Notes

1 A New Political Dawn: The Cuban Revolution in the 1960s

1. For an outline of the events surrounding the Padilla Affair, see chapter two. 2. Kenner and Petras limited themselves to mentioning the enormous importance of a Cuban Revolution with which a great number of the North American New Left identified. They also dedicated their book to the Cuban and Vietnamese people for “giving North Americans the possibility of making a revolution” (1972: 5). 3. For an explanation of the term gauchiste and of its relevance to the New Left, see chapter six. 4. However, this consideration has been rather critical in the case of Minogue (1970). 5. The general consensus seems to be that, as the Revolution entered a period of rapid Sovietization following the failure of the ten million ton sugar harvest of 1970, Western intellectuals, who until then had showed support, sought to distance themselves from the Revolution. The single incident that seemingly sparked this reaction, in particular from some French intellectuals, was the Padilla Affair. 6. Here a clear distinction must be made mainly between the Communist Party of the pre-Revolutionary period, the Partido Socialista Popular (Popular Socialist Party) and the 26 July Movement (MR26). The former had a legacy of Popular Frontism, collaboration with Batista in the post- War period and a general distrust of “middle class adventurers” as it referred to the leadership of MR26 until 1958 (Karol, 1971: 150). The latter, led by Castro, had a radical though incoherently articulated ideo- logical basis. The process of unification of revolutionary organizations carried out between 1961 and 1965 did not completely obliterate the individuality of these competing discourses and it was in their struggle for supremacy that the New Left’s contribution was made. 7. This was notably the case in Venezuela, where revolutionary leader Douglas Bravo voiced his disappointment over Cuba’s abandonment of the revolutionary effort on a continental scale in 1970 (Karol, 1971). 190 Notes

8. The assumption is that all socialist societies in the twentieth century were ideologically identical and that these could be equated to their individual leaders (i.e., Stalin’s Soviet Union, Mao’s China, Castro’s Cuba). Hollander (1981) uses a single label for all of them as police states (Hollander, 1981). 9. According to Jennings (1993), Bourdieu’s biggest success lies not in having bequeathed the ultimate definition of intellectual but in the contribution that the range of concepts and methodologies he developed can make to the study of the intellectual (Jennings, 1993). 10. These partial visions tend to dominate the current academic literature, given that many of the former participants are the current agents of reproduction. 11. According to Debray (1981), journals, in particular, constitute the main means of organization of the “intellectual army” on a territorial scale and their analysis can often yield important results in the study of the politi- cal and ideological directions of collective groups. 12. Speaking about L’Observateur and Les Temps Modernes, Boschetti has observed that the evolution of the latter from philosophy toward journalism is evidenced by the participation of many of Les Temps Modernes’ writers in the founding of Le Nouvel Observateur in 1964, leading to a situation in which the readership of both largely overlapped (Boschetti, 1985).

2 Cuba: The Myth and the Reality of an Original Revolution

1. According to this argument, the logic of the Cold War had already forced a definition on the Cuban Revolution, before Castro’s famous declaration of his Marxist-Leninism in December 1961. And yet, this declaration met with a cold response from the Soviet Union until April 1962. See Hall and Fructer (1961). 2. For an analysis of the initial industrialization drive, see Draper (1965). Guevara often is portrayed as the greatest critic of the Soviets due to his Algiers speech in February 1965. Yet, others have argued that by 1962, it was already clear that Guevara had a great disillusionment with the USSR partly as a result of Cuba’s failed industrialization experience (Karol, 1971). See also, Guevara (1962, 1963b). 3. I am grateful to Arnaldo Silva, former director of the Schools of Revolutionary Instruction, for discussing these issues with me. 4. Lieberman’s economics gave weight to a degree of decentralization and the market, albeit as part of the socialist system, whereas the Guevarist position was in favor of using moral incentives and the centralization of planning in the economy. 5. The USSR typically described itself as the most advanced of socialist nations in the process of constructing communism. Cuba repeatedly chal- lenged this dogma in the late 1960s, arguing that it was constructing both socialism and communism at the same time through a process of raising Notes 191

consciousness and creation of the New Man. By 1971, however, there was official acceptance of Soviet society’s superiority and therefore an implicit critique of the “excessive idealism” of previous years (Mesa-Lago, 1974). 6. Little doubt exists that the predominant use of moral incentives was a logical extension of the ideological importance placed on the subjective aspects of the construction of socialism. Furthermore, Castro has been reportedly argued that there would be little point in providing more economic incentives given that the shortage of consumer goods was so widespread in the 1966–1968 period, suggesting that beyond the purely ideological, pragmatic reasoning always has been at the forefront of Cuba’s policy directions (González, 1974). 7. For an overall picture of the development of health services in the first decade of the Revolution, see Delgado García (1989) and Santana (1987). 8. For a uniquely interesting account of the pre-revolutionary medical profession’s political role and participation in Cuban society, see Danielson (1979). 9. Different interpretations have been given to the idea of the New Man. Marshall links it to the humanist writings of Marx and Cuban tradi- tions reflected in the publication of the journal Hombre Nuevo in the 1920s (1987: 144). Castro, on the other hand, used the idea of the “New Man,” especially during the Revolutionary Offensive, to refer to Cubans prepared to sacrifice themselves for others, reflecting perhaps the religious influence in his own Jesuit education and subverting the Leninist vanguard idea in vogue at the time. For further reading on the issue of the New Man, see Lowy (1970). For an introduction to Castro’s own intellectual background, see Betto (1985), Miná (1987), and Szulc (1986). 10. For an earlier version of some of the ideas that would later be expressed in Man and Socialism, see On revolutionary medicine—written by Guevara as early as 1960—in Gerassi (1968: 112–120). 11. For a thorough study of Cuban cinema inaugurated with the Revolution, see Chanan (1985). 12. An enormous increase in the number of Cuban publications also took effect after the Revolution, in a country where, according to Cuban com- mentators, national culture had been sidelined by colonial society. 13. I am grateful to Brian Pollitt for describing those days so vividly for me. 14. Both after the Moncada attack in 1953 and the Gramma landing, the PSP issued statements denouncing the “putchist” methods of “petit bour- geois” young men while calling for the unity of opposition forces to the dictatorship (Goldenberg, 1970). 15. MR26 was the name of the movement led by Fidel Castro in com- memoration of the attack to the Moncada Barracks that took place on July 26, 1953. During the last stages of the revolutionary war in 1958, the ideological distinction between the PSP and the MR26 192 Notes

was not clear-cut. Raul Castro, for example, had belonged to the Communist Youth during his time at the University of Havana (Szulc, 1986). 16. Shortly after, on July 26, 1961, the Revolución disclosed news about the imminent creation of ORI with the headline “Unity, unity of all the revolutionary organizations against imperialism” (Editorial, 1961b: 1). 17. The published list of former PSP leaders who were heading ORI included Blas Roca, Carlos Rafael Rodríguez, the Escalante brothers, Severo Aguirre, Francisco Bravo, Luis Peña, and Manuel Luzardo. The purge of Aníbal Escalante and of numerous regional and local representatives of the new party who belonged to the former PSP met no opposition. Roca, from his post in Hoy, declared his total agreement with Castro, and other legendary Party members like Luis Peña had already lost their access to the media and the right to comment publicly. In April 1962, the Soviet Union also favored Castro’s move (Goldenberg, 1965). 18. The Marquitos Affair refers to the 1964 trial of former PSP member Marcos Rodríguez for his implication in the deaths of various DRE mem- bers in 1957. At the time, this process was interpreted as a serious setback to revolutionary unity as the event marked the political downfall of various former PSP members accused of “collective responsibility,” notably Edith García Buchaca. For more on this event, see Habel (1964). In 1968, the Microfacción trial resulted in further purges against former PSP members. 19. For further elaboration on a number of these organizations, see Fagen (1969). 20. Prior to 1959, an entire generation of intellectuals and educated Cubans had left the country for the United States, Mexico, or France partly due to the underdeveloped nature of higher education and partly because of political repression and censorship. This led to the paradox of a country that, being home to the likes of Alejo Carpentier, Nicolás Guillén, or José Lezama Lima, had barely any literary production. In 1959, Humberto Arenal, Pablo Armando Fernández, Antón Arrufat, Mirian Acevedo, Edmundo Desnoes, Roberto Fernández Retamar, Ambrosio Fornet, Heberto Padilla, and others who lived abroad, decided to return to Cuba. 21. Yet, the biggest process of cultural cross-fertilization took place between Cuba and Latin America, something particularly important in the artistic and literary fields. It is now acknowledged that the journal Casa de las Américas was initially created to cultivate this intellectual link (Fornet and Campuzano, 2001). 22. The appearance of Lunes de Revolución coincided with the publication of a literary supplement to the newspaper Hoy. Although clearly Marxist in outlook, Hoy never achieved the resonance of its counterpart. 23. Lunes played a key role in the visit paid by Sartre and de Beauvoir to the island in March 1960, a trip arranged by Franqui that received such atten- tion as to reflect the importance with which it was seen by the revolutionary Notes 193

leadership. An entire issue of Lunes was devoted to the historic visit that receives attention even today (see Sarusky, 1997: 12–17). 24. The PSP had virtually no say in Lunes as nobody on its editorial board was a Party member. In any case, it functioned along very loose hierarchical lines that made imposing a clear political line almost impossible. Similarly, Casa de las Américas, initially in the hands of Haydée Santamaria, who was close to Castro, was out of bounds for the Communist Party of the pre- revolutionary era. 25. I am grateful to Jose Antonio Tabares del Real for his views on the politi- cal situation among university students prior to 1959. 26. All interviewees in Cuba agree on the importance of the University of Havana as a focal point in the formative process of what in the 1960s constituted a very small and close student/activist community. In this respect, the role of this institution in creating the governing and intellec- tual elite seems no different from that of Oxbridge in Britain or the Ecole Normale Superior in France. In all three cases, an important membership of the 1960s New Left emerged from these institutions. 27. I am grateful to Armando Chavez, one of the original members of the philosophy department at the University of Havana, for the generosity shown with his time and sharing his personal experiences. 28. A real difficulty in documenting the life of the initial Department of Philosophy lies in the lack of documentation and archival material between 1962–1971. The building that housed the department is gone and many of the materials seem to have been lost. Thus, it is necessary to rely on personal accounts of the ex-members, many of whom are still connected to academia or research posts. 29. The type of teaching and content of the programs can genuinely be seen as truly revolutionary for the period. See Departamento de Filosofía (1968) (two Vols.). It is important to recognize the qualitative step forward that the study of Marxism in its historical context signified between 1966–1971. The experiment, however, was abruptly reversed, and the Soviet textbooks (Kuusinen and Konstantinov’s are the most common) predominate today in a Marxist mode of instruction that continues to emphasize learning by rote. 30. Both Luis Arana Larrea and Anastasio Mancilla, the main teachers at the Raul Cepero Bonilla, were of Spanish descent, belonging to a group of about fourteen hundred children who had been evacuated from Bilbao during the Spanish civil war. Some of these children went to the UK, others to Mexico. The vast majority were sent to the Soviet Union and, in many cases, never returned. As adults, Larrea and Mancilla were sent to Cuba to fulfill this “intellectual mission” for obvious linguistic reasons. 31. By that time, Pensamiento Crítico had not yet been created, although many of its future members (Jesús Díaz, Aurelio Alonso, and Fernando Martínez) already were working in another key publication of the time, El Caimán Barbudo. 194 Notes

32. I am grateful to Rolando Rodríguez, former director of Instituto del libro (1967–1980), for his interview and for sharing with me unpublished materials. 33. Thus, Pensamiento Crítico found the space to become critical of “Soviet” Marxist discourses in Cuba and beyond. As such, it was a fundamental part of the political project of elements within the leadership and its very existence in the long term was subject to the continuation of that politi- cal project (Martínez Heredia, 1970a, 1970b). 34. The list of guests included names such as Russell, Sartre, Hobsbawn, Axelos, Semprún, Milliband, Cortázar, and Benedetti. 35. Other Cuban publications of the time also shared many of the values and ideas of Pensamiento Crítico, notably Revolución y Cultura (1967–1971) and Casa de las Américas. Yet, as the former editor of Revolución y Cultura admitted, the journal never had the support of a large section of the intel- lectuals (Otero, 1986:7). As for Casa de las Américas, despite the obvious interest in the debate over the role of intellectuals (Casa de las Américas no. 35, 1966) and the personal friendship of Debray and Retamar at the time, the journal always had literary-cultural concerns rather than politico-historical ones and inclined itself more to the rest of Latin America than to Europe. 36. In October 1968, the international jury of UNEAC awarded the annual poetry prize to Heberto Padilla. This decision was met with dismay by the cultural authorities who greatly disliked the young non-conformist. As a result, the journal of the armed forces, Verde Olivo, launched a vicious cam- paign against intellectuals. This persecution was compounded when the poet was arrested in 1971 and subsequently forced to retract his anti-revolution- ary views in public. This infamous episode in the Cuban Revolution was met by an international campaign for Padilla’s release and marked the separation between European progressive intellectuals and the Revolution.

