grind. The economic sovereignty, of every organ of legislative and executive authority crisis grows acute. An increasingly unfavorable trade balance in the hands of finance capital. Ha.ving !ettled accounts with the with shrinking reserves of gold and foreign exchange foster pro­ turbulent petty bourgeoisie, its pawn against the proletariat, Fu­ jects for the devaluation of the mark and a moratorium of foreign cism now assumes the form of a bureaucratic military and police payments. Except for the heavily subsidized armament industries, dictatorship. unemployment has not decreased; it is merely concealed. Real The working class did not intervene. Wedding, formerly the wages have sunk to their lowest level in half a century. Expendi­ reddest district of Berlin, was deierted. That is the tragic measure tures on the social services have been cut by nearly half a billion of the catastrophe of 1933. Only that department of the Stalin marks. Such soil could not but nourish hopes of a "second revolu­ press dedicated to 'sowing apocalyptic illusions represented Ger­ tion" to bring the Nazi masses into their own. Man does not many as on the verge of a proletarian revolution. A truer index live by bread alone but the most immaculately conceived Aryan of Stalin's appraisal of the situation is Litvinov's Realpolitik, his and lineal descendant of Hermann the Cheruscan cannot live on adoption of the French imperialist thesis of "security before dis­ glory alone. armament" and endless regional pacts. A direct transition from Captain Roehm and his circle of military desperadoes had but Fascist dictatorship to Soviet power is theoretically not inconceiv­ small interest in the National-Bolshevist ideas of a Strasser, but able. But the pre-requisite for that would have to be the lever of they were prepared to utilize the disaffection of the petty bour­ a powerful communist party. None such is available. The Stal­ geois masses as their base of operations for the control of the inist party, which, planless and headless, capitulated· without Reichswehr. The command of the-Reichswehr, on the other hand, struggle when flitter ascended to the Chancellery, is scarcely rec­ was quite as resolved as had been the Royal Italian Army to allow ognizable in the panegyrics and embellishments of the official and no parvenu weakening of its monopoly or plebeian dilution of the semi-official Comintern propagandists. A party which cannot dis­ ranks by fusion with the S. A. The military question involved tinguish victory from defeat, is of no greater actual service to the the whole complex of political and economic orientation. Hitler proletariat than a party which directly betrays it. But while in always viewed the Storm Troops with distrust as a menace to his the circumstances there could be no revolutionary intervention of exclusive control of the party. He had been dangerously em­ the working class, conditions have been created for its infusion broiled with them at the time of the Berlin mutiny of Captain with fresh confidence. The change in the relations of the petty Stennes, which only the treacherous services of Goebbels helped bourgeoisie to monopoly capital as the lessons of the blood-purge him put down. The proposed reduction of the Storm Troop num­ seep in, must inevitably draw the middle classes closer to the pro­ bers aimed a direct and telling blow at the plans and ambitions of letariat. If only the latter displays the necessary revolutionary Roehm. In killing him, Hitler disposed of one of the most influen­ clearsightedness a change in the balance of forces will follow. It tial of Nazi originals and its ablest military organizer. The simul­ was the inability of the proletariat to solve the social crisis, and the taneous killing of von Schleicher bears the familiar earmarks of failure of its parties to give decisive leadership that alienated the the "amalgam". Any contact the "social" General may have had petty bourgeoisie, sending it into the camp of capital. The greatest with Roehm would have been quite casual; their respective points step forward that the German proletariat could take today and the of support and perspectives were fundamentally dissimilar. But guarantee so far as that is possible of its victory tomorrow would the murder of von Schleicher, removed as it were, a "Bonapartist" be to digest the lessons of its own defeat of 1933 and from that to pretender, and cushioned the shock of annihilating so many Nazis. form the cadres of the party of the Fourth International. The death of von Hindenburg and Hitler's assumption of the added presidential powers, completes the concentration of all Maurice SPECTOR

demanding payment on the promissory notes of Fascist dema.­ 2. How It Happened in Italy goguery, was given the only reply which real, and not apparent, class relations had prepared for it. HE longer German Fascism prevails, the more it reveals at * * * * T every important stage of its development an essential resem­ The first Fascio Italiano di Combattimento was formed by blance to its Italian precursor. The analogy is so striking in all 1\1 ussolini in Milan in March 1919 and was very quickly duplicated important aspects that it is now possible to record a set of evolu­ in all the principal centers of northern Italy. "These Fasci by no tionary laws ruling the life's span of Fascism. If in external means had a reactionary character, they appeared much rather as manifestations the German development takes on more .convulsive a subversive 'revolutionary' movement," on whose banner was in­ and sensational forms, and are more concentrated in point of time, scribed the "struggle for the revolutionary fruits of the revolution­ this general accentuation does not invalidate the comparison with ary war". The first regular Fascist congress adopted a platform Italy. It only indicates that the unfolding of the Nazi movement remarkable in its middle class radicalism. Women's suffrage, the is taking place in a country where class formations and antagon­ lowering of the voting age, proportional representation, the aboli­ isms are sharper and more clearcut, where the social and economic tion of the Senate, an economic parliament by the side of the structure is far more developed, and where the foreign political political, a national assembly to consider constitutional reform, situation is vastly more complicated and critical. legislative guarantee of an eight-hour day, minimum wage for all Fascism differs from every other form of capitalist dictatorship workers, invalid and old-age insurance, a form of workers' control in that it commences as a vast popular movement of a middle class of production, a steep and progressive income tax tantamount to turned desperately reactionary. Its essential nature as an instru­ outright confiscation in many cases, confiscation of war profits up ment of finance capital brings it inexorably to the point where this to 85%, the confiscation of clerical wealth, the abolition of the broad social foundation, having served its purpose in eliminating standing army and the establishment of a defensive people's militia the working class as an organized political factor, is itself likewise with short-term training periods, nationalization vf all arms and eliminated. munitions plants-these were the outstanding planks in the origi­ The recent events in Germany make this ineluctable trend dram­ nal Fascist platform. They enabled it to rally not only wide strata atically apparent. Were moral depravity and military ambition of the middle class but many workers as well. the only sins of Captain Roehm, neither he nor his coadjutors The fact that big agrarians and industrialists guided and fin­ would have been dispatched to join their ancestors. After all, the anced the Fascists in their murderous assaults upon every labor homosexual predilections and military talent of Friedrich II never organization and institution, that following Facta's resignation aroused much indignation in his time, either. The social offense Mussolini was asked by the king to form a cabinet only after the of the Roehms and Strassers in the eyes of the real ruling class in telegraphic demand of the Confederazione Generale dell'Industria, Germany, was their insistence upon playing too long with the is quite well known. Not less contestable, however, is the equally thoroughly inconvenient aspirations of the parvenu middle class. important fact that hundreds of thousands of middle class and The attempt to llilute the compact Reichswehr with Storm Troop­ proletarian masses looked to Fascism in power for an ameliora­ t P. symhol (If the ,vhole program of a middle class imperiottsly tion if not a solution of their lot. They were quickly undeceived. August 1934 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Page 49 The promieoo. proportional representation in elections not only characterized as entirely unjuMified act! of violence, give grounds was not introduced, but even the mild form of it established in to fear that there are still some elements who have not quite 19 19 was abolished and its place taken at first by an outrageously grasped the new situation of Fascism," warned Mussolini's per­ inequitable "majority system" aimed at drastically reducing the sonal organ, Popolo d'Italia, less than a year after his triumph, representation of the non-Fascist parties. The woman's suffrage "we have reason to believe that the government is determined to put into effect was so circumscribed that it was actually confined enjoin an absolute respect of the laws upon all-especially also to the members of the upper classes. Senate and constitution re­ upon the leaders and soldiers of Fascism.... Every disturber of mained without modification in the direction originally indicated. the peace is an enemy, even if he carries a membership book of The eight-hour day was "guaranteed" in such a way that the ex­ the Fascist party in his pocket." ception became the rule. Wages were reduced to such a point that The dictator himself declared in the C orriero I taUano in Sept­ the League of Nations could recently register Italy at the bottom ember 1923: "Should we be unable radically to rejuvenate the of the European list. Pensions and insurance were practically Fascist party, then it would be better to destroy it and to permit abolished. Instead of control of production by the workers, the the healthy and fresh forces whic~ live and work within it to factory councils were suppressed. Taxation took a course directly merge powerfully into the freer and broader national stream."* opposed to the old pledges. Luxury, automobile and inheritance As with the Reichswehr, the attempt to pack the Italian army taxes were completely abolished; a tax on wages was introduced, with Fascist upstarts was a complete failure. The original plan, and indirect taxation assumed monstrous dimensions. The clergy's directed by General Di Giorgio, was to clear the garrisons, send wealth remained undisturbed, but religious instruction .in the regiments to the frontiers, and fill their places, above all in the schools, voluntary in Italy for fifty years, was reestablished. large cities, with Fascist batallions. But almost to a man the army Military service was increased from eight to eighteen months; in­ generals led by Marshal Cadorna, speedily defeated the plan. And stead of the popular militia, a Fascist Prretorian Guard of half a if Di Giorgio did not meet the same fate as Captain Roehm, he million men was organized; veterans' pensions were reduced while was nevertheless sacrificed by Mussolini, who promised the high vast subsidies were granted war industries and big orders placed command that no reform of the army would be undertaken without for cannon and airplanes. consulting the military. The proletarian, and above all the petty bourgeois, rubbed his The party itself was beaten to all amorphous, voiceless pUlp. eyes in rueful bitterness and astonishment at the reality of the first Mussolini first had to suspend provincial congresses by telegram year of Fascist sovereignty. The fruits of their revolution were for fear of the opposition. Later, the elective principle was abol­ not for them. A tardy disillusionment set in. ished. Mussolini took over the power to appoint the general sec­ "I was an apostle of the first program of the Fascists," read an retary of the party, who in turn appointed the provincial secre­ open letter written to Mussolini in 1923 by Edoardo Frosini, one taries, who thereupon appointed the local secretaries. Both na­ of the "Fascists of the first hour" who presided over the first Fas­ tional and prOVincial party congresses were completely abolished, cist congress. "At that time there were not yet any Blackshirts. and party policy became the exclusive prerogative of the Grand You, however, still wore our insignia: a red cockade over the tri­ Fascist Council appointed by 11 Duce. "The slogan is," Mussolini color .... With the passage of time you altered the program of made it clear in 1926, when the last remnant of active middle class 1919 in such a manner that you are protecting those whom original and proletarian opposition was driven under ground, "absolute Fascism promised primarily to combat. You have flung yourself submission !" into the arms of those whom you wanted to crush and Fascism has The comparison holds even down to the detail of Der Fuhrer become synonymous with reaction in the service of the bourgeoisie