Cuban Society Between 1902
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Slum Clearance in Havana in an Age of Revolution, 1930-65
SLEEPING ON THE ASHES: SLUM CLEARANCE IN HAVANA IN AN AGE OF REVOLUTION, 1930-65 by Jesse Lewis Horst Bachelor of Arts, St. Olaf College, 2006 Master of Arts, University of Pittsburgh, 2012 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The Kenneth P. Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2016 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS & SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Jesse Horst It was defended on July 28, 2016 and approved by Scott Morgenstern, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science Edward Muller, Professor, Department of History Lara Putnam, Professor and Chair, Department of History Co-Chair: George Reid Andrews, Distinguished Professor, Department of History Co-Chair: Alejandro de la Fuente, Robert Woods Bliss Professor of Latin American History and Economics, Department of History, Harvard University ii Copyright © by Jesse Horst 2016 iii SLEEPING ON THE ASHES: SLUM CLEARANCE IN HAVANA IN AN AGE OF REVOLUTION, 1930-65 Jesse Horst, M.A., PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2016 This dissertation examines the relationship between poor, informally housed communities and the state in Havana, Cuba, from 1930 to 1965, before and after the first socialist revolution in the Western Hemisphere. It challenges the notion of a “great divide” between Republic and Revolution by tracing contentious interactions between technocrats, politicians, and financial elites on one hand, and mobilized, mostly-Afro-descended tenants and shantytown residents on the other hand. The dynamics of housing inequality in Havana not only reflected existing socio- racial hierarchies but also produced and reconfigured them in ways that have not been systematically researched. -
Republican Cuba: a Preliminary Political Evaluation
REPUBLICAN CUBA: A PRELIMINARY POLITICAL EVALUATION Alfred G. Cuzán1 In La Democracia Republicana en Cuba, 1940–1952, Inspired by those efforts, here I offer a preliminary, Rodríguez Arechavaleta (2017, 21) laments that Cu- partial evaluation of the nearly half-century long Cu- ban history has been “caricatured, simplified, and ban Republic.3 It is partial, in that I evaluate only the stereotyped” in an official teleology that sees the rev- electoral system, assessing it in terms of competitive- olution of 1959 and the Castro regime that followed ness, comparing Cuba both contemporaneously with two of its peers, Chile and Costa Rica, and across a as its natural or inevitable outcome. Two decades larger set of democracies from around the region and earlier, Ameringer (2000, 1), had observed that histo- the world4. It is preliminary because it is my first, th rians studying 20 century Cuba “generally divide it tentative foray into the republican era, all my previ- into three periods: the Plattist Republic, 1902–33, ous writings on Cuba having been concerned with the era of Fulgencio Batista, 1934–58, and the rule the Castro regime.5 Like a student pilot who may of Fidel Castro.” Ameringer noted that overlooked in need several approaches to the runway before landing that survey is a period of democratic governance that his aircraft safely, it will no doubt require me to revis- ran from 1940 to 1952, “the Auténtico Years.” Both it this subject more than once to get it right. authors then proceeded to set the record straight, ex- DATA ANALYSIS amining that era with particular care. -
Foreigncl,Niis Settlement Oi:Immissi~)I of the Uhited,States
FOREIGNCL,NIIS SETTLEMENT OI:IMMISSI~)I OF THE UHITED,STATES 0|~:~o.~T-0285 ANAMARIA MILLER, INDIVIDUALLY and AS EXECUTRIX OF THE ESTATE OF HOWARD W. MILLER, DECEASED D~is|onN0.~- 5960 Counsel for claimant: A. Alexander Katz, Esq. PROPOSED DECISION This claim against the Government of Cuba, under Title V of the’Interna- tional Claims Settlement Act of 1949, as amended, was presented by HOWARD W. MILLER, in the amount of $308,354°00, based upon the asserted loss of real and personal property in Cuba~ and impairment of health° Inasmuch as his spouse ANA MARIA MILLER, whom he married in 1947, would have an interest in properties subject of this claim, pursuant to the community property law of Cuba, she has been added as a claimant in this matter. HOWARD W. MILLER died on October-l, 1967. ANA MARIA MILLER having been appointed Executrix of his Estate, has been substituted as claimant in his stead° Both Howard Wo Miller, now de- ceased, and ANA MARIA MILLER were nationals of the United States since birth. Under Title,V of the International Claims Settlement Act of 1949 [78 Stato Iii0 (1964), 22 UoSoCo §§1643-1643k (1964)~ as amended, 79 Stat. 988 (1965)]~ the Commission is given jurisdiction over claims of nationals of the United States against the Government of Cuba° Section 503(a) of the Act provides that the Commission shall receive and determine in accordance with applicable substantive law, including international law, the amount and validity of claims by nationals of the United States against the Government of Cuba arising since January i, 1959 for losses resulting from the nationalization, expropri- ation~ intervention or other taking of, or special measures directed against~ property including any - 2 o rights or interests therein owned wholly or partially, directly or indirectly at the time by nationals of the United States. -