3 Who Cared about the Cuban Revolution Then . . . and Who Cares Now?

1. This concept of “humanism,” however, did not survive the rapid radicaliza- tion of both the Cuban Revolution and the New Left. With the transition to the Second New Left and the collapse of CND, partly inspired by the Missile Crisis, came a more militant and revolutionary period. It heralded a new peak of revolutionary fervor in the New Left that came to dominate, particularly after 1965, and coincided with the most ultra-revolutionary and heretical phase of socialism in the Third World. In so doing, Cuba’s revolutionary example, together with that of Vietnam, helped subvert the original meaning of “Third World.” 2. Other groups integrated in the PSU included Parti Socialiste Autonome (PSA), which also left the SFIO in 1958 over the Algerian War; Union de la Gauche Socialiste (UGS); and a number of ex-PCF individuals who left Notes 195

the Party in 1956 (like their British counterparts), working around the Tribune du Comunisme. 3. The factors behind the growth and increasing radicalization of these small groups are explained in chapter six. 4. Perhaps the closest to a distinction in the British case is the use of “first” and “second” waves of the New Left. 5. For an interpretation of E. P. Thompson’s polemics with several members of the second wave of the New Left, see chapter five. 6. The conceptual evolution of the term “Third World” is explored in chapter seven. 7. In the latter part of the 1960s, Althusser’s work dominated the pages of jour- nals such as New Left Review in the UK and Pensamiento Crítico in Cuba. 8. For example, I use evidence gathered from Salkey’s 1971 account of his participation at the 1968 Cultural Congress in Havana and include him along with co-participant C. L. R James as part of this wide definition of the New Left, even though neither of them would have seen themselves as part of the British form of the movement. 9. Given that Cuba was part of a polycentric communist world in the mid-twentieth century, a space shared with China, readers might be con- fused about the meaning of the notion of unorthodoxy. Some may think that Cuba and China occupied similar positions insofar as they both represented a critique of the Soviet Union. This has been confirmed by the fascination with Maoism in certain sectors of the New Left, especially in France, and arguments about a supposed affinity between Cuba and China on the importance seemingly attributed to the peasantry as a revo- lutionary class. Mesa-Lago (1974) has even talked of the “Sino-Guevarist” stage of Cuban development between 1966–1970. This argument, however, was contradicted by the strained nature of diplomatic relations between both countries that stemmed from clear ideological differences and by the Maoist fascination with Stalin. Equally, a quick look at the Maoist literature of the time shows theoretical positions that criticized the communist parties and the Soviet Union because they represented a “right” deviation from the correct line set out by the great leader; in other words, arguing that they were not Stalinist enough. 10. The same is true, to some extent, of the number of Cuban intellectuals selected for study in this book. Although all were members of the new Cuban Communist Party (PCC) created in 1965, their formative influ- ences and intellectual concerns led them to hold critical positions with regard to the Soviet Union and the developmental model represented by the people’s democracies. See chapter two. 11. An issue very close to this was the debate over the nature and definition of intellectual and intellectual worker in the French Left of the 1960s, sparked in part by the need for a coherent policy on class alliances in the PCF after the adoption of the policy on “the peaceful road to socialism” in 1956 and the need to react to sociological changes in French society (Wadia, 1986). 196 Notes

12. The book’s subject rests on the assumption that the content of these ideas was significantly affected by the historical and dominant ideological con- text in which they took place. This would go a long way in explaining why the rupture between the New Left and the Cuban Revolution took place just as Cuba’s increasing economic and ideological ties were forged with the Soviet Union in the early 1970s. It would also explain the radi- cal change of heart that otherwise sympathetic observers demonstrated toward Cuba between 1968 and 1972 (Caute, 1974; Salkey, 1971). 13. One of the reasons why Guevara was seen as an intellectual was the enor- mous influence he had over a whole generation of radicalized students who participated in the creation of the guerrilla myth. In their commit- ment and association with the new, dissident, yet soon-to-be hegemonic global revolutionary discourse, these activists were also a component of the definition of the intellectual and the protagonists of some of the exchange that took place with the Cuban Revolution.

4 Geopolitics and Race: The Cuban Revolution and the U.S. New Left

1. Lyons (1976) defined the U.S. New Left as a white, educated student movement linked to SDS. 2. The issue of non-violence is particularly important at this stage in the development of the various New Lefts, all of which shared a commitment to it in various forms, ranging from calls to non-violent behavior in direct action for black and student activists during the early days of the civil rights movement, to the policy of neutralism advocated for and by newly decolonized nations, to the campaigns for nuclear disarmament that char- acterized the British and U.S. New Lefts at a time of increasing Cold war hostilities in the late 1950s and early 1960s. 3. Not only did the Port Huron Statement identify the big questions of the day, including the civil rights issue, the global political order that put the United States on the side of the old colonialists in Europe, and the economic system designed to increase the gap between rich and poor countries. In this sense, the document can be seen as very prescient. But the document goes further in that it also reflects on the role that students as intellectual-activists could and should play in search for solutions to these problems in the early 1960s. In a tone that prefigures much of current writing about social movements, the Port Huron Statement ends with an appeal to the creation of a global New Left as a social movement for this kind of transformation. 4. Tom Hayden is credited as the author of the Port Huron Statement and president of SDS for its first year of existence. Saul Landau is a key name of the U.S. New Left who made his own contribution to the New Left’s views on Cuba. 5. It was not only the “official” New Left that was attracted to the Cuban Revolution. The Student Committee for travel to Cuba (SCTC), a Notes 197

propaganda campaign of the Progressive Labor Movement (PLM) in New York, and a splinter group from the Communist Party USA (CPUSA), organized a number of trips to Cuba in 1963 and 1964 in which more than a hundred university students participated, breaking the travel ban of 1960. The point, however, is that Cuba’s effect was greatest among the young and, even though their formal political allegiance was with the CPUSA, as with their counterparts in France, this relationship would be severely tested and broken in the years to come (Umezaki, 2007). 6. Not only was this a journalistic scoop of the most immense nature at the time, but it continues to be seen as one of the great interviews of the twentieth century and has been republished as part of a series under that title in 2007 by the British newspaper The Guardian, with a foreword by Tariq Ali. 7. Faced with the refusal to be accepted by the management of the hotel in which delegations to the UN normally stayed, the Cuban entourage caused a stir by making its way to the Theresa Hotel in Harlem where— to the delight of thousands of passersby and the media—they were received by the FPCC and visited by statesmen like Khrushchev, Nasser, and Nehru. The Cuban delegation’s popularity was highest with the black population especially after Castro met Malcolm X. Present at the event were familiar names of the French New Left: Claude Bourdet and K. S. Karol as well as their American friend Mills who was about to publish his classic book Listen Yankee in November of that year (Karol, 1971). 8. A number of publications reflected this interest. Monthly Review outlived a number of other journals and pamphlets such as Evergreen Review (pub- lished by the FPCC) and Studies on the Left (published by SDS). 9. This incident led to Williams seeking refuge in Cuba, a fact widely reported on the island. In a two-page article in Revolución, Williams denounces the NAACP because, he argues, they want to control the black population while showing a subservient attitude to the white majority (Cubillas, 1961). 10. This critical position was also held by the NAACP and was the source of disputes with Robert Williams in 1960. 11. The Oxford student group around Universities and Left Review is explored in chapter five. 12. Sweezy and Huberman’s Cuba: Anatomy of a revolution is the result of experiences typical in the New Left of the time. As the preface to the book confesses, it was written in haste after a visit to the island in March 1960. The result is a sympathetic book that relates to the English-speaking world, the new official interpretation of Cuban history presented by the revolutionary leadership. The book enjoyed the endorsement of, among others, familiar names Herbert Matthews and C. Wright Mills. 13. On the book’s jacket (third edition), he wrote: “In my thirty years [with] The New York Times, I have never seen a big story so misunderstood, so badly handled, and so misinterpreted as the Cuban Revolution” (Matthews, in Huberman and Sweezy, 1960). 198 Notes

14. This review, which reflects the views of the editorial team, was published shortly after articles on the Tricontinental conference appeared in Havana and before a series of articles published the following year that explored the new strategy of revolution in Latin America. See Monthly Review (1966, 1967). 15. The life and writings of Frantz Fanon were discussed in Monthly Review at least three times in 1966, 1967, and 1969 by American, French, and British representatives of the New Left. See Goldman (1966); Ehrenreich (1967); Geismar and Worsley (1969). 16. Debray’s book was translated soon after it was published in Cuba. It appeared in a special issue of Monthly Review in July–August 1967. Exactly a year later, another special issue, “Debray and the Latin American Revolution,” was published in the same publication. 17. The editorial board of Monthly Review commented on these events on their regular review, “Reflections on the French upheaval,” published in September 1968 and “Problems of the student movement,” pub- lished in December of the same year. See Monthly Review (1968a; 1968b). 18. Now!! is a short film by iconic Cuban film director Santiago Alvarez. The film consists of still photographs taken during the racial disturbances of 1965 in California depicting images of brutal police violence against blacks in the United States and is one of the classics of early revolutionary Cuban cinema. 19. Meredith also hoped to encourage locals along the route of his march to register to vote and participate in that year’s primary elections. He was shot soon after starting his protest but Stokely Carmichael, along with other civil rights campaigners Martin Luther King, Jr. and Floyd McKissick, decided to complete the march in Meredith’s name. 20. This vision of blacks as the oppressed colonial people at the heart of the United States is one that blacks shared with other groups. As chapter eight shows, sections of the student population also described themselves in these terms to justify their aim of revolutionary socialist transformation of their societies. 21. The last article published in Pensamiento Crítico is an interview with Eldridge Cleaver in which he extolled violence as self-defense and pre- sented the Black Panther Party manifesto. See Cleaver (1970).

5 British Intellectuals and the Cuban Revolution: Neutralism or Revolution?

1. See chapter six for further details. 2. This is crucial because it supports the idea that the New Left was not a political movement in the strict sense of the word. 3. In Britain, this was an important issue in 1962, during the transition from the First to the Second New Left, in New Left Review. In 1970, it Notes 199

was again an issue at the time of the polemic surrounding the closure of Black Dwarf, later replaced by Red Mole. In France, this debate always existed between France-Observateur and the PSU. 4. See Worsley (1957); Rex (1957, 1959b), and Hanson (1958). 5. On the theme of socialist humanism, see Thompson (1957, 1958, 1959) and Hanson (1957). 6. I am grateful to Stuart Hall for taking time to have a telephone interview with me and bring to life the wider context in which the birth of the New Left was based. 7. Samuel goes as far as to consider both journals as “sister” publications (Samuel, 1989: 44). The connection between the United States New Left and the British New Left commenced at this early stage through individ- uals like Norman Birbaum and Fruchter. 8. With regard to the treatment of Third World issues in Universities and Left Review, see Davidson (1957), Marr (1959), and Rex (1959a). 9. Contrary to the French case, the British New Left never organized into a traditional party group. Yet, its influence could be discerned around single issues campaigns such as the CND and the peace campaign. The object of their political action was to influence the positions of the left parties from within. Thus, there is little institutional framework through which to study them other than their publications and the varying intel- lectual currents that its members adhered to. 10. Williams argues that the one issue that united the various factions within New Left Review was the CND. This, however, suffered serious setbacks in the early 1960s, a decline that was followed by dwindling participation in the Left Clubs. Within New Left Review, this signaled the time for Hall to be replaced by a new editorial team led by Anderson and Blackburn. 11. Public details of their differences appeared in Anderson (1966) and Thompson (1978). 12. One of the biggest victories of the CND, and by implication the New Left, was the successful lobbying of the Labour Party to the extent that the national party conference of 1960, at Scarborough, passed a resolu- tion in favor of unilateralism. The following year, this decision was reversed. 13. According to Barratt-Brown and Worsley, none of the members of the First New Left were ever invited to contribute to New Left Review. 14. Views (1963–1966) has been very poorly studied as a journal that repre- sented a rebirth of the First New Left. 15. See contributions to New Left Review by Arrighi (1966) and Colletti (1969). 16. See Cockburn and Blackburn (1969). Although published in 1969, the concept for the book was developed in 1967. 17. The International Marxist Group became the sole representative of the United Secretariat of the Fourth International (USFI) in Britain after 1965, although its origins can be traced back to the late 1950s. Initially, the IMG was closely connected to traditional mass organizations, mainly 200 Notes

through its publication, The Week, which was edited by Ken Coates. It also received the support of Lawrence Daly and Russell, among others. Increasingly, however, it showed solidarity with the Vietcong and launched—in conjunction with the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation—the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC) in 1966. According to Callaghan, the contradictions implicit in this dual activity led to a split in October 1967. With Coates’s departure, much of the IMG’s remaining influence on the Movement for Workers’ Control and its working class support were substantially reduced (Callaghan, 1984). 18. In the British case, the formative influence of the Cuban Revolution on the New Left was acknowledged by Hennessy (1993), Gonza´lez (1984), and Kenny (1995). 19. See Castro (1960). New Left Review established formal exchanges with the American New Left through an article by Mills, Letter to the New Left (Mills, 1960b). Other names include Huberman and Sweezy from Monthly Review, Dellinger from Liberation (with a libertarian/pacifist line), and Landau, student leader and member of one of the founding organizations of the American New Left, Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). 20. At the time of the triumph of the Revolution, the Cuban Communist Party (PSP) had a history of collaboration with Batista and an official line that called the Fidelistas petit bourgeois putschists. 21. See Blackburn (1963). According to the New Left, one of the major lim- itations of the CPGB was its extreme form of sectarianism, a clear obsta- cle to any notion of socialist democracy. This was precisely the danger certain ex-Communists members tried to avoid in a movement as fluid and open as the New Left. 22. See Landau (1961). “Direct democracy” was a term widely used in Cuba to refer to the type of democracy exercised during the Revolution. Since their republican past was fraught with corruption, Cubans had a particu- larly negative view of formal democratic procedures, including elections. This argument explained, in the eyes of the New Left, the reluctance to announce fresh democratic elections even though Castro’s victory would have been guaranteed by his popularity. The issue of direct democracy has been commented on by Bengelsdorf (1994) and described more fully by Salkey (1971). 23. Bertrand Russell (1872–1970) was a philosopher, logician, social reformer and pacifist. He was an active campaigner against the Vietnam war and for nuclear disarmament. He became a hero of the New Left in the 1960s and was founder of the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation and the Russell Vietnam War Crimes Tribunal. 24. Indeed, his message to the 1968 Cultural Congress celebrated in Havana offered his support for the Cuban and Vietnamese causes. See Russell (1967). 25. Blackburn’s silence about Cuba in the pages of New Left Review was bro- ken in 2000 in an article inspired by the Elián González case. See Blackburn (2000). Notes 201