dropping his pilots. "The revolution devours its children." Of and the monarchy.... " the "Fascists of the first hour", there are few who did not meet And how like the latter-day insurgent, Nazis just put to death by with essentially as cruel a fate as Hitler's early cronies. The Hitler does it sound when one reads an eleven-year-old article by "extremist" Farinacci, replaced as general party secretary by Farinacci about the "small clique which keeps Mussolini under its Augusto Turati, met with disgrace in 1926 when it was revealed spell"; or the spee~hes of the Fascist under-secretary of state, De that he had blackmailed support for his personal organ, II Regime Vecchi and the deputy Albanese who openly attacked the govern­ Fascista, . from the wealthy and tha.t he had been mixed up in the ment; or the declaration of Cesare Forni in favor of the "second financial scandals surrounding the collapse of his friend Count march on Rome"-the equivalent in those days of the "second Lusignani's Agrarian Bank of Parma. Cesare Rossi, the former revolution" in contemporary Nazi Germany. All that has hap­ press chief-the Goebbels of Mussolini-went into exile, as did the pened there in the last three months is like a thunderous echo of deputies Massimo Rocca, Carlo Bazzi and others. The head of the events in Italy a decade ago! the Fascist federation of Rome, Calza Bini, was imprisoned; so The petty bourgeoisie clamored for the fulfillment of the allur­ was Mussolini's confidante, Amerigo Dumini, the assassin of Mat­ ing promises that had fascinated them from 1919 to 1922. And teotti. The notorious Halo Balbo, who murdered the priest Minzoni open ciTil war broke out in the Fascist party. No city but wit­ and. invented the castor oil treatment of anti-Fascists, was sent off nessed a crisis, easily as severe as the Bavarian boudoir interlude to Libya. Filippini, who had been disbarred from the practise of of Roehm and Hitler. In Rome, the two contending factions into law in Milan for his swindles, is not heard of today. Another of which the party was split twice marched against each other with the Fascist "originals", Umberto PaseUa, was eliminated even bombs and machine guns, and a violent collision was averted only earlier. Libero Tancredi, who took women, boys, politics and his by the intercession of the most prominent party personalities. In comrades' money with equal light-mindedness, also disappeared Leghorn the dissidents broke into the Fascist militia's barracks, from the Fascist horizon. seized banners and trophies and then occupied the party head­ L C. H. quarters. In Turin, Genoa and elsewhere fighting took place be­ tween the rival Fascist groups. In Savona, the opposition occu­ *Compare this with the follow­ bers seeing their task in work­ pied the city hall, the sub-prefecture, the headquarters of the party ing excerpts: "The Berlin ing and proving their worth to and the trade unions. As late as 1926, Triest witnessed two days NSBO numbers more than 400,- the party, they who in past 000 of street fighting and a stat~· of siege had to be proclaimed; in members today; we shall yea~s never thought of being Rome an attempt was made to seize police headquarters. now slowly have to take inven­ radIcal, they want to outbid us tory. Perhaps we shall have to in radicalism. So they come Evell if less spectacularly than in Germany, the bourgeoisie throw out some 80 to 100 thou­ clubbed the duped middle classes into submission with no less ener­ sand. But better a quarter of with the party program and the gy and resolution. The "constructive period" of Fascism, said a million fighters who know Hitler book, Mein Kampf, and Mussolini a few months after the march on Rome, requires dif­ why they are fighting and what ask: Why isn't this carried out ferent methods than the "destructive period"-which meant that they're here for, than a half a yet? \Vhy aren't the banks so­ the petty bourgeoisie had been useful in destroying the labor move­ million who are nothing but a cialized yet? And they think ment but was now superfluous and even dangerous. wile! mob." (Herr Goebbel's An­ they can impress us by that." griff, May 22, 1933.) "Instead (H err Goebbels, V ossisclte uSince certain sporadic episodes of recent date, which are to b. of these newly accepted mem- Zeitung, May 20, 1933.) Page 50 THE NE\V INTERNATJONAL August !2}4 On the Slogan of "Disarmament" NA whole series of countries, particu­ First published in this count1'y in 1918, ately addressed to the present governments I larly in the small ones and in those not in an inadequate translation, Lenin's article of the imperialist great powers, is the most participating in the present war, for ex­ Oil the slogan of disarmament is much too hackneyed opportunism, bourgeois pacifism, little kl£o'am today in proletarian circles. which in reality serves only-in spite of the ample, in Sweden, Norway, Holland, Swit­ The volume of his collected works of zerland, voices are being raised in favor of which it is a part, has not yet appeared in "pious wishes" of the slushy Kautskyans­ replacing the old point in the social demo­ the English edition. Ottr readers will find to divert the workers from the revolution­ cratic minimum program: "militia", or "an his trenchant attack upon the disarmament ary struggle. For such preaching inocu­ arming of the people", with a new one: illusioll to be of the highest topical impor­ lates the workers with the thought that the "disarmament". The organ of the inter­ tance. Not only in view of the continued present bourgeois governments of the im­ national youth organization, J ugend-I nter­ advocacy of this nostrum by avowed social perialist powers are not entangled in thou­ nationale prints in its NO.3 an editorial on democr~ts, but also because of the fusion sands of threads of finance capital and disarmament. In the "theses" of R. Grimm of the Stalinists with the petty bourgeois dozens or hundreds of corresponding (i.e., pacifists in a «league against war" in which predatory, murderous, prepatory to imper­ on the war question, which were drawn up the former have committed themselves to for the congress of the Swiss Social Demo­ the support of the disarmament slogan. ialist wars) secret treaties between them­ cratic party, we find a concession to the Len,in's article, which originally appeared in selves. "disarmament" idea. In the Swiss periodi­ NO.2, lite December 1916 issue of Sbornik II cal, N eues Leben of 1915, Roland-Holst Sotsialdemokrata, J?olshevik periodical pub­ An oppressed class which does not strive comes out to a certain degree for a "con­ lished d'uring the war in Switzerland, is to gain' a knowledge of arms, to become ex­ ciliation" of the two demands, in reality, presented here in a revi.red translation.-ED. pert in arms, to possess arms, deserves no­ however, for the same concession. In the thing else than to be treated as a slave. We organ of the international Left, Vorbote, there is an article in No. cannot, without degrading ourselves to the level of bourgeois paci­ 2 by the Dutch Marxist, Wijnkoop, in favor of the old demand for fists and opportunists, forget that we are living in a class society, an arming of the people. The Scandinavian Left, as can be seen and that no escape from such a society is possible or conceivable from the articles printed below, * accepts "disarmament", although except by the class struggle and the overthrow of the power of they often acknowledge that this demand contains an element of the ruling class. pacifism. In every class society, be it based upon slavery, serfdom, or as I at the present moment, on wage slavery-the oppressor class is One of the chief arguments in favor of disarmament, is the not armed. Not only the standing army of the present day, but also always expressed thought: we are against war, against any war at the present-day militia-even in the most democratic republics, for all, and the most definite, clearest, most unambiguous expression example, in Switzerland-means an armament of the bourgeoisie we can give of this view is the demand of disarmament. against the. proletariat. I do not believe it necessary to prove this IWe have dealt with this erroneous argument in the article on elementary truth; it is sufficient to m~ntion the use of troops (in­ the Junius pamphlet, to which we refer the reader. Socialists can­ cluding the republican-democratic militia) against strikers, a not be opposed to all wars, without thereby ceasing to· be social­ phenomenon common to all capitalist countries without exception. ists. One must not permit himself to be blinded by the present The arming of the bourgeoisie against the proletariat is one of imperialist war. Typical of the imperialist epoch are just such the greatest, most cardinal, most significant facts of present-day wars between the "great powers", but also democratic wars' and capitalist society. uprisings, for instance, of oppressed nations against their oppres­ And in the face of this fact, the revolutionary social democrats sors, for their liberation from oppression, are by no means impos­ are expected to set up the "demand" of "disarmament"! This sible. Civil wars of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, for would be a complete renunciation of the standpoint of the class socialism, are inevitable. Wars are possible between a socialism struggle and of any thought of revolution. We say: arm the prole­ victorious in one country, against other, bourgeois or reactionary, tariat for the purpose of defeating, expropriating, and disarming countries. the bourgeoisie-this is the only possible tactic of the revolutionary Disarmament is the ideal of socialism. In the socialist society chIS:;, a tactic prepared by, grounded in and taught by the whole there will be no wars, which means that disarmament will have ob jecti./e e''l'olutioll of capitalist militarism. Only after having dis­ been realized. But he is no socialist who expects the realization armed the bourgeoisie, can the proletariat, without betraying its of socialism without the social revolution and the dictatorship of world-historic mission, cast all weapons to the scrap-heap, which the proletariat. Dictatorship is state power which rests directly it most certainly will do then-but not before. upon force. In the epoch of the twentieth century-as generally And if the present war calls forth, among reactionary social­ speaking in the epoch of civilization-force is neither the fist nor priests and whining petty bourgeois, only terror, only fright, only the club, but the army. To adopt "disarmament" into the program an aversion to any use of arms, to death, to blood, etc., we on the is equivalent. to say: we are opposed to the use of arms. There is contrary say: cap~talist society always was and always will be exactly as little Marxism in that, as if we were to say: we are a terror without end. And if now this most reactionary of all opposed to the use of force! wars is preparing to put an end to the terror, then we have no We wish to observe that the international discussion on this cause to despair.. The preaching, the "demand"-or still better: question has been conducted mainly, if not exclusively, in the the dream-of disarmament, is objectively nothing but a counsel German language. And in German, two words are employed, the of despair-at a time when it is clear to all eyes that -the only legiti­ difference between which it is not easy to render in Russian. The mate and revolutionary war, the civil war against the imperialist one is UAbrustung" and is employed, for instance, by Kautsky and bourgeoisie, is being prepared by this bourgeoisie itself. the Kautskyans in the sense of a reduction of armaments. The To him who regards this as "gray theory", as "mere theory", we other is UEntwaffnung" and is used chiefly by the Left wingers in answer by recalling two world historical facts: the role of the the sense of the abolition of militarism, of any military (army) trusts and of factory labor of women, and second, the Commune system whatsoever. We speak in this article of the second demand, of 1871 and the December days of 1905 in Russia. prevalent among certain revolutionary social democrats. It has been the function of the bourgeoisie to develop trusts, to The Kautskyan preaching of "disarmament", which is deliber- drive children and women. into factories, there to torment them, to corrupt them, to condemn them to unutterable misery. We do not *Articles published in the same the World War, and Arvid issue of Sbornik Sotsialdemo- Hansen on 'Some Points of the "support" this development, we do "~;upport" no such thing, we k-rafa by two Scandinavian Left Present Labor Movement in struggle against it. But how do we struggle? We declare: the wingers, Karl Kilborn on "The Norway".