Overview Print Page Close Window
World Directory of Minorities Americas MRG Directory –> Cuba –> Cuba Overview Print Page Close Window Cuba Overview Environment Peoples History Governance Current state of minorities and indigenous peoples Environment Cuba is the largest island in the Caribbean. It is located 150 kilometres south of the tip of the US state of Florida and east of the Yucatán Peninsula. On the east, Cuba is separated by the Windward Passage from Hispaniola, the island shared by Haiti and Dominican Republic. The total land area is 114,524 sq km, which includes the Isla de la Juventud (formerly called Isle of Pines) and other small adjacent islands. Peoples Main languages: Spanish Main religions: Christianity (Roman Catholic, Protestant), syncretic African religions The majority of the population of Cuba is 51% mulatto (mixed white and black), 37% white, 11% black and 1% Chinese (CIA, 2001). However, according to the Official 2002 Cuba Census, 65% of the population is white, 10% black and 25% mulatto. Although there are no distinct indigenous communities still in existence, some mixed but recognizably indigenous Ciboney-Taino-Arawak-descended populations are still considered to have survived in parts of rural Cuba. Furthermore the indigenous element is still in evidence, interwoven as part of the overall population's cultural and genetic heritage. There is no expatriate immigrant population. More than 75 per cent of the population is classified as urban. The revolutionary government, installed in 1959, has generally destroyed the rigid social stratification inherited from Spanish colonial rule. During Spanish colonial rule (and later under US influence) Cuba was a major sugar-producing territory. -
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930S
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Ariel Mae Lambe All rights reserved ABSTRACT Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe This dissertation shows that during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) diverse Cubans organized to support the Spanish Second Republic, overcoming differences to coalesce around a movement they defined as antifascism. Hundreds of Cuban volunteers—more than from any other Latin American country—traveled to Spain to fight for the Republic in both the International Brigades and the regular Republican forces, to provide medical care, and to serve in other support roles; children, women, and men back home worked together to raise substantial monetary and material aid for Spanish children during the war; and longstanding groups on the island including black associations, Freemasons, anarchists, and the Communist Party leveraged organizational and publishing resources to raise awareness, garner support, fund, and otherwise assist the cause. The dissertation studies Cuban antifascist individuals, campaigns, organizations, and networks operating transnationally to help the Spanish Republic, contextualizing these efforts in Cuba’s internal struggles of the 1930s. It argues that both transnational solidarity and domestic concerns defined Cuban antifascism. First, Cubans confronting crises of democracy at home and in Spain believed fascism threatened them directly. Citing examples in Ethiopia, China, Europe, and Latin America, Cuban antifascists—like many others—feared a worldwide menace posed by fascism’s spread. -
The Rhetoric of Fidel Castro Brent C
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2008 From the mountains to the podium: the rhetoric of Fidel Castro Brent C. Kice Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the Communication Commons Recommended Citation Kice, Brent C., "From the mountains to the podium: the rhetoric of Fidel Castro" (2008). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 1766. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/1766 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. FROM THE MOUNTAINS TO THE PODIUM: THE RHETORIC OF FIDEL CASTRO A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of Communication Studies by Brent C. Kice B.A., Loyola University New Orleans, 2002 M.A., Southeastern Louisiana University, 2004 December 2008 DEDICATION To my wife, Dori, for providing me strength during this arduous journey ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Andy King for all of his guidance, and especially his impeccable impersonations. I also wish to thank Stephanie Grey, Ruth Bowman, Renee Edwards, David Lindenfeld, and Mary Brody for their suggestions during this project. I am so thankful for the care and advice given to me by Loretta Pecchioni. -
Alan Mcpherson on Sad and Luminous Days: Cuba's