26. The opposite is perhaps less true. A series of articles by Blackburn and Anderson, published in New Left Review, were reprinted in Pensamiento Crítico in the late 1960s. 27. Cohen participated in the international jury that gave the Julián del Casal literary prize to Padilla in 1968 for a piece the UNEAC found objectionable on ideological grounds. Therborn produced an article about the Vietnam war, written while in Cuba at the end of 1967; published later in New Left Review, it celebrated the Marxist-Leninist character of the Vietnamese lead- ership. See Cohen (1965) and Therborn (1968). 28. Some of Debray’s contributions to New Left Review are Debray (1965, 1967b, 1970). 29. With regard to analyses of the British student movement in New Left Review, see Stedman Jones et al. (1967) and issue no. 53, 1969. 30. Another publication was Gerassi’s 1968 Venceremos. Yet for all of Guevara’s popularity, his writings were practically unknown to the vast majority of British students who revered him. 31. Ricardo Rojo went on to publish a biography of Guevara (Rojo, 1968a). 32. An example of a Maoist publication was L’Humanité Rouge, while the Trotskyist ones included Quatrième Internationale. 33. Castro’s support for the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in the summer of 1968 caused consternation in continental Europe. A number of con- tributors to Black Dwarf, however, “understood” the difficulties of the Cuban Revolution and stopped short of condemning it. See Halliday (1968) and Ali et al. (1968). 34. This continuing support for the Cuban Revolution was, as late as 1979, one of the major reasons for the British Socialist Workers Party’s (SWP) reluc- tance to join the Fourth International. See Callinicos and Goodwin (1979).

6 French Intellectuals and Cuba: A Revolutionary Working Model?

1. The idea of thinking independently and breaking established orthodoxies of both the Right and the Left was a trait common to all examples stud- ied in all countries under consideration. 2. Troisième secteur was the name given by Jean Poperen (1972) to what could be taken as an euphemism for New Left. Yet, although the PSU’s political influence in the 1960s was enormous, this was never translated into electoral results, which on the whole were rather poor, never reach- ing the four percent share. 3. The Dreyfus affair was a French political scandal that took place in the 1890s in which a young army officer was wrongly convicted of treason, deeply dividing the country between supporters and detractors. The term “intellectual” is said to have been coined at the time to refer, in derogatory terms, to writer Émile Zola, who came to the defence of Dreyfus. In 1960, 121 intellectuals signed the manifeste des 121, calling on the French govern- ment to recognise the legitimacy of Algeria’s independence aspirations and 202 Notes

respect French conscientious objectors. The manifesto is said to have produced a societal division in France similar to that which took place during the Dreyfus affair. 4. According to Poperen, both Morin and Mascolo were expelled from the PCF in the early 1950s for having contact with “bourgeois intellectuals” from L’Observateur and sharing their neutralist theses (Poperen, 1972). 5. L’Express is considered the sister publication of France Observateur. Created in 1954, it had similar concerns and readership. In 1964, follow- ing the crisis between Bourdet and Martinet, Le Nouvel Observateur was created with the addition of numerous journalists from L’Express, notably Michel Bosquet (pseudonym of André Gorz), Jean Daniel, and Kewes Karol. 6. Economically and politically, Cuba and France had little contact at the time although this increased in the 1960s, albeit driven by pragmatic con- siderations (Lambie, 1993). Both Henessy (1993) and Kapcia (1993) commented on the influence of French thought in Cuban revolutionary ideology. 7. Verdes-Leroux identified three major waves of enthusiasm with Cuba in the 1960s. The first corresponded with the triumph of the Revolution itself. The second, with the revolutionary image of Che Guevara; and the third, with the Salon de mai exhibition in 1967 and the Cultural Congress of January 1968 (Verdes-Leroux, 1989). Although this categorization is largely correct in the thematic sense, it does not emphasize the difference of positions within the generally pro-Cuban views of the New Left nor does it situate these positions in the context of the different generations that constituted the French New Left or their publications. 8. Other examples of the fine ideological and strategic tuning between Cuba and Algeria can be observed in the parallel between the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), led initially by Ben Bella, and Cuban attempts to galvanize the Latin American revolution around its own example. 9. Algeria was also the stage for one of Guevara’s fiercest critiques of the Eastern Bloc at the speech made in Algiers in February 1965 to the Afro- Asian Solidarity Conference in what was one of his last public appear- ances (Gerassi, 1968). 10. The manifesto of support appeared in Lunes de Revolución, denouncing what was seen as a campaign of misinformation to distort the Revolution and the enormous hope it represented for the people of Cuba; it was signed by eleven people, including Julien, Sartre, and André Breton. 11. Although, given its own distrust of U.S. foreign policy and its attempts to build an independent international position, the French government had a somewhat similar position toward Cuba, the island’s unwavering support for the Algerians during the war severely damaged any potential rapprochement between both states. In this context, any enthusiastic coverage of the Cuban Revolution by the French New Left met with immediate censorship. Notes 203

12. Unlike in Britain, where the CND was the most important campaign issue, in the French case the message of peace was clearly monopolized by the PCF, which participated in the global propaganda war used to charac- terize itself as the only “peace camp.” 13. The 1960 October–November issue of Clarté, the official publication of Communist students, inaugurated a new epoch by carrying an editorial that announced a renewed interest in the youth of the Third World and contained the impressions of one such student, Gilbert Druard, who, after a three-month stay in Cuba, maintained that his biggest surprise was precisely the youthfulness of the revolutionary leadership (Druard, 1960: 10). 14. Until its disappearance in 1965, Clarté was considered representative of the ferment that produced the gauchiste element of the French New Left at the end of the decade. Its transformation into Le Nouveau Clarté was preceded by the purge of Serge July and Bernard Kouchner, both key actors in May 1968. 15. I am grateful to Janette Habel for sharing her memories about the period. 16. An element conspicuously missing in the discourse of Partisans is any reference to peace, a key element of the early British New Left. Two expla- nations seem appropriate for this peculiarity. First, the issue of peace was too much part of the PCF’s vocabulary and any self-definitional exercise for the New Left demanded a distancing from the “Old” Left. Second, perhaps most importantly, the degree to which the Algerian war was the first and only formative experience of the French student population imposed from very early on a bellicose attitude in certain members of this group. 17. Some authors refer to these two stages in independent terms. In Britain, the adjectives “first” and “second” are commonly employed to distinguish the two waves of the New Left. In the French case, this issue provoked a debate over the appropriateness of using the terms nouvelle gauche (New Left) and gauchisme (literally “Leftism” but associated to more radical left politics). 18. The “new working class” was the conceptual creation of many sociologists who argued that modern capitalist society brought about the proletarian- ization of white-collar jobs. Thus, a modern left-wing party should attempt to attract these sections of society to carry out new forms of activism that complemented the developed world, the anti-colonialist struggle of the Third World. 19. The crisis at the heart of France Observateur seems remarkably similar to that which characterized the British publication New Left Review in 1962. 20. According to Nugent and Lowe (1982), they grew due to a combination of circumstances that went from the rapidly expanding university popu- lation to the existence of a chronic conservative political regime to which a disorganized and ineffective Left as well as a discredited Communist Party could not present a challenge. 204 Notes

21. According to Ross (1990), this and other reformist tendencies within the PCF were suppressed in such a way that it united them in their search for anti-PCF leftist politics, thus killing off any future potential accommoda- tion between the PCF and its intellectuals as occurred in the ICP. 22. This is by no means a comprehensive description of the gauchiste scene. There was a large degree of ideological confusion in the aftermath of 1968 with the emergence of ouvreriste forms of student politics (Lutte Ouvrière) or spontaneist Maoists bent on the systematic use of violence (Gauche proletariènne). Further, there were other groups not mentioned, notably the anarchists, represented by the 22nd of March group led by Daniel Cohn-Bendit and the situationists (Jappe, 1998). 23. Ideological confusion was not the prerogative of student groups only. Intellectuals like Sartre held the contradictory political positions that characterized the New Left as a whole by showing support for reformist democratic parties such as the Italian Communist Party at the same time as Chinese ultra-Bolshevism (Bondy, 1970). Here, not even an ideologi- cal anti-Stalinism was the common ground between all factions of the New Left as the front page of l’Humanité Rouge, a Maoist weekly, regu- larly published headlines such as “Viva Stalin!” or referred to the PCF as the “revisionist” party. Rather, an anti-PCF position was the only com- mon element of the entire New Left. 24. After the political and ideological exuberance of the late 1960s, a clear return to ideological and political forms of the “Old” Left ensued. This was not a particularly French characteristic. In Britain, only the Trotskyist element of the student political movement remained in the political scene but, as in France, it soon recycled its message supporting workerist posi- tions. More importantly perhaps, the degree of political and ideological heresy that Cuba had represented throughout the 1960s came also to an abrupt end in the early 1970s. 25. Debray’s book Revolution in the Revolution was “commissioned” and cor- rected by Castro himself and published in 1967. It justified the revolu- tionary guerrilla strategy that Guevara was trying to implement in Bolivia and constituted the biggest critique yet of the official Communist posi- tion on the peaceful transition to socialism. 26. Cuba’s political maneuverings to lead and monopolize the idea of Third World in this period are explored in chapter seven. 27. Cuba’s call for revolution was also taken seriously by a French government that, in 1968, banned the French edition of the journal Tricontinental published by Maspero, motivated partly by a belief that the student revolt was a Cuban-inspired conspiracy (Karol, 1971). 28. Le Nouvel-Observateur for example, devoted more than eleven exclusive articles to both men by authors such as Albert-Paul Lentin, François Maspero, Olivier Todd, Perry Anderson, and Robin Blackburn. 29. Michèle Firk aided the FLN in Paris during the Algerian war before mov- ing to Cuba—where she lived for a number of years—and joining the Guatemalan guerrillas. She was killed in 1968 at the age of thirty-one Notes 205

(Maspero, 1968). Pierre Goldman traveled to Cuba in 1961 to volunteer to fight during the Girón invasion. He then joined the Venezuelan guer- rillas for some time. He was killed in Paris in 1979 (Goldman, 1975). 30. The issue of action versus theory was divisive throughout the years in the battle for legitimacy inside and outside the Revolution. By 1968, when the Cuban Revolution demanded the participation of the West European New Left in the debate to try to answer the question “what should be the role of the intellectual?” the models proposed were invariably those of Guevara and Debray. The choice of these two names must be seen as more than a publicity stunt on the part of the participants at the Cultural Congress in Cuba in 1968. Both men incarnated the perfect combination of action and theory in their practice, representing a “Cuban” alternative to orthodox Marxism. 31. I am grateful to Manuel Quintana, member of the Organizing Committee of Campamento 5 de Mayo in the summer of 1968, for shar- ing his views. 32. I am grateful to 1960s student activist Thierry Aube, who participated in Campamento 5 de Mayo in the summer of 1968, for sharing his views. 33. The official position was, of course, not followed in its entirety by other sectors of the Cuban Revolution. In particular, the Pensamiento Crítico group devoted a series of issues of the journal to the student events in Western Europe (France, Germany, Italy). Yet, their explanation for the failure of the movement to develop a “recipe for success” was a straight- forward Marxist-Leninist view of the revolutionary role of the communist vanguard, hardly heretical for a publication that defined itself in those terms. I am grateful to Kewes Karol for meeting with me to share his memories about this controversy.