-ED. trusts an(t th~ factory labor of women are progressive. We do Swedish Social Democracy and not wish to return to handicraftsmanship, to pre-monopolistic August 1934 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Page 51 capitalism, to the dome8tic labor of women. Forward, beyond the ous social imperialism of the Plekhanovs, Scheidemanns, Legiens, trusts, etc., and through them to socialism! etc., Albert Thomas and Sembat, Vandervelde, Hyndman, Hender­ The same consideration, which takes into account the objective son, etc.; second, the veiled Kautskyan variety: Kautsky-Haase course of evolution, is applicable, mutatis mutandis, to the present and the "Social Democratic Working Group" in Germany, Lon­ militarization of the people. Today, the imperialist bourgeoisie is guet, Pressemane, Mayeras, etc., in France, Ramsa~ MacDonald militarizing not only the whole people but also the youth. Tomor­ and other leaders of the "Independent Labour Party" in England, row, for ought I know, it will militarize the women. To that we Martov, Chkheidze, etc., in Russia, Treves and the other socalled answer: So much the better! All the greater speed ahead-the Left reformists in Italy. faster the pace the closer to the uprising against capitalism. How Outright opportunism works openly and directly against the can social democrats allow themselves to be alarmed or discour­ revolution and against the incipient revolutionary movements and aged at the militarization of the youth, etc., unless they forget the outbreaks, in direct alliance with the governments, however the example of the Commune? For this is no "theory", no dream, but forms of this alliance may differ: from participation in the govern­ fact. And there would really be cause to despair were the social ment to participation in the War Industry Committees (in Russia). democrats, contrary to all economic and political facts, to begin The veiled opportWlists, the Kautskyans, are much more harmful to doubt that the imperialist epoch and the imperialist wars must and dangerous to the labor movement, because they conceal and necessarily, inevitably lead to the repetition of these facts. make plausible their defense of the alliance and of "unity" with the It was a bourgeois observer of the Commune who wrote in May former by high-sounding "Marxian" phrases and "peace" slogans. 1871 in an English paper, "If the French nation consisted only of The struggle against both forms of predominant opportunism can women, what a frightful nation it would be!" Women, and youth only be carried on in every field of proletarian policy: parliamen­ from the age of thirteen, fought in the Commune by the side of tary activity, trade unions, strikes, military questions, etc. men, and it will not be otherwise in the coming combats for the Wherein lies the distinguishing mark of both these forms of the overthrow off the bourgeoisie. The proletarian women will not prevalent opportunism? look on passively, while a well-armed bourgeoisie shoots down the In this: that they keep silent, or hush up, or "reply" only as the poorly-armed or unarmed proletarians. They will take to arms police will permit to the concrete question of the connection be­ again, as in 1871, and out of the present "frightened" or dis­ tween the present war and' the revolution, and other concrete couraged-more correctly: out of the present labor movement dis­ questions of the revolution. And this in spite of the fact that im­ organized more by the opportunists than by the governments­ mediately before the war, the connection between this very impend­ there will most certainly arise, sooner or later but most assuredly r ing war and the proletarian revolution was pointed out quite un­ an international league of "frightful nations" of the revolutionary ambiguously a countless number of times unofficially, and in the proletariat. Basel manifesto officially. At present, militarization -is permeating all of public life. Im­ And the main error of the disarmament demand is also that it perialism is a fierce struggle of the great powers for the division evades all the concrete questions of the revolution. Or are the and the redivision of the world-it must therefore lead to a further advocates of disarmament perhaps in favor of an entirely new militarization of all countries, including the neutral and the small variety of disarmed revolution? countries. What should the proletarian women do against this? IV Merely execrate all war and everything military, merely demand Further. We are absolutely not opposed to the struggle for disarmament? Never will the women of an oppressed class that reforms. We do not wish to ignore the unpleasant possibility is revolutionary be content with such a shameful role. Rather will that in the worse case, humanity may be obliged to live through a they say to their sons: second impenalist war, if the revolution is not born out of this "Soon you will be a man, you will be givell arms. Take them war, despite the numerous explosions of mass ferment and mass and learn well everything military-this is necessary for the prole­ indignation, and despite our exertions. Weare advocateSl of a tarians not in order to shoot at your brothers, as is now being reform program as shall be directed also against the opportunists. done in this bandits' war, and as the betrayers of socialism are The opportunists would be delighted were we to leave to them advising you to do-but in order to fight against the Bourgeoisie alone the fight for reforms while we sneaked off to the cloud-lands of your 'own' country, in order to prepare the end of exploitation, of "disarmament" to escape evil reality. For "disarmament" poverty and wars, not by pious wishes, but by defeating the bour­ means flight from squalid reality, not a fight against it. geoisie and by disarming them." By the way, one of the chi~f defects in the way certain Left Unless one carries on such, and just such, a propaganda in con­ wingers pose the question, for example, of the defense of the nection with the present war, he had better stop using all the big fatherland, is the insufficiently concrete reply. It is theoretically words about the international revolutionary social democracy, far more correct, and from a practical standpoint' immeasurably about the social revolution, about the war against war. more important to say, that in this imperialist war, the defense of III the fatherland is a bourgeois reactionary swindle, than to set out The advocates of disarmament are opposed to the arming of the a "general" thesis of opposition to "any" defense of the fatherland. people, among other things, because this demand is supposed more The latter is both untrue and does not hit the immediate enemy of easily to lead to concessions to opportunism. We have examined the workers within the workers' parties: the opportunists. the most important point: the relation of disarmament to the mqss As to the militia, we would say, mindful of the need for a con­ struggle and to the social revolution. Let us now examine the crete and practical answer: we are not in favor of a bourgeois question of its relation to opportunism. One of the most impor­ militia, but only of a proletarian militia. Therefore, not a man tant reasons for the un acceptability Df the demand for disarma­ and not a penny either for the standing army or for the bourgeois ment is precisely that, together with the illusions it inevitably militia, even in such countries as the United States, Switzerland, arouses, it will weaken and emasculate our struggle against oppor­ Norway, etc., all the more so as we see, even in the freest of the tunism~ republican states (for instance, in Switzerland), an increasing Beyond doubt, this struggle is on the order of the day in the Prussianization of the militia, especially since 1907 and 1911, and International. The fight against imperialism, unless it is insepar­ their prostitution to military service against strikes. We can de­ ably connected with the fight against opportunism, is an empty mand: election of officers by the troops, the abolition of all mili­ phrase or a deception. One of the main mistakes of Zimmerwald tary tribunals, equality of rights of foreign and native workers and Kienthal, and one of the principal causes for the possible (especially important for imperialist countries which, like Switzer­ fiasco of these embryos of the Third International, lie precisely in land, shamelessly exploit foreign workers in increasing number the fact that the question of the struggle against opportun.ism has and deprive them of their rights), further, the right of every not been put openly, to say nothing of its being decided in the sense hundred, let us say, inhabitants of the country, to form voluntary of the inevitable break with the opportunists. For a certain time, associations for the learning of the military arts, the free selection opportunism has triumphed within the European labor movement. of instructors, their payment out of government funds, etc. Only In all the bigger countries there have developed two main shadings thus could the proletariat learn everything military for itself anct e)f opportlln i sm: first. the frank, cynical and therefore less danger- !lot for its slaveholders, which lies absolutely in its interests. And Page 52 THE NE\V INTERNATIONAL ~.!!!!. 1934 every !UOC6M1, be it a partial !uccees of the revolutionary move­ the masses of the proletariat. The real social democrats of Swit­ ment-for instance, the conquest of a city, or an industrial locality, zerland endeavor to utilize the comparative freedom and the "in~ of a part of the army-will necessarily-and the Russian revolu­ ternational" position of Switzerland (the proximity of culturally tion also demonstrated this-lead to the victorious proletariat being highly developed countries), further, the fact that Switzerland, compelled to realize just this program. thank God! speaks not her "own language" but three universal Finally, opportunism cannot be defeated by programs alone, but languages, for the purpose of extending, consolidating, strengthen­ only by inflexibly driving for the carrying out of the proerams in ing the re'l/0/utimw1'Y alliance of the revolutionary elements of the reality. The greatest and most disastrous error of the collapsed European proletariat. Let us help our bourgeoisie to maintain as Second International lay in the fact that words did not correspond long as possible its position of monopoly in peaceful trading with to deeds, that hypocrisy and revolutionary phrases were unscrupu­ the charms of the Alps, then perhaps a few coppers will fall to our lously advanced (see the present relation of Kautsky and Co. to share-that is the objective content of the policy of the Swiss the Basel manifesto). Approaching the disarmament demand from opportunists. Let us help the alliance of the revolutionary prole­ this angle, we must first of all inquire into its objective significance. tariat of France, Germany and Italy, for the overthrow of the Disarmament as a social idea, i.e., as an idea produced by a certain bourgeoisie-that is the objective content of the policy of the SWISS social environment, and capable of affecting a social environment, revolutionary social democrats. Unfortunately, this policy is still and not merely the whim of an individual, manifestly arises out of being carried out quite inadequately by the "Left" in Switzerland, the narrow and exceptionally "peaceful" conditions of a few small and the fine decision of their party congress at Aarau in 1915 (the states which live off the bloody world-highway of the war, and recognition of the revolutionary mass struggle) has remained for h~)pc to continue to live there. Consider the argumentation of the the time being more or less on paper. But that is not the point Norwegian disarmament advocates: ,We are small, our army is now. small, we are powerless against the great powers (and therefore The question before us now is this: Is the "disarmament" de­ aIs() po\verless against being violently drawn into an imperialist mand consistent with this tendency in social democratic work? alliance with one group or another of the great powers ... ), we Obviously not. Objectively, disarmament expresses the opportun­ want to remain peacefully in our little corner and to pursue corner­ istic, narrowly national, circumscribed'small country line in the politics, we demand disarmament, compulsory arbitration, "per­ labor movement. Objectively, disarmament is the most national, manent" neutrality (somewhat like that of Belgium?), etc. the specifically national program of the small states, and not an The desire of small nations to stand aside, the petty bourgeois international program of the international revolutionary social aspiration to keep away from the great world combats, the utiliza­ democracy. tion of their comparative monopoly position for narrow-minded P.S. In the last number of the English periodical, The Socialisl passivity-this is the objective social environment which may as­ Review (September 1916), the organ of the opportunistic "Inde­ sure the idea of disarmament a certain degree of success and a pendent Labour Party", we find on page 287 the resolution of the popularity in some of the small nations. Of course, such an as­ Newcastle conference of this party: a refusal to support any war, piration is illusory and reactionary, for imperialism will, in one waged by any government, even though it should "nominally" be ,vay or another, drag all the small states into the vortex of world a "defensive war". And on page 205, we find the following declar­ economy and world politics. ation in an editorial: "We do not approve the Sinn Fein rebellion" Let us elucidate with the example of Switzerland. Its imperialist (the Irish uprising of 1916). "We do not approve any armed surroundings objectively prescribe two lines of the labor move­ rebellion, any more than we approve any other form of militarism ment. The opportunists, in league with the bourgeoisie, aspire to or of war." make of Switzerland a republican-democratic association for de­ Is it