James G. Blight, Philip Brenner. Sad and Luminous Days: Cuba's Struggle with the Superpowers after the Missile Crisis. Lanham and Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2002. xxvii + 324 pp. $29.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-7425-2288-6. Reviewed by Alan McPherson Published on H-Diplo (January, 2003) "Empathy" for Cuba's Missile Crisis explained.[2] Castro himself has been making that Every few months, it seems, new evidence or case since a similar 1992 conference, not only by revelations about the Cuban Missile Crisis come to releasing new evidence but also by personally light to underscore the seriousness of that mo‐ taking part in the discussions. ment in human history. Most recently, the forti‐ Why Castro has been so willing to oversee eth-anniversary conference in Havana in October this rewriting of history is largely explained in 2002 brought Cuban leader Fidel Castro together James Blight and Philip Brenner's short but with scholars as well as surviving Kennedy and uniquely valuable book, Sad and Luminous Days: Khrushchev advisers to add still more insight into Cuba's Struggle with the Superpowers after the how close the world came to annihilation. There, Missile Crisis. Their description of Castro's bitter‐ the assembled learned, for instance, that two offi‐ ness, at what he perceived to be Nikita cers of a Soviet submarine, out of touch with Mos‐ Khrushchev's betrayal, has come out now with the cow and besieged by U.S. depth charges, had actu‐ end of the Cold War and the dissolution of the So‐ ally begun the process of launching a nuclear at‐ viet Union. -
1 a New Political Dawn: the Cuban Revolution in the 1960S
Notes 1 A New Political Dawn: The Cuban Revolution in the 1960s 1. For an outline of the events surrounding the Padilla Affair, see chapter two. 2. Kenner and Petras limited themselves to mentioning the enormous importance of a Cuban Revolution with which a great number of the North American New Left identified. They also dedicated their book to the Cuban and Vietnamese people for “giving North Americans the possibility of making a revolution” (1972: 5). 3. For an explanation of the term gauchiste and of its relevance to the New Left, see chapter six. 4. However, this consideration has been rather critical in the case of Minogue (1970). 5. The general consensus seems to be that, as the Revolution entered a period of rapid Sovietization following the failure of the ten million ton sugar harvest of 1970, Western intellectuals, who until then had showed support, sought to distance themselves from the Revolution. The single incident that seemingly sparked this reaction, in particular from some French intellectuals, was the Padilla Affair. 6. Here a clear distinction must be made mainly between the Communist Party of the pre-Revolutionary period, the Partido Socialista Popular (Popular Socialist Party) and the 26 July Movement (MR26). The former had a legacy of Popular Frontism, collaboration with Batista in the post- War period and a general distrust of “middle class adventurers” as it referred to the leadership of MR26 until 1958 (Karol, 1971: 150). The latter, led by Castro, had a radical though incoherently articulated ideo- logical basis. The process of unification of revolutionary organizations carried out between 1961 and 1965 did not completely obliterate the individuality of these competing discourses and it was in their struggle for supremacy that the New Left’s contribution was made. -
Las Leyes Constitucionales En La Historia De Cuba (Dialogue #87) Carlos Marquez Sterling Florida International University
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons LACC Occasional papers series. Dialogues (1980 - Kimberly Green Latin American and Carribbean 1994) Center (LACC) Publications Network August 1987 Las Leyes Constitucionales en la Historia de Cuba (Dialogue #87) Carlos Marquez Sterling Florida International University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/laccopsd Recommended Citation Sterling, Carlos Marquez, "Las Leyes Constitucionales en la Historia de Cuba (Dialogue #87)" (1987). LACC Occasional papers series. Dialogues (1980 - 1994). 56. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/laccopsd/56 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the Kimberly Green Latin American and Carribbean Center (LACC) Publications Network at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LACC Occasional papers series. Dialogues (1980 - 1994) by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Carlos l4arquez Sterling Florida International University Dialogue #87 August 1987 Published by the Latin American and Caribbean Center Florida International University Miami. Florida 33199 Editor: Richard Tardanico Editorial Assistant: Sofia A. Lopez Carlos Marquez Sterling ha sido profesor invitado de la Universidad Interna- cional de la Florida desde el primer semestre de 1987. En su tierra natal de Cuba, ocupbimportantes cargos. incluyendo 10s de ministro de trabajo. ministro de educacibn, presidente de la Cdmara de Representantes y presiden- te de la Asamblea Constituyente de 1940. Fue director de la Inter-American Arbitration Commission en Nueva York desde 1961 a 1963, y durante 1964-1965 fue profesor invitado de la Universidad de Columbia. Es autor de muchos libros. entre 10s que se destacan Historia&& Estad~ Unidos ds Norteamerica~Bio~rafia I& Jose Mart1 y Historia &= & & cuha. -