7 Cuba and the Third World: Evolution of a Concept and a Relationship

1. Some of these periodicals are Cuba Socialista, Pensamiento Crítico, Monthly Review, New Left Review, Socialist Register, Les Temps Modernes, and Partisans. Others, like Casa de las Américas, have already been stud- ied (Rochdi, 1991; Weiss, 1977). Lunes de Revolución, like the French Le Nouvel Observateur or the British Red Mole and Black Dwarf, were news- papers; as such, neither the length of articles, frequency of publication (barely two years in some cases), nor the depth of analysis was deemed comparable to the material in the journals. In Cuba, Revolución y Cultura also provided an accurate reflection of the dominant ideas of the late 1960s; however, although its contents were similar to Pensamiento Crítico, Revolución y Cultura enjoyed little prestige in 1960s Cuba. 2. The prominent journals in the individual national cases always attempted to displace similarly “engaged” journals on the basis of what can only be described as personal and generational struggles for the maintenance of 206 Notes

specific positions in the field (Bourdieu, 1999). In Cuba, this displace- ment occurred mainly between Pensamiento Crítico and Revolución y Cultura. In France, the same process took place between Partisans and Les Temps Modernes; in Britain, between New Left Review and Socialist Register. Thus, it is notable that Pensamiento Crítico drew many of its con- tents from all of them, suggesting that the differences in treatment of top- ics in these journals was a strategy to assert intellectual hegemony over certain positions of the field. 3. This is in spite of the importance that a journal like Cuba Socialista had to give to the understanding of the heritage of the working-class move- ment of sister popular democracies. This was mainly the job of PSP senior members such as Aníbal Escalante, Fabio Grobart, and Blas Roca (Escalante, 1961; Grobart, 1966; Roca, 1964). To these can be added articles of fellow intellectuals from the socialist bloc that often took a didactic form, referring often to the development of sister communist parties in Eastern Europe. 4. This was also the issue that most attracted Cuban authors. Their numer- ous contributions concentrated on the study of the young Marx and of Marxist intellectuals banished from the pages of Soviet manuals—Lukacs, Luxemburg, Gramsci, and Trotsky—as well as contemporary European luminaries such as Sartre, Althusser, and Poulantzas. See Martínez Heredia (1970a, 1970b), Bell Lara (1970), and Díaz (1970). 5. Pensamiento Crítico reproduced articles from many of the publications of the global New Left movement, including Socialist Register (11), New Left Review (19), Les Temps Modernes (23), and Partisans (21). Also, there were a few from Monthly Review Press (6), Cuaderni Piacentini (3), Problemi del socialismo (2), the U.S. radical newspaper The Movement (2), Esprit (2), Le Nouvel Observateur (2), the Uruguayan Marcha (2), Cuadernos de Ruedo Ibérico (1), and others. In light of this evidence, it is arguable that Pensamiento Crítico formed part of the New Left field. Further, it often announced Cuaderni Piacentini, Problemi del socialismo, New Left Review, and Ruedo Ibérico in its inside cover as well as other Maspero and Feltrinelli’s publications. In fact, most of Pensamiento Crítico’s non- Cuban or Latin American authors were covered by these countries: France, Britain, United States, and Italy. 6. This is most clear in, for instance, issue No. 20, which, devoted to the study of Africa, included only the writings of Western specialists. 7. The reason for the lack of exchanges between the British journals when they clearly had thematic interests in common are found in Bourdieu’s individual journals as transmitters of ideas in competition with one another over their relative position in the field. Thus, in continental Europe, Les Temps Modernes maintained the most central position in the field. This explains why both New Left Review and Socialist Register were prepared to share (borrow and receive) their output with it, a strategy that must be identified as a means of increasing their symbolic capital. Conversely, intranational exchange and cross-fertilization hardly took Notes 207

place, partly because the preservation of a distinct position within the field was most important at the national level. 8. In Pensamiento Crítico, these articles appeared as Lukacs (1970) (reprinted in New Left Review), Luxemburg (1967) (reprinted in Partisans), Gorz (1967) (reprinted from New Left Review), Krassó (1968) (reprinted in Les Temps Modernes and New Left Review), and George (1969) (reprinted from Les Temps Modernes). 9. See Hall and Fruchter (1961), Landau (1961), and Worsley (1961). 10. See Debray (1965), Guevara (1967), and Therborn (1968). 11. See Arrighi and Saul (1969), Davidson (1970), and Hobsbawm (1970). 12. Other journals also shared a New Left space with Les Temps Modernes and Partisans, notably Esprit, influenced by Christian values; Arguments; and Socialisme ou Barbarie, led by Castoriadis (Bondy, 1970; Hirsh, 1981). 13. And yet, the two French journals only shared one article through the entire decade. Although this would confirm that different positions in the intellectual field were established mainly on the basis of generations grouped around publications contending for symbolic capital rather than purely on the various ideas they defended, a difference of intellectual con- cerns did exist between Les Temps Modernes and Partisans. 14. The journal published Castro’s Words to the intellectuals (Castro, 1961b) and Dorticós’ The role of intellectuals in the Revolution (1961), followed by many other reprinted speeches (Castro, 1963; Guevara, 1964, 1965). 15. Partisans devoted special issues to Algeria, Africa, Cuba, the collaboration between the Western Left and the Third World, Latin American revolu- tionary prospects, Cuba and Castroism, Latin American guerrillas, and the Vietnam war. 16. Britain participated in conflicts in Malaysia, Cyprus, Kenya, and Borneo. France had a long and painful separation from Indo-China and then turned against the Algerian independence movement. 17. The enormous importance attached to these events by the New Left escaped the CPGB. Although it condemned the British action in Suez, the Party was at the time busy dealing with internal conflict and mass desertions from its camp. 18. The CND did live beyond 1963. In fact, it remained the biggest radical organization outside the CPGB and was only overtaken by the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC) in 1967. Yet, according to Young, the Cuban Missile Crisis signaled its fall from grace (Young, 1977). In spite of this, we saw a resurgence of the CND during its fortieth anniversary in 2008, arguing that the need for nuclear disarmament is as great now as it was then. 19. For example, Saville and Thompson, 1958; Mills, 1959; and Thompson, 1958. 20. In Britain, the 1961 Labour Party conference reversed its commitment to unilateral disarmament and neutralism that had taken place a year earlier and central to the aspiration to create a neutral bloc. The failure of the 208 Notes

conceptual association between the Third World and neutralism was reflected in the downward spiral of the CND’s influence after 1963. 21. In addition, New Left commentators compared the personality cult of Mao to that of Stalin (Roy, 1966). 22. Notably Maspero, who through Partisans, celebrated the spirit of inde- pendence of a Cuban Revolution, which he described as the true repre- sentative of the world’s revolutionary avant garde (Maspero, 1966). 23. In a study of the VSC in Britain, Young argues that most of its member- ship previously took part in the CND, pointing out the contradiction between a movement that called for peace and one that called for the defeat of the United States (Young, 1977). 24. Bill Warren’s article on the industrialization of the Third World marked a frontal attack on the third-worldism characteristic of the previous phase and opened up the path for the work presented in Imperialism: Pioneer of Capitalism (1980) in which Warren offered the most consistent critique of Dependency Theory yet. 25. Chomsky diverges from the notion that the intellectual should waste time speaking to power, arguing instead that the role of the intellectual is to take a critical position toward society from “chosen” audiences, in order to maximize the political effect. This does not undermine the main proposition that a wide body of literature points to the need for the intel- lectual to be critical as a necessary pre-condition to their claiming intel- lectual status. 26. Authors who emphasize structural definitions of the intellectual would argue that this social group can equally attach itself to the political right, favoring a definition of intellectuals simply as “men of ideas” (Coser, 1965). See also Brym (1980).

8 The New Left: Activists or Intellectuals?

1. Although the most obvious signs of Stalinist political sectarianism were removed in 1962, during and after the Escalante Affair, its intellectual symptoms remained strong. 2. Of course, it is still possible to see a link between both positions as they have implications for intellectual engagement. In the case of increasingly anti- intellectual and inflexible communist parties (i.e., the communist parties of 1956), the role of intellectuals was clearly seen to be subsumed to that of the political apparatus. Communist “reformism” in the late 1960s reflected the electoral priorities of the Party. Either way, intellectuals on the outside claimed their identity on the basis that their positions were divergent from those of the political apparatuses of the communist parties. 3. The reasons why Sartre’s outlook changed so fundamentally after the war are acknowledged and explained in Sartre (1969b) (reproduced in Sartre, 1974). Further references here to this interview correspond to the repro- duction in the latter. Notes 209

4. Sartre described this ability in Castro during his visit to Cuba in 1960 and very prominently in the notes that make up the bulk of the unfinished Critique of Dialectical Reason. 5. Khilnani interprets the failure to complete this project as the starting point of Sartre’s failure to combine a notion of political commitment and intellectual independence, arguing that he adopted an anti-intellectualist position, subordinating himself to the masses and denying himself any right to be considered as an autonomous agent of revolutionary politics (Khilnani, 1993). 6. These lectures appeared in Sartre (1974). All references to them are based on this text. 7. This is a process whose mechanism Sartre never explained. He contented himself only with saying that “such conversion will depend in part on his personal history, which may determine whether the tension which char- acterizes him is released” (Sartre, 1974: 245). 8. This universal class Sartre claimed to represent was never explicitly defined, as it ranged between “the proletariat,” “the oppressed,” “the people,” and “the world’s poor.” 9. A “rediscovery” of Gramsci’s writings did not take place in the New Left until 1968 but, by that time most commentary on Gramsci made an explicit comparison between his work and Lenin’s. Positions often were polarized between those who identified with Gramsci on the basis of his “humanism” and those who, from Leninist positions, stood critically against. The first group includes Kiernan (1972) and Paris (1965, 1970); the second group includes Anderson (1968) and Debray (1970). 10. “Fundamental social group” was one of the various euphemisms used by Gramsci to refer to “class” in the Marxist sense and at the same time cir- cumvent censorship while writing his Prison Notebooks. 11. In a short piece devoted to the role of the intellectual, Debray paid homage to his tutor Althusser and his Leninist convictions (Debray, 1967c). 12. For a sample of the writings by or about Marcuse that made an appear- ance in the field, see the articles in Socialist Register (Sedgwick, 1966); New Left Review (Cohen, 1969; Marcuse, 1965, 1967, 1968a, 1969b; Therborn, 1970); Partisans (Marcuse, 1966a, 1966b, 1968b; Fraenkel, 1971); and Pensamiento Crítico (Marcuse, 1968c, 1969c). 13. His critique of Stalinism came in 1958 with the publication of Soviet Marxism. 14. The reason why, in Marcuse’s opinion, intellectuals were non-integrated was because their privileged position, education and training, and intel- lectual capacities were developed partly independent of the material process of production (Magee, 1982). In what he called “catalyst groups,” they engaged in political education and formation of revolutionary con- sciousness that counteracted the control of consciousness by the estab- lished power structures. Although he never fully explained what he meant 210 Notes

by it, Marcuse’s faith in the liberating possibilities of intellectual skills was such that he often called for a dictatorship of the intellectuals. 15. A stress on the importance of political commitment was shared by all the major intellectual players of the New Left even though this was not always accompanied by a desire to take part in revolutionary action, as was the case with the Leninist intellectual vanguard characteristic of Althusser’s position and that of the intellectuals associated with Pensamiento Crítico. 16. This, however, does not mean that, when their models were referred to by the various constituencies of the New Left, the interpretations given were not often irrelevant to the word and the spirit of the canons themselves (Aronson, 1980). 17. The fusion of politics and intellect, of action and thought, of revolution- ary and intellectual practice could be summed up in Hobsbawm’s argu- ment that, although revolutionaries were intellectuals, this did not mean that all intellectuals were necessarily revolutionaries (Hobsbawm, 1977: 245). 18. Ordine Nuovo was a weekly publication edited by Gramsci, which aimed at developing socialist ideas and culture. See Gramsci (1971a: 10). 19. The reinforcement of links with the working class was, in practice, directed from above and paternalistic in nature. Also, they were as entrenched in the Marxist tradition as the Trotskyist-Leninist influences that dominated the New Left late in the decade. 20. Besides pointing out the qualitative distinction between philosophers (as the highest representative of the intellectual) and mere administrators of the new hegemonic values, the author announced that Cuba was already in the process of forming its own organic intellectuals, in clear reference to the formative process of the group of academics that would lead the editorial board of Pensamiento Crítico (Portuondo, 1964). 21. One issue that remains to be examined is the source of knowledge of this intellectual vanguard. In the late 1960s, knowledge came from two sources: pure revolutionary action, as practiced by the guerrilla, or pure theoretical work, as advocated by academic philosophers. Both of these groups traced the justifications for their roles to Lenin. 22. Debray’s book was, however, misleading about the meaning attached to the concept of intellectual. Whereas in Latin America, the vanguard guer- rilla role had been taken by “students and revolutionary intellectuals,” he seemed to use a traditional understanding of the concept of intellectual when he argued that during the guerrilla campaign, the intellectual was naturally “weak” and “less able than others to invent, improvise, make do with available resources” (Debray, 1967a: 21). Thus, at times he made a distinction and a hierarchy of the importance between the pure military guerrillas and the intellectual ones; other times, he argued that they were the same thing or could be fused into the same individual. 23. See Revolución y Cultura, issues 1 and 2. Selected Bibliography

Aguilar, L. (1970) Fragmentation of the Marxist Left in Latin America. Problems of Communism, 19(4), pp. 1–12. Aguirre, M. (1965) Frantz Fanon: Los condenados de la tierra, Cuba Socialista (47), pp. 138–141. Alexander, R. J. (1957) Communism in Latin America. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. Ali, T. (1978) 1968 and After: Inside the Revolution. London: Blond and Briggs. Ali, T. and Watkins, S. (1998) 1968: Marching in the Streets. London: Bloomsbury. Ali, T., Goodwin, C. and Mercer, D. (1968) Open Letter to Fidel Castro. Black Dwarf, 22/09/1968, p. 8. Alonso, A. (1995) Marxismo y espacio de debate en la Revolución Cubana. Temas (3), pp. 34–43. Althusser, L. (1970) Philosophy as a Revolutionary Weapon (interview). New Left Review (64), pp. 3–11. Althusser, L. (1977) For Marx. London: New Left Books. Amendola, G. (1962) Nos corresponsabilités. Les Temps Modernes (189), pp. 1128–1140. Anderson, J. L. (1997) Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life. London: Quality Paperbacks Direct. Anderson, P. (1966) The Myths of Edward Thompson or Socialism and Pseudo- empiricism. New Left Review (35), pp. 2–42. Anderson, P. (1968) Introduction to Gramsci. New Left Review (51), pp. 22–27. Anderson, P. and Blackburn, R. (1960) Cuba, Free Territory of America. New University (4), pp. 17–23. Aronson, R. (1980) Jean Paul Sartre: Philosophy in the World. London: New Left Books. Arrighi, G. and Saul, J. (1969) Nationalism and Revolution in Subsaharan Africa. Socialist Register, pp. 137–188. Azcuy, H. (1971) Las ideas en Cuba. Pensamiento Crítico (52), pp. 177–185. Bair, D. (1991) Simone de Beauvoir: A Biography. London: Vintage. Balandier, G. (1965) Faut-il abandoner les “nations prolétaires”? Le Nouvel Observateur, 27/10/1965, pp. 14–15. 212 Selected Bibliography