still necessary to prove that these "anti-militarists", that riving profits from the tourists of the imperialist bourgeoisie, and such advocates of disarmament, not in a small country, but in a to preserve a "peaceful" monopolistic position most sweetly and large one, are the. wors~ kind of opportunists? And yet, they are serenely. Practically, this is a policy of alliance between a thin, theoretically entirely right in considering the armed uprising as privileged stratum of the workers of a small country in a privi­ "one of tRe forms" of militarism and war. ledged position, with the bourgeoisie of its own country, against SWITZERLAND, October 1916. N. LENIN. Diplomacy in the World War HE Communists have invariably maintained, and continue to (February 8), I beg your Excellency to inform the government of T maintain, that at times when international politics appear to the Russian Empire that in the opinion of the Servian general staff be covered with an icy sheet of perfect quiet, the preparations for Servia requires the following as rapidly as possible: war are being carried on with the greatest intensity. "120,000 rifles with 1,500 cartridges each, 24 large field guns 10 It is precisely at such times that the general staffs and the spies cm. calibre with 500 shells each, 43 mountain guns of the latest are working most intensely t The archives of czarist diplomacy model with 2,000 each. revealed by the revolution, every fresh document brought out of "The Royal Servian government expressly begs the government the dust of the records, prove this. of the Russian Empire to place these arms at its disposal as rapid­ The appended material, published for the first time, from the ly as possible at cost price, and the Royal Servian government Central Administrativq Records of the Soviet Union, adduces under takes to pay the sum incurred as soon as it possibly can. In documentary proof contained in the second, third, and following the above mentioned note sent through his Excellency Sazonov, I volumes of the complete work: International Relations in the had tlu" honor of emphasizing the extreme urgency' of this request Epoch of Imperialism (Com:nission for the Publication of Docu­ .t11e1 s.'I1ce then this urgency has become greater, now that the ments on the Epoch of Imperialism. appointed by the Central Ex­ neighboring countries have completed their armaments. The Royal ecutive Committee of the Soviet Union), that long before the shots Servian government will be extremely grateful to the government were fired at Sarajevo, the machine for the preparation of imper­ of the Russian Empire if it replies in the affirmative to this request, jalist war was running at full speed. and thereby helps to complete armaments in these hard times. Valuable information is furnished by a letter sent to the Russian Pashich.'J* ambassador in Belgrade, Hartwig, by the Servian prime minister, The rifles, cannon, guns and munitions here referred to are Pashich, on the sending of munitions and cartridges (Hartwig those afterwards used in the first conflicts on the Austro-Serviart passed the letter on to Petersburg on June 2, 1914). frontier. Pashich's request was the result of a lengthy and intense This interesting and instructive document is worded as follows: course of provocation work carried on by the czarist government "To the Ambassador, Dear Sir, in Belgrade. A glance at the secret letter sent by Savinski to "Re the note which I had the honor of handing over to his Excellency Sazonov, homo secretary for Russia, on January 26 *The emphasis is mine. G.V. !\ ugust 193 .. THE NEW INTERNATIONAL e:zac: __ = _..... ===-===::::.= Sazonov at February 4, interpreting Hartwig's "idea" ("to 6et Among the documents of the second and third volume! there i-I Servia on Austria") will convince the reader: an extremely characteristic tele«ram from the czarist !.mba!!ador "February 4 (January 22), 1914. in Tokio, dated May 25, 1914. This states that the economic rap­ "Sergei Dmitriyevitch, Dear Sir, proachment of Japan and England "on Chinese soil, is especially "I permit myself to write you the following lines, which are desirable to the Japanese" . . . "Will England agree to such a intended solely for your pe1'sonal information*, since they must combination, [asks the czarist ambassador Malyevski-Malevitch] contain a number of questions which are of a personal nature, and will it be prepared to bell the cat for the Japanese? The near always very difficult to mention, and which I should avoid did I future will show." not think it my duty to raise them. The future showed that England is ready to bell any amount of "During my sojourn in Belgrade I had repeatedly long conver­ cats for anybody, including Japan in Manchuria, so long as the sations with Hartwig, who had obviously hoped that you would Americans are not permitted to get any advantage from it. . . . call him to Petersburg when the Servian crown prince and Pashich A characteristic document on war preparations is furniihed by arrived there. He is disagreeably surprised at not hearing from the report of the czarist military agent in Germany, Colonel Ba­ you, I asked him what he was particularly anxious to discuss in zarov: Petersburg. He replied that there are a great many things he "Military agent in Germany. wanted to speak about, especially about the sending of guns and "February II (24), 1914. ammunition to the Servians, and that for this reason he wanted liN o. 93, Berlin. Strictly Confidential. to meet the ministers of finance and war. In the course of further "To the Quartermaster General of the General Staff. conversation I became convinced that Hartwig's idea was to set "Report. Servia on Austria. "A few days ago I spoke to the French military agent here, "N aturally it is not my business to judge of the dangerousness of Colonel Serret, and became fairly friendly with him. such a policy at the present juncture, and I deem it my duty to "Colonel Serret is of the opinion that it is of paramount impor­ inform you of the above." tance to prepare public opinion among the broad strata of the . In Sofia nobody knew what was going on in Belgrade, but French people on the probable course of war events on the Eastern Petersburg was well informed. It is not for nothing that this letter and Western frontiers of Germany in the case of a joint advance from the czarist ambassador in Sofia was preserved in an especial­ on the part of Russia and France against Germany. ly secret portfolio of the ministry for home affairs. "General Serret stated his ideas as follows: , Hartwig's enorts were "successful". ,When the news arrived of ' "There is no doubt that Germany will deal its first blow against the culmination of his activities, the murder of the Austrian crown France, con\.'entrating at least 20 to 22 field corps on her, for prince in Sarajevo, the immediate impetus for the world war, France is its 1110st dangerous enemy. Hence decisive conflicts may Hartwig was so overcome with joy that he succumbed to heart take place within two weeks of the announcement of the general failure. mobilization. The documents referring to the war preparations often appear "For various reasons, entirely comprehensible to the French pale in comparison with the present preparations, and all the facts general staff, and perhaps to other informed persons, but not which they adduce insignificant as compared with all that is being likely to be comprehensible except to a few people, the concentra­ done at present to prepare for the intervention against the Soviet tion of the Russian army on the German frontiers will take place Union and for new imperialist wars. It must, however, be remem­ much later than the concentration of the French army. bered that the documents of the last war throw light on the prac­ "Decisive conflicts between the main forces of the Russian army tises of the imperialists. The spoor left by the criminals of yester­ and Germany troops can scarely be expected earlier than: four day leads us on the track of those who are preparing the bloodbath weeks after the declaration of war. Hence it is comprehensible of tomorrow. . .'. that the majority of the French population will become extremely Another document is appended: a letter from the deputy Klofac, impatient on receiving no news from the Polish scene of war. the present leader of the Czechoslovakian National Socialists. This \iVhen the general excitability of the French is remembered, it may document revals one of the methods of war preparations. be easily imagined that if public opinion is not properly prepared In this letter (dated 1914 in Prague) Klofac offers to put his beforehand-this necessary preparation must consist in teaching party at the service of the Russian espionage service. He recom­ the public to form a correct estimate of the totality of circum­ mends his goods as follows: stances, and to understand the possible if only partial failures of "Where the National Socialist Party agitates, where it applies the French troops-if this necessary preparation is omitted, then the extensive means at its disposal, there the spirit is to be found there will be expressions of dissatisfaction in France, and especi,al­ which the Slav nationality needs .... It is in the interests of Rus­ ly in Paris, with regard to the allies, leading to very disagreeable sian policy to support the National Socialist party, in order that assumptions, which might very easily become exaggerated under its agitation may penetrate where Slav feeling is still weak. This the conditions of nervous strain among the people. is the case in East Moravia and in Silesia, among strata of "Therefore I deem it advisable to prepare public opinion to a the utmost importance for Russia in case of war. Russia must certain extent in time of peace, and to inform it as to the proba­ devote special attention to these. It is impossible to send agents bilities of the order of succession of war events on the East and to these people; even now they would be seized. Work must be West scenes of war. done cautiously, inconspicuously, and exactly.... This task can be "In any' case, decision on the question of the extent to which carried out by the National Socialist party, which is opening up and the manner in which the people can and should be prepared for new secretariats in the above-named districts. This is the mannet the modern peoples' war in which the people take an immediate in which Austria has worked, and still works, against Russia in part, and have naturally the most vital interest in the events de­ Russian Poland. ciding these wars, which may decide their whole future fate, ii "Each secretariat would need 1,000 rubles yearly; including the subject to the joint decision of the general staffs of Russia and newspapers, about 10,000 rubles would be needed yearly. The re­ France. sults of the whole action would be both rapid and effectual." "Indubitably this question deserves the most serious attention, Thus Klofac sold his party to the Russian espionage department and must be solved at once. for ten thousand rubles yearly. It must be commented that Klofac uGeneral Staff Colonel Bazarov." did not estimate his party very highly.... He certainly underesti­ On the margin there is a pencil note: More than has be'en done mated its espionage capabilities. cannot be done. Sh. (Shilinski, head of the czarist general staff.) Are not similar transactions being concluded, or at least negoti­ On February 24, 1914, six months before the outbreak of the ated, in all the lobbies and antechambers of the general staffs of world war, a consultation took place in Berlin between the two the imperialist states to.day? The trial of the Industrial party, military agents, the Russian and the French. Here the eventi the trial of the MensheVIks, showed us how and where such trans­ taking place after the mobilization were stated beforehand. Would actions are carried on. this have been possible if the plan of war had not been prepared *Th. emphasis is mine. G.V. in every point by the Russian and French ieneral itaffs on the on. THE NEW INTERNATIONAL August 1934 :::;a:: hand and by the German and Austrian general staffs on the other? fer red to even such a protector of imperialism as Briand, who is Six months before the outbreak of the war the military agents known to have inclined for a time to a separate peace with Ger­ consult on how "public opinion" is best to be prepared by the press many. for the first period of the war. And how often do the Serrets and Another secret telegram from the Russian ambassador in Bel­ Basarovs of today consult on the slander campaigns to be under­ gium, Nelidov, dated April 25, 1917, reports: taken in the press against the Soviet Union, in order to work up "Yesterday the minister for foreign affairs gave me reliable feeling in favor of war? information that in the near future the minister Vandervelde is to The documents now published, revealing the crimes of the past, travel to Russia in order to establish contact with our socialist give the clues to the path taken by the imperialists in preparing circles, and in order to come forward as an enthusiastic patriot fresh crimes, fresh wars and interventions. against the strivings of some Russian social democrats who desire These clues lead to the international social democracy. Below peace with the Germans; he is also to deal with the questions of we append the viewpoint of a fairly resolute man, the