When Racial Inequalities Return: Assessing the Restratification of Cuban Society 60 Years After Revolution
When Racial Inequalities Return: Assessing the Restratification of Cuban Society 60 Years After Revolution Katrin Hansing Bert Hoffmann ABSTRACT Few political transformations have attacked social inequalities more thoroughly than the 1959 Cuban Revolution. As the survey data in this article show, however, sixty years on, structural inequalities are returning that echo the prerevolutionary socioethnic hierarchies. While official Cuban statistics are mute about social differ- ences along racial lines, the authors were able to conduct a unique, nationwide survey with more than one thousand respondents that shows the contrary. Amid depressed wages in the state-run economy, access to hard currency has become key. However, racialized migration patterns of the past make for highly unequal access to family remittances, and the gradual opening of private business disfavors Afro- Cubans, due to their lack of access to prerevolutionary property and startup capital. Despite the political continuity of Communist Party rule, a restructuring of Cuban society with a profound racial bias is turning back one of the proudest achieve- ments of the revolution. Keywords: Cuba, social inequality, race, socialism, migration, remittances he 1959 Cuban Revolution radically broke with a past in which “class” tended Tto influence and overlap most aspects of social life, including “race,” gender, income, education, and territory. The “centralized, state-sponsored economy, which provided full employment and guaranteed modest income differences, was the great social elevator of the lower strata of society. As a result, by the 1980s Cuba had become one of the most egalitarian societies in the world” (Mesa-Lago and Pérez- López 2005, 71). Katrin Hansing is an associate professor of sociology and anthropology at Baruch College, City University of New York. -
Reseña De" La Revolución Cubana Del 30: Ensayos" De Fernando
Caribbean Studies ISSN: 0008-6533 [email protected] Instituto de Estudios del Caribe Puerto Rico Argote-Freyre, Frank Reseña de "La Revolución Cubana del 30: Ensayos" de Fernando Martínez Heredia Caribbean Studies, vol. 37, núm. 1, enero-junio, 2009, pp. 296-300 Instituto de Estudios del Caribe San Juan, Puerto Rico Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=39213080016 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative 296 AARÓN GAMALIEL RAMOS the promotion of violence was to strengthen “his and his party’s power and preserve the prebendary and clientelistic characteristics of the state he had vowed to dismantle in 1991, [relying on] armed gangs, the police, and authoritarian practices to suppress his opponents, all the while cul- tivating a self-serving image as defender of the poor” (p. xv). He also joins the debate on whether Aristide had a direct role in the creation of armed groups known as chimès which terrorized Haiti during the crisis preceding his downfall and in their role during the latter part of the Aristide period making less compelling distinctions between the Tontons Makout that operated under the Duvalier dictatorships and the chimès that terrorized the population under Aristide. Dupuy proposes that while the former were structurally connected with the Haitian military and the dictator, chimès were a convenient political force of disaffected youth operating within the less formal organization of Fanmi Lavalas. -
Anarcha-Feminism.Pdf
mL?1 P 000 a 9 Hc k~ Q 0 \u .s - (Dm act @ 0" r. rr] 0 r 1'3 0 :' c3 cr c+e*10 $ 9 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction.... 1 Anarcha-Feminism: what it is and why it's important.... 4 Anarchism. Feminism. and the Affinity Group.... 10 Anarcha-Feminist Practices and Organizing .... 16 Global Women's Movements Through an anarchist Lens ..22 A Brief History of Anarchist Feminism.... 23 Voltairine de Cleyre - An Overview .... 26 Emma Goldman and the benefits of fulfillment.... 29 Anarcha-Feminist Resources.... 33 Conclusion .... 38 INTRODUCTION This zine was compiled at the completion of a quarters worth of course work by three students looking to further their understanding of anarchism, feminism, and social justice. It is meant to disseminate what we have deemed important information throughout our studies. This information may be used as a tool for all people, women in particular, who wish to dismantle the oppressions they face externally, and within their own lives. We are two men and one woman attempting to grasp at how we can deconstruct the patriarchal foundations upon which we perceive an unjust society has been built. We hope that at least some component of this work will be found useful to a variety of readers. This Zine is meant to be an introduction into anarcha-feminism, its origins, applications, and potentials. Buen provecho! We acknowledge that anarcha-feminism has historically been a western theory; thus, unfortunately, much of this ziners content reflects this limitation. However, we have included some information and analysis on worldwide anarcha-feminists as well as global women's struggles which don't necessarily identify as anarchist.