Bamford, C. (1983) The early New Left in Britain 1956–62: The Politics of Commitment. PhD Thesis, University of Edinburgh. Baran, P. (1965) Qu’est-ce qu’un intellectuel? Partisans (22), pp. 40–48. Barratt-Brown, M. (1960) Imperialism Yesterday and Today. New Left Review (5), pp. 42–49. Barratt-Brown, M. (1989) Positive Neutralism Then and Now, in Archer, R. et al. (eds.) Out of Apathy: Voices of the New Left Thirty Years On. Oxford University Socialist Discussion Group. London: Verso, pp. 81–87. Barratt-Brown, M. (1995) Models in Political Economy. 2nd ed. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Barratt-Brown, M. (1998) Comercio justo, comercio injusto: Hacia una nueva cooperación internacional. Barcelona: Editorial Icaria. Beldan-Fields, A. (1970) Student Politics in France: A Case Study of the Union Nationale des Etudiants de France. New York: Basic Books. Bell Lara, J. (1970) Marx y el colonialismo. Pensamiento Crítico (37), pp. 262–276. Benda, J. (1955) The Betrayal of Intellectuals. Boston: Beacon Press. Bengelsdorf, C. (1994) The Problem of Democracy in Cuba: Between Vision and Reality. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Benjamin, M. (1997) Cuba: Talking about Revolution. Melbourne: Ocean Press. Betto, F. (1985) Fidel y la Religión. La Habana: Oficina de publicaciones del consejo de estado. Birchall, I. (1981) The Autonomy of Theory: A Short History of New Left Review. International Socialism, 2(10), pp. 50–91. Blackburn, R. (1963) Prologue to the Cuban Revolution. New Left Review (21), pp. 52–91. Blackburn, R. (2000) Cuba under the Hammer. New Left Review (4), pp. 5–36. Bondy, F. (1970) Jean Paul Sartre, in Cranston, M. (ed.) The New Left: Six Essays on Che Guevara, Jean-Paul Sartre, Herbert Marcuse, Frantz Fanon, Black Power, R.D. Laing. London: The Bodley Head, pp. 51–82. Borrego, O. (1964) Informe del Ministro Borrego sobre el plan prospectivo azucarero. Hoy, 14/10/64, pp. 4–5. Boschetti, A. (1985) Sartre et «Les Temps Modernes». Paris: Les éditions de Minuit. Bottomore, T. (1991) A Dictionary of Marxist Thought. Oxford: Blackwell. Bourdet, C. (1959) The Imperial Frenchman. The New Reasoner (8), pp. 118–132. Bourdet, C. (1960) Faiblese de l’ONU? France Observateur, 15/09/1960, p. 3. Bourdet, C. (1962) Moscou: Le congrès, la paix et la bombe. France Observateur, 26/07/1962, pp. 10–11. Bourdieu, P. (1988) Homo Academicus. Cambridge: Polity Press. Bourdieu, P. (1993) The Field of Cultural Production. Cambridge: Polity Press. Bourdieu, P. (1999) The Social Conditions in the Circulation of Ideas, in Shusterman, R. (ed.) Bourdieu: A Critical Reader. Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 220–228. Breines, W. (1982) Community and Organisation in the New Left 1962–68. New York: Praeger. Selected Bibliography 213

Brym, R. (1980) Intellectuals and Politics. London: George Allen and Unwin. Buchanan, K. (1963) The Third World: Its Emergence and Contours. New Left Review (18), pp. 5–23. Buechler, S. M. (1999) Social Movements in Advanced Capitalism. New York: Oxford University Press. Cabrera Infante, G. (1994) Mea Cuba. London: Faber and Faber. Callaghan, J. (1984) British Trotskyism: Theory and Practice. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Callinicos, A. and Goodwin, P. (1979) On the Perspectives of the Fourth International. International Socialism, 2(6), pp. 97–112. Carmichael, S. (1967) El poder negro. Pensamiento Crítico (4), pp. 165–176. Carney, T. F. (1972) Content Analysis: A Technique for Systematic Inference from Communications. London: Batsford. Carrillo, S. (1962) La clase obrera ha abierto el camino hacia la solución del problema político español. Cuba Socialista (12), pp. 57–73. Carter, B. G. (1968) Historia de la literatura hispanoamericana a través de sus revistas. Mexico: Ediciones Andrea. Casal, L. (1971) El caso Padilla. New York: Miami University Press. Castro, F. (1960) History Will Absolve Me. New Left Review (5), pp. 50–58. Castro, F. (1961a) Cuba Socialista. Cuba Socialista (1), pp. 1–6. Castro, F. (1961b) Paroles aux intellectuels. Partisans (2), pp. 171–174. Castro, F. (1963) Cuba et l’Amérique Latine. Partisans (9), pp. 128–136. Caute, D. (1974) Cuba Yes? London: Secker and Warburg. Caute, D. (1988) The Fellow Travellers: Intellectual Friends of Communism. New Haven: Yale University Press. Chaliand, G. (1961) Après la Conférence de Belgrade. Partisans (2), pp. 201–204. Chaliand, G. (1977) Revolution in the Third World: Myths and Prospects. Sussex: The Harvester Press. Chanan, M. (1985) The Cuban Image. London: BFI Books. Chesneaux, J. (1965) El proceso de formación de las naciones en Africa y en Asia. Cuba Socialista (48), pp. 84–107. Chomsky, N. (1987) The Responsibility of Intellectuals, in Peck, J. (ed.) The Chomsky Reader. New York: Pantheon Books, pp. 59–135. Chun, L. (1993) The British New Left. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Cicourel, A. V. (1964) Method and Measurement in Sociology. New York: Free Press. Clayton, J. and Rothstein, E. (1991) Influence and Intertextuality in Literary History. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Cleaver, E. (1970) Movimiento negro y lucha revolucionaria. Pensamiento Crítico, 37, February 1970, pp. 199–219. Cockburn, A. and Blackburn, R. (1969) Student Power: Problems, Diagnosis, Action. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Cohen, J. M. (1965) Culture in Cuba. New Left Review (34), pp. 78–81. Cohen, J. (1969) Critical Theory: The Philosophy of Marcuse. New left Review (57), pp. 35–51. 214 Selected Bibliography

Cohen, R. C. (1972) Black Crusader: A Biography of Robert Franklin Williams. NJ: Seacaucus. Cohen-Solal, A. (1985) Sartre 1905–1980. Paris, Gallimard. Colletti, L. (1969) Power and Democracy in Socialist Society. New Left Review (56), pp. 18–26. Colletti, L. (1977) The Question of Stalin, in Blackburn, R. (ed.) Revolution and Class Struggle: A Reader in Marxist Politics. London: Fontana, pp. 164–190. Comentarios. (1964) El foro mundial de la juventud y los estudiantes. Cuba Socialista (39), pp. 111–115. Comentarios. (1965) El auge de la lucha negra norteamericana. Cuba Socialista (50), pp. 113–117. Comentarios. (1966) Las recientes luchas del estudiantado en América Latina. Cuba Socialista (63), pp. 121–127. Coser, L. A. (1965) Men of Ideas: A Sociologist’s View. New York: The Free Press. Cranston, M. (1970) The New Left: Six Essays on Che Guevara, Jean-Paul Sartre, Herbert Marcuse, Frantz Fanon, Black Power, R. D. Laing. London: The Bodley Head. Crossley, N. (2002) Making Sense of Social Movements. OUP: Buckingham. Crouzet, M. (1963) La bataille des intellectuels français. La Nef (12–13), pp. 47–65. Cubillas, V. (1961) Denuncia Williams brutalidad racial. Revolución, October 3, pp. 1 and 4. Daniel, J. (1968) Le crime des dirigeants Sovietiques. Le Nouvel Observateur, 26/08/1968, pp. 4–5. Daniel, J. (1971) Les trente-sept jours d’un poète. Le Nouvel Observateur, 3/5/71, p. 24. Danielson, R. (1979) Cuban Medicine. New Brunswick: Transaction Books. Davidson, B. (1957) Nationalism in Colonial Africa. Universities and Left Review (1), pp. 71–72. Davidson, B. (1970) The African Prospect. Socialist Register, pp. 39–50. Davidson, C. (1968) Los nuevos radicales y la multiversidad. Pensamiento Crítico (23), pp. 29–76. De Beauvoir, S. (1960) Simone de Beauvoir: Où en est la révolution cubaine? France Observateur, 7/04/1960, pp. 12–14. De la Souchere, E. (1959) Vers la guerre du sucre? France Observateur, 23/07/1959, p. 9. Debray, R. (1965) Latin America: The Long March. New Left Review (33), pp. 17–58. Debray, R. (1967a) Revolution in the Revolution?: Armed Struggle and Political Struggle in Latin America. Penguin: Harmondsworth. Debray, R. (1967b) Problems of Revolutionary Strategy in Latin America. New Left Review (45), pp. 13–41. Debray, R. (1967c) Le rôle de l’intellectuel, in Debray, R. (ed.) Essais sur l’ amérique latine. Paris: Maspero, pp. 183–189. Debray, R. (1970) Notes on Gramsci. New Left Review (59), pp. 48–52. Selected Bibliography 215

Debray, R. (1981) Teachers, Writers Celebrities: The Intellectuals of Modern France. London: New Left Books. Delannoi, G. (1984) Arguments, 1956–1962 ou la parenthèse de l’ouverture. Revue Française de Science Politique, 34(1), pp. 127–145. Delgado García, G. (1989) El sistema nacional de salud único: Su integración en Cuba (1959–1969), in Revista Cubana de Salud Pública (15), pp. 101–110. Dello Buono, R. (2007) The Redesign of Latin America: FTAA, MERCOSUR and ALBA. Critical Sociology, 33(4), pp. 767–774. Díaz, J. (1970) El Marxismo de Lenin. Pensamiento Crítico (38), pp. 6–60. Díaz, J. (2000) Cuba: El fin de una ilusión. La quiebra de “El Caimán Barbudo” y la clausura de “Pensamiento Crítico”. Claves de Razón Práctica (104), pp. 65–70. Dorticós, O. (1961) Le role des intellectuels cubains dans la révolution. Partisans (2), pp. 175–181. Dorticós, O. (1964) Conversación del compañero Dorticós con los estudiantes cubanos sobre la Conferencia de El Cairo. Cuba Socialista (39), pp. 20–25. Dorticós, O. (1968) Ante el Congreso. Revolución y Cultura (4), pp. 2–8. Draper, T. (1965) Castroism: Theory and Practice. New York: Praeger. Druard, G. (1960) URSS-USA-CUBA. Clarté, 10–11/1960 (30), pp. 7–10. Dumont, R. (1963) Castro Si, Anarchie No. France Observateur, 3/10/63, p. 10. Editorial (1957a) The New Reasoner (1), pp. 1–2. Editorial (1957b) Universities and Left Review (1), p. 1. Editorial (1959a) Lunes de Revolución, 23/03/1959 (1), pp. 1–2. Editorial (1959b) L’Observateur, 16/04/1959, p. 9. Editorial (1961a) The Siege of Cuba. New Left Review (7), pp. 1–3. Editorial (1961b) Unidad, unidad de todas las organizaciones revolucionarias contra el imperialismo. Revolución, 26/07/1961, p. 1. Editorial (1963) On Internationalism. New Left Review (18), pp. 3–4. Editorial (1965a) Pourquoi. Le Nouveau Clarté, 04/1965 (1), pp. 1–2. Editorial (1965b) Aux lecteurs de Partisans. Partisans (19), pp. 5–10. Editorial (1967a) Pensamiento Crítico (1), pp. 1–2. Editorial (1967b) Pensamiento Crítico (6), pp. 1–2. Editorial (1967c) Pensamiento Crítico (8), pp. 1–4. Editorial (1967d) Recesa la publicación de Cuba Socialista. Cuba Socialista (66), pp. 2–3. Editorial (1968) Pensamiento Crítico (21), pp. 3–4. Editorial (1968a) New Left Review (52), pp. 1–8. Editorial (1968b) Pensamiento Crítico (17), pp. 1–4. Editorial (1969) Pensamiento Crítico (25/26), pp. 4–9. Editorial (1970) Pensamiento Crítico (44), pp. 1–5. Ehrenreich, J. (1967) Fanon revisited. Monthly Review, 19(5), pp. 36–41. Ellis, C. H. (1969) The Origin, Development and Impact of the New Left in Britain. INTERDOC Conference, The Hague: International Documentation and Information Centre, pp. 35–50. Enzensberger, H. M. (1976) Portrait of a Party: Pre-history, Structure and Ideology of the PCC, in Radosh, R. (ed.) The New Cuba: Paradoxes and Potentials. New York: William Morrow, pp. 102–137. 216 Selected Bibliography