czarist am­ the Armenians and of the Straits. The minister will pass some bassador in Paris, Izvolsky. In his telegram to the minister for time in Stockholm, but will careful1y avoid meeting the German foreign affairs, No. 914 of August 29, 1916, he reports: emissaries; this has been impressed on him as a duty by his party. "As is known to you, three members of the Socialist party, Today Vandervelde himself confirmed this information to me per­ Guesde, Sembat and Albert Thomas, take part in the present sonally, and emphasized that he is traveling not only as a repre­ French government. All three belong to the majority of this sentative of his party, but as a member of the Belgian government party, which recently announced its patriotic feelings at the con­ and with the approval of the ministerial council." gress of the national council of the French socialists, and opposed What can be added to this exhaustive characterization of the the renewal of relations with the Germany socialists. Of these A. leaders of social democracy by the officials of czarism? The char­ Thomas has distinguished himself by special energy and successful acterization is as fitting today as it was at that time. activities; he manages the armament affairs. The presence of Especially careful study should be given to the preparations these three socialists in the cabinet has so far not only not hin­ made for the last war, in order that all the motive forces and dered the unity of the activities of the government, but on the methods may be discovered. The documents of these records not contrary, has imparted to this a special value and therewith special only bear witness to the past, they show what is going on in the firmness-for instance, as the dangerous campaign of M. Briand present and what will be done in the future by world imperialism commenced in parliament." and social democracy. Not bad! The socialists Guesde, Sembat and Thomas are pre- G. V ASSILKOVSKY The Stalinists and Pacifism N THE twentieth anniversary of the beginning of the first forces decides which side may advance. But here it is necessary O world war, the conquest of power by the Russian proletariat to add that at no time is this decided merely by the relationship stands out as the only achievement of the epoch. From this highest of the separate sections, but primarily by the position of the con­ point humanity has traversed half of a new cycle to its lowest flicting classes as a whole. And so long as the accumulation of depth, to the conquests of the Fascist counter-revolution. capital remains the economic law of motion of modern society the This is the stark reality of today. Instead of the victorious class existing on the appropriation of surplus values will remain development of the revolution of 1917 on a world scale, the new the aggressor. epoch has witnessed a series of defeated revolutions culminating On the international arena this question of relationship of forces in the smashing of the German and the Austrian proletariat. As of the classes as a whole is even more decisive in its importance. a most immediate consequence of these terrible calamities the From this flows the inescapable conclusion that the relations be­ capitalist encirclement of the Soviet Union is more tightly drawn, tween the proletarian Soviet republic and the capitalist powers is the mortal danger to its existence increases daily, and humanity constantly influenced by and in the final analysis determined by faces the volcanic eruptions of new imperialist wars. the strengthening or the weakening of the position of either class At the approach of these new stormy developments, the Soviet on a world scale. We are therefore compelled to proceed in our Union finds itself right in the danger zone next door to the main estimate today from the fact that the proletariat has suffered stage of the coming imperialist world conflict for the possession catastrophic defeats in one country after another, with the result of China. and India. In the West it faces the most consistent that the Soviet Union today stands badly isolated. Its most im­ organizers and inspirers of national aggression in control of a portant allies are crushed. In view of this situation the foreign chain of Fascist and semi-Fascist states. policy pursued by the Soviet Union has become a question of The diplomatic relations between the two antagonistic systems, fundamental importance. the Soviet Union and the capitalist powers, is of necessity a com­ During the time of Lenin this foreign policy proceeded as an promise relationship dictated by historical circumstances. In no integral part from the basic strategy of the world revolution. sense can it be conceived as a stable equilibrium. One or the other Even its main measures of execution were worked out by the must finally assert its supremacy and the present compromise rela­ revolutionary general staff. But the policy of the Comintern of tionship is therefore essentially a question of relationship of Lenin is no longer the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. On the forces. But this relationship of forces cannot be determined contrary. The Soviet foreign policy of the Stalin bureaucracy is merely on the basis of two solid entities as represented by the the policy of the Third International today. It flows from the nations or their respective governments. In the determination of theory of socialism in one country and means -m actuality the this question must be taken into account, on the one hand, the abandonment of the world revolution and the ignoring of all of its forces within the Soviet Union that are weakening its proletarian problems. This theory assumes that the capitalist and the com­ basis and, on the other hand, not only the elements of conflict munist systems can coexist peaceably. Thus the compromise re­ among the capitalist powers, but above all the forces within capi­ lationship which was necessitated by historical circumstances, due talism antagonistic to its system. to the feebleness of the world revolution, which in turn due to a To illustrate the point it is well to take an example from the great extent to the previous mistakes and blunders of the Stalinist everyday process of the class struggle. The working class is regime, shifting constantly to the disadvantage of the Soviet compelled to enter into constant compromise relationships with Union, is being raised into a universal system of international capitalism. Only its victorious revolution changes this situation. relations. It is called the peace policy of the Soviet Union. At one moment one section of the class is able to forge ahead and Naturally the proletarian republic desires peace and strives for strengthen its position while another may be forced to retreat. At peace; it is the only power capable of conducting a peace policy. no time is there a lastini, stable equilibrium. The relationship of But in a world of capitalist relations. this question of war or peace, August 1934 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Page 55 of the offensive orthe defensive, must be determined by revolution­ tlce to the clearsightedness of President Roosevelt, that soon after ary criteria, which means that it must be determined by the inter­ he assumed office, and perhaps even before that, he had realized ests of the strengthening of the proletarian republic and not by the fruitlessness of further struggle against us on behalf of capi­ the interests of the maintenance of the imperialist status quo as talism, and saw the benefit to American state interests and the defined by national boundaries artificially imposed by force. More­ interests of world peace, of the establishment of relations with us." over, the strengthening of the proletarian republic, nay, its very Evidently this sort of appraisal by the epigones is handed down life and existence, is bound up with the question of the extension to the proletariat as a compensation for the heavy defeats suffered; of the revolution. Universal peace in a world of ca.pitalist rela­ but it is treacherously deceptive. The real situation presents an tions is a utopia and it can not, of course, be secured at all through entirely different picture. We are not concerned here with the diplomatic pacts signed by the capitalist robber nations. Such a accomplishment of the United States recognition itself, but purely policy represents an adaptation to the methods of the enemy class. with the appraisal made by the directors of Soviet diplomacy. The course through the diplomatic pacts to the joining in the And it is not difficult to discern that the motive force in recogni­ deceptive cry for disarmament-under capitalism-and the equally tion by the American imperialists, for whom Roosevelt is now the deceptive cry for mutual rejection of aggression, has proceeded in official spokesman, were not at all those stated by Litvinov. For pace with the disastrous defeats inflicted by capitalism upon the them the unbridled advance by the Japanese in Manchuria posed world proletarian forces. With each new defeat, greater illusions in a sharper form than before the question of the struggle for are created in the inviolability of the pacts with capitalism. So long supremacy in the Pacific, and thereby hastened the establishment as this policy prevails, paralysis of the proletarian allies, the debili­ of diplomatic relations between the Washington government and tation of their parties, the preparation of new defeats on a more the Soviet Union. Behind these diplomatic relations the American colossal scale, isolation and encirclement of the proletarian revolu­ imperialists will seek to provoke the conflict between the U.S.S.R. tion within the l1ational framework of the U.S.S.R. and, without and Japan at the opportune moment in order to weaken both and the victory of the proletariat in the leading countries, doom· to to prepare for itself a territorial base in China so as to raise the failure all the successes of socialist construction in the U.S.S.R. question of the "liberation" of India at the next stage. The peace­ The fatal concept that the two systems, capitalism and commu­ ful motives attributed to Roosevelt in reality furnish the cover for nism, can coexist peaceably emanates from the highest source, military aggression on a colossal scale by the United States which from the infallible General Secretary. In his interview with is seeking to restore its economic equilibrium on a far more ex­ Eugene Lyons, published in the New York Telegram on November tensive world base. Soviet diplomacy can naturally have no in­ 24, 1930, Stalin said: ,·It is possible, and the best proof is that terest in furthering such plans, but an appraisal that declares this they have lived peacefully side by side since the conclusion of our to mean gains to the cause of world peace shows the frightful civil war and the intervention period." In a second interview, degeneracy of Soviet diplomacy. It is reduced to the level of given to Walter Duranty and published in the New York Times petty bourgeOIs pacifism. This appraisal was not a mere slip of on December I, 1930, Stalin added dryly: "They have not fought the tongue for in the attitude of the butcher of the Italian prole­ for ten years which means they can coexist." And while pointing tariat Litvinov found similar qualities. He reported on the con­ out that all the bourgeois powers would "readily crush a weak clusion reached by Signor Mussolini and himself "after exchang­ enemy if it could be done with little or no risk", Stalin intimated ing opinions on questions of current politics and the best methods that the risk was now too great: "They might have tried it against of preserving peace. Our desire simultaneously to support. and the U.S.S.R. five or six years ago," he said, "but they waited too develop relations with all the big countries is no small contribution long. I t is now too late." to the cause of universal peace". In this period capitalism has not been strong enough to launch In passing it might be mentioned that Litvinov, in his report an armed attack against the Soviet Union in. the same sense that on Soviet diplomatic relations throughout the world, found no the international proletarian revolution has not been strong enough occasion to mention Soviet China. - He said: "Unfortunately, to conquer. Meanwhile, however, the capitalist powers in Europe, China is still suffering both from foreign invasion and from pro­ directly aided by the failure of the parties of socialism and with found internal discord. While strictly adhering to the policy of the direct assistance of Fascism, proceeded to decimate the most non-interference in the internal affairs of China, we are watching important sections of the proletarian forces and violently to ex­ its struggle for independence and national unity with the greatest terminate their parties and trade unions. Alongside of this devas­ sympathy." National unity under what banner? Oh, our innocent tating slaughter, the armaments race has increased at a furious opponents may argue: This was reported to the Soviet Congresa pace. All of the capitalist nations are today armed to the teeth. and not to the Third International; you know that is not the same While Germany under the \Veimar republic fell behind, it is now, thing. No, this is the essence and content of Soviet foreign policy under Fascism, feverishly making up for lost time. within the framework