Enzensberger, H. M. (1988) Tourists of the Revolution, in Enzensberger, H. M. (ed.) Dreamers of the Absolute. London: Radius, pp. 224–252. Escalante, A. (1961) Del grito de Yara a la Declaración de la Habana. Cuba Socialista (2), pp. 1–9. Espín, V. (1961) La mujer en la Revolución Cubana. Cuba Socialista (3), pp. 59–67. Estier, C. (1966) Des Chinois à la Havane. Le Nouvel Observateur, 12/01/1966, pp. 2–3. Fagen, R. R. (1969) The Transformation of Political Culture in Cuba. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press. Fanon, F. (1967) The Wretched of the Earth. London: Penguin. Farber, S. (1983) The Cuban Communists in the Early Stages of the Cuban Revolution: Revolutionaries or Reformists? Latin American Research Review, 18(1), pp. 59–83. Fernández Retamar, R. (1967) Les intellectuels dans la révolution. Partisans (37), pp. 36–48. Fernández Retamar, R. (1995) Hacia una intelectualidad revolucionaria en Cuba, in Fernández-Retamar, R. (ed.) Para el perfil definitivo del hombre. La Habana: Editorial Letras Cubanas, pp. 91–105. Fontanellas, C. (1966) Tradición de lucha del negro norteamericano. Cuba Socialista (64), pp. 61–100. Foreman, J. (1968) Los perfiles de la traición: de Atlantic City al Poder Negro. Pensamiento Crítico (17), pp. 48–66. Fornet, A. (1971) El intelectual en la revolución, in Benedetti, M. et al. (eds.) Literatura y arte nuevo en Cuba. Barcelona: Editorial Estela, pp. 33–37. Fornet, A. (1977) The Intellectual in the Revolution, in Salkey, A. (ed.) Writing in Cuba since the Revolution. London: Bogle-L’ouverture, pp. 131–137. Fornet, A. and Campuzano, L. (2001) La revista Casa de las Américas: un proyecto continental. La Habana: Centro de Investigación de la Cultura Cubana Juan Marinello. Fornet A., Fernández Retamar, R., and Díaz, J. (1967) Nota Aclaratoria. Revolución y Cultura (3), p. 91. Fraenkel, B. (1971) Aux origines intellectuels de mai 68. Partisans (57), pp. 89–93. Franco, M., Ordunez, P., Caballero, B., et al. (2007) Impact of Energy Intake, Physical Activity, and Population-wide Weight Loss on Cardiovascular Disease and Diabetes Mortality in Cuba, 1980–2005. American Journal of Epidemiology, 166, pp. 1374–1380. Frank, A. G. (1997) The Cold War and Me. Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, 29(1), available on http://csf.colorado.edu/bcas/sympos/syfrank.htm (accessed on 28/4/2000). Frank, M. (2001) Castro Lauds Anti-Globalization Protests. Available on http://Socialist-Register.York.ca (accessed on 6/8/2001). Franqui, C. (1985) Family Portrait with Fidel. New York: Vintage Books. Fukuyama, F. (1992) The End of History and the Last Man. London: Hamish Hamilton. Selected Bibliography 217

Geismar, P. and Worsley, P. (1969) Frantz Fanon: Evolution of a Revolutionary. Monthly Review, 21(1), pp. 22–51. Geoffroy, R. (1967) L’affaire Douglas Bravo: Pour Castro, la patrie du socialisme n’est ni à Pekin ni à Moscou. Le Nouvel Observateur, 5/03/1967, p. 15. George, F. (1969) Leer a Althusser. Pensamiento Crítico (34–35), pp. 155–190. Gerassi, J. (1967) Havana: A New International is Born. Monthly Review Press, 19(5), pp. 22–35. Gerassi, J. (1968) Venceremos!: The Speeches and Writings of Ernesto Che Guevara (Proof Copy). London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson. Gitlin, T. (1987) The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage. New York: Bantam Books. Giuliano, M. (1998) El caso CEA: Intelectuales e inquisidores en Cuba. Miami: Ediciones Universal. Glass, R. (1962) Cuba Week. New Left Review (17), pp. 3–8. Gleijeses, P. (1996) Cuba’s First Venture in Africa: Algeria 1961–1965. Journal of Latin American Studies (28), pp. 159–195. Goldenberg, B. (1965) The Cuban Revolution and Latin America. London: Allen and Unwin. Goldenberg, B. (1970) The Rise and Fall of a Party: The Cuban Communist Party 1925–1959. Problems of Communism, 19(4), pp. 61–80. Goldman, L. (1966) Fanon and Black Radicalism. Monthly Review, 18(6), pp. 50–58. Goldman, P. (1975) Souvenirs obscurs d’un juif polonais né en France. Paris: Seuil. Gómez Velázquez, N. (1999) La difusión del Marxismo a través de las publicaciones periódicas cubanas entre 1959 y 1970. Doctoral Thesis. University of Havana, unpublished. González Leon, A. (1971) Le cas d’Heberto Padilla le poète, le socialisme et la liberté. Les Temps Modernes, 28(295), pp. 2325–2329. González, E. (1974) Cuba Under Castro: The Limits of Charisma. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. González, M. (1984) The Culture of the Heroic Guerrilla: The Impact of Cuba in the Sixties. Bulletin of Latin American Research, 3(2), pp. 65–76. Gorz, A. (1967) Sartre y Marx. Pensamiento Crítico (5), pp. 77–109. Gorz, A. (1968a) Castro ouvre un nouveau front. Le Nouvel Observateur, 24/01/1968, pp. 20–21. Gorz, A. (1968b) Reform and Revolution. Socialist Register, pp. 111–143. Gosse, V. (1993) Where the Boys are: Cuba, Cold War America and the Making of the New Left. London: Verso. Gott, R. (2005) Cuba: A New History. New Haven: Yale University Press. Gouldner, A. W. (1975) Prologue to a Theory of Revolutionary Intellectuals. Telos, 26(4), pp. 3–36. Gramsci, A. (1971a) The Intellectuals, in Hoare, Q. and Nowell Smith, G. (eds.) Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci. London: Lawrence and Wishart, pp. 3–23. Gramsci, A. (1971b) On Bureaucracy, in Hoare, Q. and Nowell Smith, G. (eds.) Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci. London: Lawrence and Wishart, pp. 185–190. 218 Selected Bibliography

Grigno-Dumoulin, J. (1961) Fidel Castro parle: La révolution cubaine par les textes. Paris: Maspero. Griset, A. and Kravetz, M. (1965a) De l’Algérie à la réforme Fouchet: Critique du syndicalisme étudiant (I). Les Temps Modernes (227), pp. 1880–1902. Griset, A. and Kravetz, M. (1965b) De l’Algérie à la réforme Fouchet: Critique du syndicalisme étudiant (II). Les Temps Modernes (228), pp. 2066–2088. Grobart, F. (1966) El movimiento obrero cubano de 1925 a 1933. Cuba Socialista (60), pp. 88–119. Guérin, D. (1968) Cuba-Paris. Paris: Chez l’auteur. Guevara, E. (1962) Tareas industriales de la revolución en los años venideros. Cuba Socialista (7), pp. 28–46. Guevara, E. (1963a) Guerra de guerrillas: un método. Cuba Socialista (25), pp. 1–17. Guevara, E. (1963b) Charla del Che con latinoamericanos. Revolución, 21/08/1963, p. 5. Guevara, E. (1964) Les coûts de production comme base de l’analyse économique. Partisans (15), pp. 43–48. Guevara, E. (1965) Le Socialisme et l’homme à Cuba. Partisans (23), pp. 25–36. Guevara, E. (1967) Vietnam must not Stand Alone. New Left Review (43), pp. 79–91. Guillén, N. (1962) Primeras palabras. La Gaceta de Cuba (10), pp. 2–3. Habel, J. (1991) Cuba: The Revolution in Peril. London: Verso. Hall, S. (1989) The “First” New Left: Life and Times, in Archer, R. et al. (eds.) Out of Apathy: Voices of the New Left Thirty Years On. Oxford University Socialist Discussion Group. London: Verso, pp. 1–38. Hall, S. and Fruchter, N. (1961) Notes on the Cuban Dilemma. New Left Review (9), pp. 2–12. Halliday, F. (1968) Havana and Prague. Black Dwarf, 22/09/1968, p. 4. Hamon, H. and Rotman, P. (1981) Les intellocrates: Expédition en haute intelli- gentsia. Paris: Editions Ramsay. Hamon, H. and Rotman, P. (1987) Génération: Les années de rêve. Vol. I, Paris: Seuil. Hamon, H. and Rotman, P. (1988) Génération: Les années de poudre. Vol. II, Paris: Seuil. Hansen, J. (1978) Dynamics of the Cuban Revolution: The Trotskyists’ View. New York: Pathfinder Press. Hanson, H. (1958) Britain and the Arabs. The New Reasoner (6), pp. 2–14. Harker, R., Mahar, C. and Wilkes, C. (1990) An Introduction to the Work of Pierre Bourdieu. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Harris, N. (1990) The end of the Third World: Newly Industrialising Countries and the Decline of an Ideology. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Hart, A. (1966a) La transcendencia del CLAE para el movimiento estudiantil y antiimperialista de nuestro continente. Cuba Socialista (61), pp. 2–20. Hart, A. (1966b) Una nueva generación de combatientes a la altura de la nueva sociedad en construcción. Cuba Socialista (63), pp. 27–35. Selected Bibliography 219

Hauss, C. (1978) The New Left in France: The Unified Socialist Party. London: Greenwood Press. Hazareesingh, S. (1991) Intellectuals and the French Communist Party: Disillusion and Decline. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Hennessy, A. (1993) Cuba, Western Europe and the US: An Historical Overview, in Hennessy, A. and Lambie, G. (eds.) The Fractured Blockade: West European- Cuban Relations during the Revolution. Basingstoke and London: Warwick University Caribbean Studies, Macmillan, pp. 11–63. Higgins, J. (1968) Cuba’s Cultural Congress. Monthly Review Press, 19(10), pp. 21–28. Hirsh, A. (1981) The French New Left. Boston: South End Press. Hobsbawm, E. (1960) Cuban Prospects. New Statesman, 22/11/1960, pp. 596–598. Hobsbawm, E. (1970) Guerrillas in Latin America. Socialist Register, pp. 51–62. Hobsbawm, E. (1977) Revolutionaries. London: Quartet Books. Hobsbawm, E. (1994) Age of Extremes: The Short 20th Century 1914–1991. London: Abacus. Hoffmann, B. (1997) Kuba: Die Reform vón innen, die nicht stattfand: Die Renaissance der Kubanischen Sozialwissenschaften und die Reaktion der Staatsführung-eine Sichtung neuerer Publikationen aus Kuba. PROKLA, 27(2), pp. 317–333. Holden, D. (1976) The First New Left in Britain 1954–62. PhD Thesis, University of Wisconsin-Madison. Hollander, P. (1981) Political Pilgrims: Travels of Western Intellectuals to the Soviet Union, China and Cuba 1928–1978. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Holloway, J. and Peláez, E. (1998) Zapatista! Reinventing Revolution in Mexico. London: Pluto. Holsti, O. R. (1972) Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Humanities. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press. Hourmant, F. (1997) Le désenchantement des clercs: Figures de l’ intellectuel dans l’ après-Mai 68. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes. Huberman, L. and Sweezy, P. (1960) Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution. New York and London: Monthly Review Press. Huberman, L. and Sweezy, P. (1961) La réforme agraire. Partisans (2), pp. 32–46. Huberman, L. and Sweezy, P. (1969) Socialism in Cuba. New York: Monthly Review Press. Hughes, G. (1973) The First New Left in Britain. MA Thesis, University of Keele. Isserman, M. (1993) If I had a Hammer: The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left. Illinois: University of Illinois Press. Jacobs, H. and Petras, J. (1968) Los estudiantes populistas y la sociedad corpora- tiva. Pensamiento Crítico (23), pp. 77–112. Jacoby, R. (1987) The Last Intellectuals: American Culture in the Age of Innocence. New York: Basic Books. Jalee, P. (1968) The Pillage of the Third World. New York: Monthly Review Press. Jappe, A. (1998) Guy Debord. Barcelona: Editorial Anagrama. 220 Selected Bibliography

Jennings, J. (1993) Intellectuals in Twentieth Century France: Mandarins and Samurais. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Jennings, J. and Kemp-Welch, A. (1997) Intellectuals in Politics: From the Dreyfus Affair to Salman Rushdie. London: Routledge. Johnson, D. (1966) France and the Dreyfus Affair. London: Blandford Press. Johnson, R. (1972) The French Communist Party versus the Students. New Haven: Yale University Press. Joly, D. (1990) The French Communist Party and the Algerian War. London: Macmillan. Jones, L. (1998) Home: Social Essays. New York: William Morrow. Julien, C. (1960) Cuba ou la ferveur contagieuse. Paris: Le Monde. Julien, C. (1961) La révolution cubaine. Paris: Julliard. Julien, C. (1962) M. Kennedy à deux ans pour se débarrasser du castrisme. France Observateur, 29/11/1962, p. 14. Julien, C. (1963a) Sept heures avec M. Fidel Castro (I). Le Monde, 22/03/1963, pp. 1–2. Julien, C. (1963b) Sept heures avec M. Fidel Castro (II). Le Monde, 23/03/1963, pp. 1–5. Juventud Rebelde (2001) Cuba los apoya y los abraza. Juventud Rebelde, 21/4/2001, p. 1. Kapcia, A. (1992) The Cuban Revolution in Crisis. London: Research Institute for the Study of Conflict and Terrorism. Kapcia, A. (1993) Western European Influences on Cuban Revolutionary Thought, in Hennessy, A. and Lambie, G. (eds.) The Fractured Blockade: West European-Cuban Relations during the Revolution. London: Macmillan, pp. 64–99. Kapcia, A. (1995) Political Change in Cuba: Before and After the Exodus. London: Institute of Latin American Studies (Occasional Papers No. 9). Kapcia, A. (2000) Cuba: Island of Dreams. Oxford and New York: Berg. Karol, K. S. (1971) Guerrillas in Power: The Course of the Cuban Revolution. New York: Hill and Wang. Karol, K. S. (1975) Where Castro Went Wrong, in Goodsell, J. N. (ed.) Fidel Castro’s Personal Revolution in Cuba: 1959–1973. New York: Alfred Knopf, pp. 314–319. Katsiaficas, G. (1987) The Imagination of the New Left: A Global Analysis of 1968. Massachusetts: South End Press. Kellner, D. (1984) Herbert Marcuse and the Crisis of Marxism. Basingstoke: Macmillan. Kenner, M. and Petras, J. (1972) Fidel Castro Speaks. Harmondsworth: Pelican Latin American Library. Kenny, M. (1995) The First New Left: British Intellectuals after Stalin. London: Lawrence and Wishart. Khilnani, S. (1993) Arguing Revolution: The Intellectual Left in Post-War France. New Haven: Yale University Press. Kiernan, V. G. (1969) Notes on the Intelligentsia. Socialist Register, pp. 55–84. Kiernan, V. G. (1972) Gramsci and Marxism. Socialist Register, pp. 1–33. Selected Bibliography 221

King, J. (1990) Cuban Cinema: A Reel Revolution?, in Gillespie, R. (ed.) Cuba After Thirty Years. London: Frank Cass, pp. 140–160. Klein, N. (2007) The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism. Allen Lane: The Penguin Press. Kolakowski, L. (1971) Althusser’s Marx. Socialist Register, pp. 111–128. Krassó, N. (1968) Crítica del Marxismo de Trotsky. Pensamiento Crítico (13), pp. 131–160. Kravetz, M. (1964) Naissance d’un syndicalisme étudiant. Les Temps Modernes (213), pp. 1447–1475. Lacoste, I. (1985) Du Tiersmondisme à l’anti-tiersmondisme. L’autre Journal (May), pp. 94–101. Lairet, G. (1965) Una nueva etapa en la lucha armada de Venezuela. Cuba Socialista (47), pp. 68–84. Lambie, G. (1993) De Gaulle’s France and the Cuban Revolution, in Hennessy, A. and Lambie, G. (eds.) The Fractured Blockade: West European-Cuban Relations during the Revolution. Basingstoke and London: Warwick University Caribbean Studies, Macmillan, pp. 197–233. Landau, S. (1961) Cuba: The Present Reality. New Left Review (9), pp. 12–22. Layder, D. (1994) Understanding Social Theory. London: Sage. Lenin, V. I. (1966) Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism. 13th ed. Moscow: Progress Publishers. Lenin, V. I. (1971) What is to Be Done?: Burning Questions of Our Movement. New York: International Publishers. Lentin, A-P. (1965a) La reconstrucción del FLN y la lucha por el socialismo en Argelia. Cuba Socialista (42), pp. 63–73. Lentin, A-P. (1965b) Le rendez-vous des trois continents. Le Nouvel Observateur, 29/12/1965, p. 14. Lentin, A-P. (1967a) Le second front du socialisme. Le Nouvel Observateur, 17/05/1967, pp. 12–13. Lentin, A-P. (1967b) La victoire de Guevara. Le Nouvel Observateur, 18/10/1967, p. 25. Leogrande, W. (1982) Foreign Policy: The Limits of Success, in Dominguez, J. (ed.) Cuba: Internal and International Affairs. Beverly Hills: Sage, pp. 167–192. Leon, R. (1963) El pueblo venezolano en el camino de la victoria. Cuba Socialista (25), pp. 55–73. Liauzu, C. (1986) Le Tiersmondisme des intellectuels en accusation: Le sens d’une trajectoire. Vingtième Siècle (12), pp. 73–80. Light, R. E. and Marzani, C. (1961) La réaction américaine. Partisans (2), pp. 97–106. Lowy, M. (1970) The Marxism of Che Guevara. New York: Monthly Review Press. Lukacs, G. (1970) La conciencia de clase. Pensamiento Crítico (41), pp. 148–197. Luxemburgo, R. (1967) Programa para la revolución. Pensamiento Crítico (11), pp. 129–157. Lyons, P. (1976) Cuba and the New Left, in Radosh, R. (ed.) The New Cuba: Paradoxes and Potentials. New York: William Morrow, pp. 211–246. 222 Selected Bibliography

Magee, B. (1982) Men of Ideas: Some Creators of Contemporary Philosophy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Magri, L. (1970) Problems of the Marxist Theory of the Revolutionary Party. New Left Review (60), pp. 93–128. Maier, J. and Weatherhead, R. (1979) The Latin American University. Alburquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Maitan, L. (1970) Cuba Si!. Rouge, 16/11/1970 (88), p. 12. Mallet, S. (1975) The New Working Class. Nottingham: Spokesman Books. Mannheim, K. (1991) Ideology and Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge. London and New York: Routledge. Marcuse, H. (1964) One Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Marcuse, H. (1965) Industrialisation and Capitalism. New Left Review (30), pp. 3–17. Marcuse, H. (1966a) Le viellissement de la psychanalyse. Partisans (32–33), pp. 7–20. Marcuse, H. (1966b) Sommes-nous déjà des hommes? Partisans (28), pp. 21–28. Marcuse, H. (1967) The Question of Revolution. New Left Review (45), pp. 3–8. Marcuse, H. (1968a) Art as a Form of Reality. New Left Review (74), pp. 51–58. Marcuse, H. (1968b) Théorie des pulsion et répression. Partisans (43), pp. 11–26. Marcuse, H. (1968c) Max Weber: Racionalidad y Capitalismo. Pensamiento Crítico (20), pp. 146–164. Marcuse, H. (1969a) An Essay on Liberation. London: Allen Lane. Marcuse, H. (1969b) Re-examination of the Concept of Revolution. New Left Review (56), pp. 27–34. Marcuse, H. (1969c) La tolerancia represiva. Pensamiento Crítico (24), pp. 212–240. Marr, G. (1959) Postcript on Cyprus. Universities and Left Review (6), pp. 56–57. Marshall, P. (1987) Cuba Libre: Breaking the Chains? London: Unwin Paperbacks. Martin, W. (1967) Donde está la izquierda americana? Pensamiento Crítico (2–3), pp. 195–210. Martínez Heredia, F. (1967) El ejercicio de pensar. El Caimán Barbudo (11), pp. 2–5. Martínez Heredia, F. (1970a) Althusser y el Marxismo. Pensamiento Crítico (36), pp. 210–215. Martínez Heredia, F. (1970b) Marx y el origen del Marxismo. Pensamiento Crítico (41), pp. 10–47. Masi, E. (1971) Sur l’ autocontestation des intellectuels. Les Temps Modernes (295), pp. 1379–1400. Maspero, F. (1966) La conférence tricontinentale. Partisans (26–27), pp. 95–100. Maspero, F. (1967) Une arme efficace, l’OLAS. Partisans (38), pp. 159–166. McLellan, D. (1999) Then and Now: Marx and Marxism. Political Studies, 47(5), pp. 955–966. Selected Bibliography 223

McMillian, J. and Buhle, P. (eds. 2003) The New Left Revisited. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Meiksins Wood, E. (1995) A Chronology of the New Left and its Successors or: Who is Old-Fashioned Now?, in Panitch, L. (ed.) Why not Capitalism: The Socialist Register. London: The Merlin Press, pp. 22–49. Melucci, A. (1986) Nomads of the Present. London: Radius. Mesa-Lago, C. (1972a) Ideological, Political, and Economic Factors in the Cuban Controversy on Material versus Moral Incentives. Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, 14(1), pp. 49–111. Mesa-Lago, C. (1972b) Revolutionary Morality? Society (9), pp. 70–76. Mesa-Lago, C. (1974) Cuba in the 1970s: Pragmatism and Institutionalisation. 1st ed. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Mesa-Lago, C. (1981) The Economy of Socialist Cuba. Albuquerque: University of Mexico Press. Miller, J. (1987) Democracy is in the Streets: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago. New York: Simon and Shuster. Miliband, R. (1962) C. Wright Mills. New Left Review (15), pp. 15–20. Miliband, R. (1967) Vietnam and Western Socialism. Socialist Register, pp. 11–25. Miliband, R. (1970) Lenin’s “The State and Revolution.” Socialist Register, pp. 309–340. Miliband, R. (1994) Thirty Years of the Socialist Register. Socialist Register, pp. 1–19. Miliband, R. and Saville, J. (1964) Editorial. Socialist Register, p. 4. Mills, C. W. (1959) The Causes of World War III. The New Reasoner (9), pp. 123–125. Mills, C. W. (1960a) Castro’s Cuba: The Revolution in Cuba. London: Secker and Warburg. Mills, C. W. (1960b) Letter to the New Left. New Left Review (5), pp. 18–23. Miná, G. (1987) Un encuentro con Fidel. La Habana: Oficina de publicaciones del consejo de estado. Minogue, K. (1970) Che Guevara, in Cranston, M. (ed.) The New Left: Six Essays on Che Guevara, Jean-Paul Sartre, Herbert Marcuse, Frantz Fanon, Black Power, R.D. Laing. London: The Bodley Head, pp. 17–50. Montaner, A. (1976) Informe secreto sobre la revolución cubana. Madrid: Sedmay. Monthly Review (1966) Review of the Month: The Strategy of Armed Struggle. Monthly Review, 18(4), pp. 1–5. Monthly Review (1967) The Latin American Revolution: A new Phase. Monthly Review, 18(9), pp. 1–20. Monthly Review (1968a) Reflections on the French Upheaval. Monthly Review, 20(4), pp. 1–13. Monthly Review (1968b) Problems of the Student Movement. Monthly Review, 20(7), pp. 1–6. Morray, J-P. (1961) Le grand tournant cubain I. Partisans (2), pp. 107–138. Muchnik, N. (1981) Le Nouvel Observateur: Temoin de l’histoire. Paris: Belford. 224 Selected Bibliography

Muchnik, N. (1984) De Sartre à Foucault: vingt ans de grands entretiens dans le Nouvel Observateur. Paris: Hachette. Mulhern, F. (1981) Teachers, Writers, Celebrities: Intelligentsias and their Histories. New Left Review (126), pp. 43–59. New Left Review (1967) Interview with Jean Paul Sartre on the War Crimes Tribunal: Imperialist Morality. New Left Review (41), pp. 3–10. Newton, H. (1968) Para ser nacionalista revolucionario se debe ser socialista. Pensamiento Crítico (17), pp. 108–126. Nizan, P. (1971) The Watchdogs. New York: Monthly Review Press. Nugent, N. and Lowe, D. (1982) The Left in France. London: Macmillan. Oelgart, B. (1970) Idéologues et idéologies de la nouvelle gauche. Paris: Union Générale d’Editions. Ory, P. (1990) Qu’est-ce qu’un intellectuel?, in Ory, P. (ed.) Dernières questions aux intelectuels. Paris: Olivier Orban, pp. 9–50. Ory, P. and Sirinelli, J-F. (1986) Les intellectuels en France; de l’Affaire Dreyfus à nos jours. Paris: Armand Colin. Otero, L. (1986) El tiempo de Revolución y Cultura. Revolución y Cultura (11), pp. 7–8. Otero, L. (1999) Llover sobre mojado: Memorias de un intelectual cubano (1957–1997). Mexico: Editorial Planeta. Paris, R. (1965) Gramsci. Partisans (19), pp. 16–23. Paris, R. (1970) Des inédits de Gramsci (1915–1921). Les Temps Modernes (283), pp. 1286–1293. Partisans (1966) La dissolution du Secteur letres de la Union des Etudiants Communistes. Partisans (28), pp. 50–54. Partisans (1968) Les comités d’action. Partisans (42), pp. 237–238. Patomaki, H. and Teivainen, T. (2004) The world social forum: An open space or a movement of movements? Theory, Culture & Society, 21(6), pp. 145–154 Peredo, I. (1968) Guerrilla Warfare in Bolivia is not Dead; it has just begun. New Left Review (51), pp. 78–87. Pérez, L. A. (1995) Cuba: Between Reform & Revolution. New York: OUP. Pérez Stable, M. (1993) The Cuban Revolution: Origins, Course, and Legacy. New York: Oxford University Press. Pinto, L. (1984) L’intelligence en action: le Nouvel Observateur. Paris: A-M Métaillé. Polac, M. (1994) Zola: J’accuse. Paris: Editions de Minuit. Poperen, J. (1972) La gauche française: Le nouvel âge 1958–1965. Paris: Fayard. Portuondo, J. A. (1964) Los intelectuales y la revolución. Cuba Socialista (34), pp. 51–64. Quintela, C. (1962) La juventud cubana y la revolución. Cuba Socialista (8), pp. 25–38. Radosh, R. (1976) The Cuban Revolution and Western Intellectuals: A Personal Report, in Radosh, R. (ed.) The New Cuba: Paradoxes and Potentials. New York: William Morrow, pp. 37–55. Raymond, P. (1965) Tribune: Après le VIIIe congrès de l’UEC. Partisans (20), pp. 69–74. Selected Bibliography 225