of which the Third International vegetates The exponents of the pacifist foreign policy of the Soviet Union, in a miserly existence. instead of rallying to the support of the proletarian allies and The Soviet government is now in the -process of changing its mobilizing all their forces to smash Fascism before it could destroy course with regard to the League of Nations. Stalin in his inter­ the German proletariat, capitulated to Hitler and sacrificed its view with Duranty, published in the New York Times of Decem­ proletarian allies. In the strategic line of a revolutionary world ber 25, 1933 said that "if the League is even the tiniest bump general staff, the fact of this changed situation, so overwhelming somewhat to slow down the drive toward war and help peace ... in its importance, would of necessity meaq the retracing of a it is not excluded that we shall support the League despite its number of steps; but not so to the dIrectors of present day Soviet colossal deficiencies". Litvinov added in his report to the Soviet diplomacy. In the career of Litvinov, this policy is focused upon Congress: "it may be assumed, however, that that tendency which his exploits in Geneva and elsewhere. In 1931 he proposed com­ is interested in preserving peace is gaining ground in the League plete disarmament if acceptable or partial disarmament if more of Nations and this, perhaps, explains the profound changes which practicable. N either could be a road to peace among capitalist are taking place in the composition of the League". Surely the powers whose industrial technique can always provide for rapid composition and position of the League of Nations fluctuates, but rearmament, nor could it be acceptable to them. Such proposals, essentially it remains as characterized by the Third Comintern presented as means to peace, can serve only to mislead the workers Congress, the League "of victorious states for the exploitation of and create illusions among them for the sake of a common front the vanquished and the colonial peoples". To consider it today with petty bourgeois pacifists. These illusions are further broad­ or in the future as an instrument of peace is to poison the minds cast from the Soviet Congress. The proud body that once accepted of the masses. the new revolutionary power in its name listened to Litvinov re­ Almost seventeen years after the conquest of October the Soviet porting his achievements at its session December 29, 1933. Unions finds it necessary to seek a rapproaC'hment with the League, The question of the United States recognition granted by the demonstrating the substitution of conservative criteria for revolu­ Roosevelt administration, held the center of Soviet diplomacy. tionary criteria that has taken place within its leadership. But, Litvinov reported his appraisal as follows: "We must say in jus- when we use the formula-finds it necessary-thili needs be ex~ plained, and the explanation is~ that this is the result of the defeats viduals, groups and organizations without social weight or influ­ and the weakening of the international proletarian revolution and ence. The abdication of the Third International as the organizer the international position of the Soviet Union itself. Within the of international revolution is virtually acknowledged by formal capitalist world, in the case of war, one cannot exclude in advance renunciation. Its sections are transformed into mere pacifist the possibility of the Soviet Union making a combination with one frontier guards for the defense ot the Soviet Union. The very or the other of the conflicting powers, equally hostile to it in es­ first consequence of the transformation of the original policy of sence, if necessitated as a means of self-preservation. And it is the Com intern into its dialectic antithesis is reflected in the rela­ not this or that step of rapproachment that is exclusively to be tions between the Soviet government and the Third International condemned; but the whole policy which has helped to bring the as they exist under the Stalin regime. The Third International Soviet Union to its present weakened position. itself has become transformed into an appendix to suit the needs The dangers of a new world war are manifest. The causes of of the Soviet foreign policy of Stalin. these dangers are inherent in capitalism and have been bared by We repeat, a workers' state has every right and even a duty to Marxism in irrefutable fashion. To revert to or to hide behind utilize for the benefit of the proletariat the differences exist in" pacifism in the face of this menace, regardless of whichever brand, among the various bourgeois groups and powers; it has every idealist, social democratic, petty bourgeois or purely imperialist right to effect compromises with them as traders, even to the point pacifism, is the most dangerous political poisoning of the masses of concluding defensive alliances when necessary. But this· must and means in reality to give up the struggle against war. Yet, be subordinated· to revolutionary politics on the international arena, this is what is being practised by Soviet foreign policy in its to the life and death necessity of weakening the class enemy and international relations and in relations with the world proletariat. strengthening the proletarian forces. Above all, the revolutionary The Third International in its "struggle" against war has capitu­ parties must be built up independently of these alliances or com­ lated to the pacifists, to the shady types as well as to the honest binations and remain free to perform the mission assigned to them types among-them, and has given them the initiative in what be­ by history. came anti-war masquerade conferences, composed mostly of indi- Arne SW ABECK Six Months of the Doumergue Regime THE Doumergue government continues, duct ions in retirement pensions or wages. textile anu other industries are in clear de­ even though it is strongly shaken. The In oruer to combat unemployment, a cline as compared with last year. The !Union N ati01£ale must continue, declares glittering plan for large works is being "Paris Week" was a mess, and did not the official press, in order to finish saving talked of; the possibility of employing a give to tourism or to the industry of arti­ the country from the danger which the few tens of millions of arms is being clev­ cles of Paris the vitality which they have Cartelist stewardship holds over its head. erly exploited by the big press which con­ lost. What was the task aBoted to the N ation­ ceals, on the one hand, the difficulties (how The trade balance is positively wretched. al government? At the end of 1933, the is the money.to be found) and on the other Is the deficit declining? To be sure, but economic crisis sharpened, the position of hand, the real beneficiaries (the large rail­ under what conditions? Less is imported all strata of the population became worse, way lines in particular). and less is exported. ,When it reachett the budget was not balanced, unemployment For agriculture, the' Doumergue govern­ zero, the trade balance will no longer show was on the increase, taxation was insuffer­ ment has done nothing save confirm the un­ a deficit! The reality of the matter is that able, the relations with other countries were applied law on' the minimum market price commercial activity has fallen off more disturbed, scandals were bursting every­ for grain, unapplied even by the state since than thirty percent, as the following figurei where. Wrath rumbled. The reaction was the public treasury, when it proceeds to show: able to exploit it in order to eliminate the sell grain, operates with it at market prices 1933 1934 parliament by a stroke of force on Febru­ lower than the taxed price; further than Imports...... 12,699,000 7,537,000 ary 6. The Doumergue govern.ment :vas this the government has only taken a few Exports...... 10,651,000 7,348,000 installed for the purpose of puttmg thmgs measures of detail. All told, they have not Unemployment increases steadily; the of- into order again and of mollifying the succeeded, nor could they.., in altering the ficial figures which everybody consult. population. situation in the countryside to any degree. only in order to have an estimation of the What measures has it employed? In order to supplement, in order to im­ tren(i of unemployment and not its real ex­ Let us leave aside the commissions pose the economic measures, it is necessary tensiveness, indicates nearly 25 percent against the high cost of living in which to mention among the governmental step's more out of work than in 1933. Part-time the two "friends", Tardieu and Rerriot, the bureaucratic and police measures: the unemployment has also increased,) accord­ had a pretext for whiling away the time. reform of the Surete, which has become a ing to the abstract of the Inspection of One word marks the program of the gov­ national Surete [detective f'orce], and also Labor. ernment: deflation. It has been systematic­ the Mallarme degree against the right of The cost of living doesn't diminish at ally pursued at the expense of the toiling functionaries to organize into unions. all. It is established for Pari! as followa: masses: the decre~-Iaws of April 6 reduc­ ,What are the results of six months of 1933, first quarter ...... 523 ing the number of functionaries by ten the Doumergue government? In the field 1933, second quarter ...... 516 percent (without touching the army, the of foreign policy, French imperialism has 1933, third quarter ...... 516 navy and the aviation corps), reduc~ions incontestably made headway. But let us 1933, fourth quarter ...... 526 in salaries, pruning the retirement penSIOns; see what it has obtained in the economic 1934, first quarter...... 526 reduction of the pensions of war veterans; and social field which, in the last analysis, Trade is' not spared, the number of in­ the reorganization on April 13 of the rail­ will have no less effect in determining the solvencies being nearly 40 percent lara-er roads with a reduction in wages and in re­ political orientation of the various strata than in 1933. ' tirement pensions included, as well as the of the population. Tax receipts the government no longer disbanding of personnel aiter the closing ""'vVe are reascending the slope,". declared dares to indicate; the last cut of the na­ down of lines and stations; in the field of the doddering old idiot of Tournefeuille in tional lottery was a failure. education, the dismissal of 5,000 teachers, one of his broadcast speeches over the Finally, one of the best indices of the the shutting down of schools. I The state radio. The figures are at hand rudely to position of the middle peasantry is supplied as an employer has blazed the trail for all attest the opposite. us by the movement of the savings ac­ the employers of the country. The indices of industrial activity show a counts: during the first semester of 1934 As another measure, the fiscal reform constant decline: there was an excess of withdrawals of which, under the pretext of simplifying Middle of 1933· ...... 107 funds greater than half a billion francs. and alleviating the taxation system, con­ February 1934 ...... 105 * * * * sists essentially in substantial tax reduc­ March 1934 ...... 104 "We are reascending the slope." Senile tions for the rich; but for the poor the re­ April 1934 ...... 103 smiles cannot conceal the reality from any­ casting of taxation is barely a drop of May 1934 ...... 101 body. The Doumergue government is worn ~yrup to dissipate the bitterness of the rt- The automobile, mechanical, metallurgical, QUt. The bourgeois &"roupings no longer August 1934 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Page 57 give it a particl, of hope. Even the timid "A 'one-chamber assembly must concen­ workin~ class should not follow the petty Radicals declare that they have had enough. trate in its hands the executive power and bourgeoisie. But its vanguard must under­ And on the Right is emerging clearly a the political power. Its members should be stand the situation and exploit all its possi­ combat formation, with Andre Tardieu and elected for two years, by universal suffrage bilities to the limit. By overthrowing the Paul Reynaud. In place of deflation, it starting with the age of 18, without dis­ pre-Bonapartist government, by replacing orients itsel f towards inflation. a more con­ tinction of sex or of nationality. The it with a singJe-chambered assembly whose venient method for lowering wages and deputies should be elected on the basis of role is not to chatter while a government for substantially expropriating the middle local assemblies, constantly revocable by governs, but to legislate and to govern, we classes. And, of course, a strengthening of their constituents, and for the period of would be installing a far broader regime of the state, military and police apparatus. their exercize of the mandate, they should democracy in which the working class and • • • • receive the wages of a skilled worker. the toiling masses would undergo their ex­ The initiative in the fall of Doumergue, "This is the only measure that would periences much more rapidly and would we shall tirelessly repeat, must be taken by draw the masses forward instead of repel­ prepare themselves much more easily for the working class. We have said, and we ling them to the rear. A broader democra­ the workers' power. shalt say it over again: The general strike cy would facilitate the struggle for the No worker can have confidence in the must be prepared for the overthrow of workers' power." Doumergue ministry assuring loyal elec­ Doumergue. This is the objective that must Since the broad masses still stand on the tions after having dissolved the Chamber, be fixed for the united front. ground of democracy and not of the dicta­ no worker can have any illusions about a But, we are asked, what do you want torship of the proletariat, we do not run new Chamber, even if it is strongly inclined to replace the Doumergue government away from it. But we tell them that in to the Left, after the capitulation of Feb­ with ? We are not yet in a position to re­ order to regain the ground lost on Febru­ ruary 6. The workers, the toiling popula­ place it with the Soviet power, the work­ ary 6, it is not possible to stand by the tion, can have confidence only in themselves. ing class is not at that point, including democracy of the. Third Republic; inspira­ That is why the general strike which we many of those influenced by l'Humanite tion should be drawn from that of the are urging for the purpose of sweeping which cries for "Soviets everywhere I" but Great French Republic. away the government of the reactionary contents itself meanwhile with asking Dou­ The idea of a Constituent, of a Conven­ mutiny, must have as its aim to substitute merguer just as does the socialist leader­ tion, is in the air. Members of the Radical for the "strong" power of the police and ship, for new elections. Then what is party disseminate it, other representatives the army, a truly democratic power, genu­ Doumergue to be replaced with? To this of the petty bourgeois tendency also. The inely emanating from the broad masses of question, the program of the Communist content which they give it is more often the popUlation. Leaaue of France replies: than not vague, ambiguous, dangerous. The PARIS, August 3, 1934. Murder for Profit: El Gran Chaco

~AI 0 Bernard Shaw: "The wise man down the middle of the country and isolates Tlie tin mined in Bolivia is not smelted looks for the cause of war not in Nietz­ the eastern half, in the southern part of there. There is no coal; hence a premium sche's gospel of the Will to Power, or Lord which is the Chaco Boreal, largely cattle­ on oil exploitation, and also electric power. Robert's far' blunter gospel of the British plains. British interests monopolize Bolivian tin­ Will to Conquer, but in the custom-house." The secret of Bolivia's wealth, and of smelting, but once smelted, it is consumed And the Chaco War, with Chile backing Bolivia's troubles, is one metal: tin. In chiefly by the United States, over half of Bolivia for American interests, and the Spanish-colonial days a great amount of the British smelting output being bought Argentine acting for British I money in gold and silver was mined here, and the by United States Steel. Thus tin ore is Paraguay, is a pat illustration of that ob­ famous Potos~ mines, which became a syn­ American property, smelted tin becomes servation. In Bolivia's financial and eco­ onym for fabulous wealth, produced much British, and the metal ready for the mak­ nomic set-up, as far back as 1920 is to be of it. But tin, which is to be found in ing of cans, is bought back by American tound the explosive directly determining large quantities only in Bolivia and in Java firms. Plenty of fuel in Bolivia might do the Chaco War. For Bolivia as she was and the Malay States, is in these industrial away neatly with the British smelting bus­ at the end of the World War, the Chaco days a -precious essential product. Espe­ iness, and with the metal smelted in Bo­ slaughter was almost inevitable; hence also cially for war purposes, tin must be had, livia itself, or in Chile or the Argentine, for Paraguay. and because of the War, therefore, Bolivia the tin supply the United States will need Bolivia, 506,467 square miles ofi moun­ became suddenly a vast tin-mine, so that when war comes, is in the bag. tain, plateau and jungle, is inhabited by at the end of the war tin had become 70% Enter the Standard Oil, with seven and three million people, of whom over half of Bolivia's exports, and provided about a half million acres of holdings, spread are Indians, over a third mixed-breeds, and half the national revenue. down the middle of Bolivia! and overlap­ the remaining 10 to 15% whites, mostly Like Cuba and the Caribbean countries, ping the western end of the Chaco Boreal. creole Spanish. It is rated as the third Bolivia became a one-product country and To ship this oil to the Pacific would mean richest mineral country in America, the an extremely important spot in world eco­ sending it over the Andes, an impossibly United States and Mexico coming first and nomy. To exploit tin-wealth, the capital­ costly undertaking. On the other hand, a second. Before the World War, Bolivia ists found it necessary to dislodge the pipe-line run through the Chaco to the was a typically agricultural semi-feudal "free" Indians from their communal lands, Paraguay River, and oil shipped down that country. The Indians were bound to the for in view of the scanty population the river through the middle of Paraguay to land, and estates were--and still are--val­ mine lords must either import labor and the Plata and Buenos Aires, there or en ued, not by area but by the number of serfs pay somewhere near a living wage, or else route to be refined and either shipped upon them. Transportation was carried on 1cidnap, expropriate and enslave the un­ back or sent on into the Atlantic is a feas­ almost entirely by human portage, a system bound peasants. They took, of course, the ible undertaking. So the old dispute over taken over by the Spanish conquerors from latter alternative, arguing that only Indians the ownership of the Chaco, which in it­ the native pre-conquest rulers, and by mule could work at the high altitudes necessary self would never have caused a war, is and llama caravans, and this is still the (10 to 15,000 feet)-and "they need so revived. To Bolivia, it means a possible system except for mining import-export, little" ! oil-port; to Paraguay it means Bolivian and a few other industrial needs, since the For these measures it was necessary to ships travelling through the heart of the few railroads, built by the government in control the government, and then began a country, and puts the capital itself at their partnership with private monopolies, are struggle between the great landlord., and command. Furthermore, there is oil in too costly except for the use of large capi. the mining capitalists, acting for, and in Paraguay and in the Argentine too, con­ talists. Communications between Bolivia's partnership with, American and British trolled by Dutch Shell (British) which of three zones: mountain, plateau, and jungle interests: Patino Mine and Enterprises, course is not anxious to see Standard open are extremely difficult, and Bolivia has no ( National Lead Co. and the Bolivian Simon up vast new fields. ports, using the Chilean ports of Antofa­ Patino, controlling about 80% of the out­ In 1920, Bolivia was rated a wealthy gasta and Arica on the Pacific. These put): the Guggenheims. controlling most country. The production of tin had ports, however, are available only for west­ of the rest, and a few small companies, climbed steadily, reaching its peak in that ern Bolivia, since the Andean range cuts chiefly American-backed.. year, and the government had borrowed Page 58 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL August 1934 some $8,000,000 (beginning 19(9) for rail­ these were to remain pledged until the a tremendous loss to American bankers, roads, sanitation, and "administrative ex­ revenue was triple the amount needed for oil and tin boys, and munitions merchants, penses". In 1920 Bolivia's credit was ex­ the loan service. Furthermore, if the rail­ and Chile is American controlled via Gug­ cellent. Her revenues had climbed, tin roads were foreclosed, bondholders would genheim, Standard Oil and other interests. was high, and she was building roads in ha ve the option to purchase them, pay in On the other hand, Paraguay stands in the the direction of the Chaco. In 1921 the bonds, and were to be granted 99 year con­ same relation to the Argentine as Bolivia production o~ tin, which had increased in cessions. to Chile; so Chile cannot fight without a steady parallel as the price went up, be~an After 1922, tin production did not in­ grave danger of the Argentine being in­ to drop, while the price continued to climb. crease, and in 1925 the government was volved, as British-Argentinian interests In 1921-22 the price of tin was very high, again in a jam. It was overthrown by a have been financing Paraguay. but production had gone down to below the coup d'etat and the new Dictator, Sites, In the early part of the war, the Bolivian 1907-11 level, and since the revenue comes negotiated a loan (Dillon Read) of $14,- Indians fought in American uniforms, from production, the government was in 000,000. In 1927 Prof. Edwin Kemmerer ';bought cheap", and from which they even a jam financially. It issued oil concessions was called in to overhaul Bolivia's finances. "forgot" (1) to remove the scream-eagle to the Richmond Levering Company, at the The price of tin reached its high in 1926 buttons. In Paraguay, the economic pres­ same time passing a law placing the gov­ and then very gradually began to slide. In sure of the war is so great that everything ernment royalty on oil at twelve and a half 1928 the Chaco dispute flared up, there is taxed to the hilt, and even so Paraguay and fifteen percent. In July of that year, v\~ere some skirmishes, but the League of has threatened to kill Bolivian prisoners, a "revolution" overthrew this government Nations put the fight to sleep. In 1930 the now used in forced labor, to save the cost and put in power Bautista Saavedra, who price of tin collapsed. Bolivia's revenues of their upkeep. At present boys fifteen took the royalty down again to eleven per­ went ~vell under the amount needed for the and sixteen are being sent to the front, In­ cent, and the Richmond Levering conces­ loan service, and taxes were laid on thickly. clians are bei~g kidnapped from over Bra­ sion passed over to Standard Oil ($2,500,- A threatened revolution was aborted and a zilian territory, and the Parag-uayan press 000). militaristic government under General is full of shrill denunciation o~ the war­ In the year 1922 the Chaco War is Blanco Gallindo took power. In his cabi­ profiteers, getting fat on sugar-monopolies clearly forecast. The Saavedra govern­ net were the lawyers of the Standard Oil and other food-pools. ment, having borrowed $1,000,000 from and of the tin interests. In; 1931 a tin­ I t seems hardly likely that this war can Stifel-Nicolaus, with an option on future production control agreement was made be settled unless Bolivia gets her port, or loans for three years granted the bankers, which cut Bolivia's share to 35% under until all the men are dead (as happened needs money badly, and is forced or bribed the 1930 amount, and in September of that once when Paraguay fought the ABC into taking a $33,000,000 loan at 8%, re­ year fighting again broke out in the Chaco. powers) but it seems more possible that it deemable not before 1947 from a combina­ In that year Bolivia defaulted on her bonds. "viiI spread to involve Chile at least. Chile tion of Stifel-Nicolaus, Equitable Trust By that time Bolivia's income was less than has a strongly organized, militant labor and Spencer Trask Co. Purposes: to re­ half the 1929 amount, and in the summer movement, which may perhaps succeed in fund previous loans (Morgan, Chandler of 1932, under the "elected" Daniel Sala­ mobilizing the Bolivian proletariat, and and Co., Equitable Trust) some at lower manca government (representing the im­ together with it, lead a victorious workers' rates than 8%; to cover; short-term Cus­ perialist interests) the Chaco\War began. revolution that even the Standard Oil could toms Notes; for railroad building and "im­ Thus a government under the thumb of not crush. provements" (Chaco roads and munitions) ; foreign interests, being used by, them to Jean MENDEZ for "administrative expenses"; for bank­ bleed the national treasury, banlFrench Communist party of of decisive attractive pole; not to under­ the start, as \\:"ell as the dangers which it its development as such, has reduced its at­ stand this, is obviously to chang'e nothing permits of. The salvation of the revolu­ tractive capacity and its role, has permitted alld, by means of a splendid isolation, to tionary current does not lie, to our mind, the Socialist party to survive its bankruptcy promote the manoeuvre' of the bureaucra­ along the road indicated by these comrades, of I9I4, solemnly registered at Tours, to cies to limit the organic unity to a mutual but in the combination of our means in the rally strata of young workers who have protective association. following sense: I. the maintenance of our their experience to go through, evolving The political evolution of the masses is independent organization which, now more rapidly towards consistent fighting positions realized in action; this evolution can be than ever, needs to be able to express itself and now compelling their leaders to sub­ immediately negative or positive for the with full clarity in order to point out the mit to this evolution. broad l}1asses. A united front of inaction road to the masses and in order to de­ The Communist International has left can create profound disillusionment as to nounce unsparingly the certain betrayals of without revolutionary leadership broad the proletariat's capacity to struggle, a the social democratic and Stalinist bureau­ sections of workers of whom the most con fused and impotent orgal\ic unity can cracies ; 2. the penetration - systematic, conscious part, under the blow of Hitlerite ruin for a long time to come the very idea firm, and by all means-inte the ranks of Fascism. has confusedly understood the of a party. The masses dev.elop rapidly in the social demgcratic and Stalinist political errors of the Second and Third Interna­ such periods as these; a disillusionment formations and into the other workers' tiona Is in Germany. This pressure is one does not impel the whole of them to­ organizations with the aim of finding the of the decisive causes of the turn of the wards the Marxist core which "awaits necessary organic contacts in order to fac­ S. P. and C. P. towards the united front· them"; a defeat produces an ebb-tide. . . . ilitate the evolution of the Centrist currents it ic; the distrust of the masses for thes~ I n France, the ebb-tide would mean the towards us and in order to draw them into parties which constrains them, in large passage of the petty bourgeois and tht action at the opportune moment. measure. to a gleaming hope for a Single watchfully waiting peasant strata toward" party (I write: one of the causes, the for­ Fascism, the beginning of darkness for a LA VERITE I:'lgn and domestic policy of the U.S.S.R. whole period in Europe and the world. By this token, the present hours are de­ *The manreuvres of the two bureaucracies *At its Tours congress in 1921, the French cisive ones. Our task consists in giving striving towards organic unity do not ex­ Socia1 ist party affiliated with the Commu­ the aspiration towards organic unity a gen­ press the will to action of the masses, but nist International by majority vott". thus uinely propulsive content. A whole per­ pervert it and aim at breaking it by drain­ founning the Communist party of France. iod of the labor movement is at a close, ing it off into an impasse. The minority retained the old name.-ED. the one in which the organic unity meant August 1934 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL Page 61 worth nading for their marshalling of the fact~. BOOKS It is only in reading the lait section, Part IV, that one realizes that ace No. 1 has really been slipped off the table somewhere consequent radicalization of phraseology. during Parts II and III. We realize, then, Soule's Revolution The phraseology goes a long way; so far, that ace No.1 wasn't very clear. We had indeed, that only by close att.ention to the taken it for granted that by "the old re­ THE COMING AMERICAN REVOLU­ progress of the argument is one aware of gime ... weakened from within" Mr. TION. By GEORGE SOULE. 314 pp. New the intricate manreuvres by which Mr. Soule meant the capitalist method of pro­ York. The Macmillan Co. $2.50. Soule comes out at the end at his usual duction, convulsed by the contradiction be­ Mr. Soule and Bruce Bliven control the place of business. Or, to put it more ac­ tween it and the developing forces of pro­ New Republic; and Mr. Soule is its chief curately, Mr. Soule ends up doing business duction which it has fostered. But, retrac­ spokesman on social and economic policy. at the old stand, but his wares have new ing our steps, we find that Mr. Soule has Hope for an enlightened capitalism, envi­ names: the process is similar to the Centrist looked for the weaknesses of "the old re­ sioned as a f9rm of Jeffersonian Democra­ shift in the Socialist party. gime", not at all at the point where the cy, waSi the earl) vrientation of the New Mr. Soule is, no doubt, an honest man Marxist looks. Republic. This ideal has, however, become according to his lights; but. his book re­ The Marxist finds the basic weakness at so completely fantastic, that in recent years minds I}le of nothing so much as of a game the point of production. He knows that the New RepJ-tblic has shifted to an ideal called three card monte ( also known in today's sQ..CJo-economic form of production, of enlightened capitalism guided by govern­ variations as the old army game, the shell which is what we mean by "capitalism", mental control and checked by the power or pea game) . The gambler shows you has been the main factor responsible for of organized labor, professions, and that three or more cards, one of which is an technological development. The pursuit of mythical entity, "consumers". The theory ace. Facing them down on the table separ­ profit has had this social value, that it haa of the "New Deal", as enunciated on paper, ately, the gambler pushes them about. Your made possible improvements in productivi­ came close to that envisioned by the New eyes carefully follow the card which you ty. Today, of course, this increased pro­ Republic. :With true liberal caution, to be know is the ace. The gambler asks you to ductivity menaces the stability of capital­ sure, the pro-~oosevelt editorials. of the point to the ace. You do. He turns it ism, which is unable to find sufficient mark­ honeymoon were given a quota of ifs and over and it isn't the ace. ets, and wonderful inventions are bought up buts, to which the New Republic now points Mr. Soule starts out by showing us, not and suppressed by corporations because whenever accused of being taken in by one but a flock of aces. With much scorn their use would involve the scrapping of Roosevelt. Soule himself added to his edi­ for the "literary radicals", who don't know present investments. On the other hand, torials a book which appeared early this what a real revolution is, he lays out on the further increases of productivity-thereby year describing the possibilities of social table a flock of fundamental principles of cutting costs of production-still remain planning under capitalism. revolutions. Among these are: one of the means of "getting out" of crises. At long last the New Republic sadly dis­ "I. The old regime never is in danger I n either case, the very fact that the socio­ covered that the NRA's principal accom­ from the popular violence which attacks it economic form of production (capital) can plishment, the code authorities, was a from without until it has been weakened foster or suppres~ technological aspects of charter to monopoly capitalism. That be­ from within. production, shows that one cannot talk lated realization was recorded in a lachry­ "2. What touches off insurrection is intelligently about the possibilities of tech­ mose editorial, "Roosevelt Turns Right". hope, not lack of it, rising confidence, not nology today without talking about the But ever and anon come editorials to the bleak suffering." socio-economic form of production. Hence, effect that If Roosevelt Would Only . . . ( This second point is the only one on it is at the point of the socio-economic form When Mr. Soule's present book appeared, which Mr. Soul~ is justified in criticizing of production, how production is carried only some six months or so after the earlier the "literary radicals", who follow the on, that the Marxist seeks the solution of optimistic dithyrambs on social planning, Stalinists in hailing every intensification of social organiation. The Marxist says the the capitalist reviews reported that Mr. mass misery ~s a further step to revolu­ remedy lies where the illness is: at the Soule had abandoned his hope in capitalist tion.) point of production. planning and was dedicating himself to the "3. When a shift in power actually oc­ The non-Marxian "radical" proceeds revolution. I confess to have felt some curs, it is usually begun . . . with reforms very differently. He isolates the machine skepticism as to the nature of the trans­ . . . caused, not by sudden violence, but by from its prIvate ownership and gives the formation in Mr. Soule. He is an intel­ the irresistible pressure of events. development of technological productivity lectual entrepreneur for strata of the mid'­ "4. Those newcomers who seize author­ an independent life of its own. Completely dIe class who can in no serious sense be ity at the end 07 a successful revolution are misunderstanding the dominating role of expected to move independently. A mass not chance members of an insensate mob, the socio-economic form of production, he revolutionary movement sweeping along but highly intelligent men with solid or­ seeks for the solution of society's ills any­ triumphantly will drag along in its wake ganizations back of them, men confident of where except at the right place, the point many for whqm Mr. Soule speaks; but to­ their own ideas and abilities. . . . of production. This fallacy generally takes day it is to be expected that they remain "6. The most serious revolutionary vio­ the form of discovering a "problem of dis­ dreamers of capitalist utopias. lence-and there often is a great deal of tribution". A typical example of this is It was no surprise, therefore, to find that it-occurs after the new regime has seized Stuart Chase, who talks about capitalist. Mr. Soule's Coming American Revolution power, and must defend itself against re­ automatically disappearing, says "the prob­ was merely a sorrowful reaction to the action in civil or foreign war. Even the lem of production is solved", and seeks the realities of the Roosevelt regime, with a domestic 'terror' usually occurs some time solution of the "problem of distribution" after the seizure of power itself." by providing purchasing power for the the dissolution of the revolutionary party These principles, while none too well masses while leaving the whole system of into the reactionary party. THE REVO­ put, are satisfactory enough for a begin­ production in the hands of capitalists. LUTIONARY CLASS PARTY NO ning; and Mr. Soule's application of them, Mr. Soule is not as crude as Chase, but LONGER EXISTS. We are faced with rather rapidly and superfici.aUy, to the at bottom he comes to the same position. formations of a Centrist character having French, American, English and Russian He criticizes the usual loose talk about in­ different origins. We must conduct the revolutions, which makes the first section definite governmental spending as a means struggle for organic unity with intransi­ of the book, is equivalent to the first move: of tr~nsforming society; but his criticism geance, in order that this slogan of unity we are still looking at the real aces, faces is limited to the difficulties of prying the shall not be a synonym for a manreuvre in up. money loose from the capitalists. At no which the hope of the masses would be Then the aces are faced down, and the point is he aware that increase of purchas­ led astray. game begins. They aren't pushed around ing power by governmental expenditures Organic unity is to us a synonym for a too ~apidly and much that we see is quite cannot mean anything but priming the cap­ new congress of Tours where, after the genume. Parts II and III, describing the italist pump; that "aids to distribution", so­ experience and the blows of history, all economic developments leading up to the called, can never be anything but aids to those who want to smash capitalism would New Deal and then giving the steps until capitalist production, for so long as produc­ assemble again in a single party. now made by the RQosevelt regime, are tive means are owned by capitalists, they LINIQ the lar&,er half of the book, an~ . are well will run only at a profit. So that, while Pagt 62 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL August 1934 Mr. Soule does not follow the usual naive disappears without a trace t This is achieved solutions of the "problem of distribution" almost inconspicuously, by a little phrase: by way of expanding purchasing power, he Mr. Soule says that communist or similar Honky-Tonk does stand with the "new economics" in parties in futurer evolutions will have their seeking for the fundamental solution at the role at a late stage in the proceedings, uif OUR MASTER'S VOICE: Advertizing. point of "distribution". Thus, he says: "It at all-" I! Mr. Soule thus ignores what he By JAMES RORTY. x+394 pp. New York. is obvious that the main problem arises, not has himself said in the first pages, of the The John Day Co. $3. from the mere existence of the machine, inevitableness of the later stage; he ig­ To our finicky forefathers advertizing but from the way the goods are distributed" nores, too, the significant role to be played was a thing distressing but under some (p. 87)· by communists in the earlier stages. For circumstances inevitable-like a belch. The Like all reformists, therefore (including example, the gecisive role played by the least one expected of the advertizer was those reformist socialists who claim to be revolutionists in preventing a successful some restraint in the gustiness of his blast, Marxists and even use the slogan "produc­ counter-revolution (Bolsheviks and Korni­ and a deprecatory "Excuse me." As capi­ tion for use instead of profit", but render lov); the role of revolutionists in propa­ talism conquered, however, advertizing, its it meaningless by their actions), Mr. Soule gandizing for a

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