Reader, K. (1993) The May 1968 Events in France: Reproductions and Interpretations. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Red Mole (1971) Cuba: A Necessary Balance Sheet. Red Mole, 15/06/1971, pp. 8–9. Reitan, R. (1999) The Rise and Decline of an Alliance: Cuba and African American Leaders in the 1960s. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press. Revueltas, J. (1971) La lettre de Padilla et les déclarations de Fidel. Les Temps Modernes, 28(295), pp. 2322–2324. Rex, J. (1957) Africa’s National Congresses. The New Reasoner (2), pp. 56–64. Rex, J. (1959a) Labour’s Task in Central Africa. Universities and Left Review (6), pp. 7–11. Rex, J. (1959b) The Meaning of the Accra Conferences. The New Reasoner (9), pp. 84–98. Rex, J. (1964) CND’s Political Influence. Views (4), pp. 131–134. Rioux, L. (1982) L’Observateur: Des bons et des mauvais jours. Paris: Hachette. Roca, B. (1964) El desarrollo histórico de la Revolución cubana. Cuba Socialista (29), pp. 8–27. Rochdi, N-E. (1991) Vingt ans de politique culturelle de la revue cubaine Casa de las Américas (1960–1980). PhD Thesis, La Sorbonne, Paris. Rodríguez, C. R. (1979) Cuba en el tránsito al socialismo, Editora política, La Habana. Rojo, R. (1968) Che Guevara: Vie et mort d’un ami. Paris: Seuil. Rosquette Pulido, I. and Moreno Ballesteros, R. (1992) Orbita de Lunes: Aproximaciones para un estudio del magazine Lunes de Revolución (1959–1961). Tesis de Postgrado. Facultad de Comunicación Social, Universidad de la Habana. Ross, D. (1961) The Belgrade Conference. New Left Review (12), pp. 12–17. Ross, G. (1990) Intellectuals Against the Left: The Case of France, in Miliband, R. and Panitch, L. (eds.) The Retreat of the Intellectuals: Socialist Register. London: The Merlin Press, pp. 201–227. Ross, G. (1991) French Intellectuals from Sartre to Soft Ideology, in Lemert, C. (ed.) Intellectuals and Politics: Social Theory in a Changing World. London: Sage, pp. 47–73. Rossanda, R. (1968) Problemas de una cultura revolucionaria. Revolución y Cultura (5), pp. 7–73 Rouge (1968) Tchecoslovaquie: La voie soviétique au socialisme. Rouge, 18/09/1969 (1), pp. 6–7. Roy, C. (1966) Du culte de Staline à l’idolâtrie de Mao. Le Nouvel Observateur, 16/11/1966, pp. 18–21. RSSF (1969) Manifesto-Document. New Left Review (53), pp. 21–23. Russell, B. (1967) Mensaje a los pueblos del mundo. Pensamiento Crítico (4), pp. 5–9. Ryan, A. (1988) Bertrand Russell: A Political Life. London: Allen Lane. Said, E. W. (1994) Representations of the Intellectual: The 1993 Reith Lectures. London: Vintage. Salkey, A. (1971) Havana Journal. Harmondsworth: Penguin. 226 Selected Bibliography

Santana, S. (1987) The Cuban Health Care System: Responsiveness to Changing Population Needs and Demands. World Development, 15(1), pp. 115–129. Sartre, J-P. (1957) Is this the Time? The New Reasoner (1), pp. 87–97. Sartre, J-P. (1961) Sartre on Cuba. New York: Ballantine Books. Sartre, J-P. (1967) De Nuremberg a Estocolmo: Algunas reflexiones sobre el Tribunal Russell y su legitimidad. Tricontinental, 1(3), pp. 7–20. Sartre, J-P. (1968) El intelectual frente a la revolución. Pensamiento Crítico (21), pp. 191–206. Sartre, J-P. (1969a) El movimiento estudiantil: una crítica radical de la sociedad. Pensamiento Crítico (25/6), pp. 278–293. Sartre, J-P. (1969b) The Itinerary of a Thought, interview with New Left Review. New Left Review (58), pp. 43–66. Sartre, J-P. (1974) Between Existentialism and Marxism. London: New Left Books. Sarusky, J. (1997) Sartre en Cuba. Revolución y Cultura (5), pp. 12–17. Saville, J. (1976) The XXth Congress and the British Communist Party. Socialist Register, pp. 1–23. Saville, J. and Thompson, E. P. (1958) Beyond the Bomb. The New Reasoner (4), pp. 1–2. Scammell, M. (1972) Cuba, Revolution and the Intellectual: The Strange Case of Heberto Padilla. Index on Censorship, 1(2), pp. 65–134. Schalk, D. (1991) War and the Ivory Tower: Algeria and Vietnam. New York: Oxford University Press. Schalk, D. (1997) Are Intellectuals a Dying Species?: War and the Ivory Tower in the Postmodern Age, in Jennings, J. and Kemp-Welch, A. (eds.) Intellectuals in Politics: From the Dreyfus Affair to Salman Rushdie. London: Routledge, pp. 271–285. Seale, B. (1969) Luchamos contra el sistema, no por un racismo negro. Pensamiento Crítico (30), pp. 225–238. Sedgwick, P. (1966) Natural Science and Human Theory: A Critique of Herbert Marcuse. Socialist Register, pp. 163–192. Sedgwick, P. (1976) The Two New Lefts, in Widgery, D. (ed.) The Left in Britain (1956–1968). Harmondsworth: Penguin, pp. 131–153. Sen, J. (2007) The World Social Forum as an Emergent Learning Process. Futures, 39, pp. 505–522. Shepherd, A. (1995) La nouvelle gauche en Grande Bretagne (1956–1970). Thèse de Doctorat d’État (Vols. I–III) Université de Paris III. Sigal, S. (1991) Intelectuales y poder en la década del 60. Buenos Aires: Punto Sur editores. Silverman, B. (1971) Man and Socialism in Cuba: The Great Debate. New York: Atheneum. Smith, J. (2004) The World Social Forum and the Challenges of Global Democracy. Global Networks 4(4), pp. 413–421. Sorum, P. (1977) Intellectuals and Decolonization in France. Chapel Hill: The University of Carolina Press. Selected Bibliography 227

Soto, L. (1967) Lo importante es que desarrollemos nuestro camino. Cuba Socialista (65), pp. 37–61. Sprinzak, E. (1976) France: The Radicalisation of the New Left, in Kolinsky, M. and Paterson, W. E. (eds.) Social and Political Movements in Western Europe. London: Croom Helm, pp. 275–301. Stedman Jones, G., Barnett, A. and Wengraf, T. (1967) Student Power: What is to be Done? New Left Review (43), pp. 3–10. Suchlicki, J. (1969) University Students and Revolution in Cuba 1920–1968. Coral Gables: University of Miami Press. Szulc, T. (1986) Fidel, a Critical Portrait. New York: William Morrow. Szymanski, A. (1985) Crisis and Vitalisation in Marxist Theory. Science and Society 49(3), pp. 13–36. Talia, C. (1967) Comenzó ya la revolución en Estados Unidos. Bohemia, August 18, p. 5. Tarrow, S. (1998) Power in Movement. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Teivanen, T. (2002) The World Social Forum and Global Democratisation: Learning from Porto Alegre. Third World Quarterly, 23(4), pp. 621–632. Teodori, M. (1970) The New Left: A Documentary History. London: Jonathan Cape. Terán, O. (1991) Nuestros años sesentas: La formación de la nueva izquierda intelec- tual en la Argentina 1955–1966. Buenos Aires: Punto Sur editores. Therborn, G. (1968) From Petrograd to Saigon. New Left Review (48), pp. 3–11. Therborn, G. A. (1970) Critique of the Frankfurt School. New Left Review (63), pp. 65–96. Thomas, H. (1971) Cuba or the Pursuit of Freedom. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode. Thompson, E. P. (1957) Socialist Humanism: An Epistle to the Philistines. The New Reasoner (1), pp. 105–143. Thompson, E. P. (1958) Nato, Neutralism and Survival. Universities and Left Review (4), pp. 49–51. Thompson, E. P. (1959) The New Left. The New Reasoner (9), pp. 1–17. Thompson, E. P. (1978) The Poverty of Theory and Other Essays. London: The Merlin Press. Tilly, C. (1978) From Mobilisation to Revolution. Reading: Addison-Wesley. Touraine, A. (1981) The Voice and the Eye. New York: Cambridge University Press. Triesman, D. (1969) The Impermanent Stronghold. New Left Review (53), pp. 33–37. Umezaki, T. (2007) Breaking Through the Cane-curtain: The Cuban Revolution and the Emergence of New York’s Radical Youth 1961–1965. The Japanese Journal of American Studies, 18, pp. 187–207. Veitía Leon, H. (1996) El pensamiento hereje: Institucionalización y crisis: Una aproximación a las ciencias sociales de los 60. Doctoral Thesis. University of Havana, unpublished. 228 Selected Bibliography

Verde Olivo (1971) Declaración del Primer Congreso de Cultura. Verde Olivo (19), 09/05/1971, pp. 3–7, 51–66. Verdes-Leroux, J. (1989) La lune et le caudillo: Le rêve des intellectuels et le régime cubain (1959–1971). Paris: Gallimard. Vickers, G. (1975) The Formation of the New Left. New York: Lexington Books. Vidal-Naquet, P. (1965) L’impossible histoire du PCF. Partisans (20), pp. 5–15. Vincent, J-M. (1968) The PCF and its History. New Left Review (52), pp. 39–46. Wadia, K. (1986) The French Communist Party and the Question of “Intellectual Workers”: The Crisis of Social Ideology. PhD Thesis, Aston University. Ware, G. (1967) Poder negro y revolución. Pensamiento Crítico (8), pp. 3–14. Warren, B. (1980) Imperialism: Pioneer of Capitalism. London: Verso. Weiss, J. A. (1977) Casa de las Américas: An Intellectual Review in the Cuban Revolution. Madrid: Castalia estudios de hispanofilia. Wengraf, T. (1964) Review on Socialist Register (Review). New Left Review (26), pp. 90–93. Wengraf, T. (1979) An Essay on the Early New Left Review. MA Thesis, University of Birmingham. Widgery, D. (1976) The left in Britain 1956–1968. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Wilcox, J. (1969) Two Tactics. New Left Review (53), pp. 23–32. Williams, R. (1968) May Day Manifesto. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Williams, R. (1979) Politics and Letters: Interviews with the New Left Review. London: Verso. Woddis, J. (1972) New Theories of Revolution: A Commentary on the Views of Frantz Fanon, Régis Debray and Herbert Marcuse. London: Lawrence and Wishart. Worsley, P. (1957) The Anatomy of Mau Mau. The New Reasoner (1), pp. 13–24. Worsley, P. (1961) Revolution in the Third World. New Left Review (12), pp. 18–25. Worsley, P. (1964) The Third World: A Vital Force in International Affairs. London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson. Worsley, P. (1989) Non-Alignment and the New Left, in Archer, R. et al. (eds.) Out of Apathy: Voices of the New Left Thirty Years On. Oxford University Socialist Discussion Group. London: Verso, pp. 88–94. Worton, M. and Still, J. (1990) Intertextuality: Theories and Practices. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Young, C. (2001) Havana Up in Harlem: LeRoi Jones, Harold Cruse and the Making of a Cultural Revolution. Science and Society, 65(1), pp. 12–38. Young, N. (1977) An Infantile Disorder?: The Crisis and Decline of the New Left London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Zeitlin, M. (1970) Cuba: Revolution without a Blueprint, in Horowitz, I. L. (ed.) Cuban Communism. New Brunswick: Transaction Books, pp. 199–210. Index

activists 3, 47, 63, 67–9, 71–2, 110, Arenal, Humberto 34, 192 114, 121, 136, 149, 157, 176, Argentinian New Left 9 179, 188 Arguments, see journals and periodical activists versus intellectuals 2, 3, publications 5, 8, 13, 15, 47, 54, 58, 71, Arrighi, Giorghi 131, 199 162, 165, 185 Arrufat, Antón 34, 75 Afro-Asian Solidarity Congress Aube, Thierry 205 (1965) 118, 202 Auténticos 30 agency 7, 65, 114, 151, 162 Aldermaston 1, 51 Bandung Conference (1955) 113, Algeria 24 119, 135, 138, 147, 179 Algerian War 4, 14, 35, 51, 70, 77, Baragaño, Jose Antonio 34 85–6, 106, 108, 116, 123, 178 Baran, Paul 155 support for Algeria 6, 110, Barrat-Brown, Michael 85, 92, 114–15, 179 136–7, 139–40 Ali, Tariq 100, 197 Barrat, Robert 109 Allende, Salvador 123 Batista, Fulgencio 29–30, 68 Alonso, Aurelio 40, 172 Batistianos 22, 38 Alternativa Bolivariana para las “Battle of ideas” 1, 15, 59, 175 Américas (ALBA) 59, 186 “Battle of Seattle” 186, 189 Althusser, Louis 39, 42, 53, 93, Bay of Pigs 63, 71 159–62, 171 Belgrade Conference (1961) 96 For Marx (book) 160–1 Benda, Julien 144 Alvarez, Santiago 27, 198 Berlin Wall 183 see also Now!! Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation Amin, Samir 140 (BRPF) 99 anarchism 51, 65 Bettelheim, Charles 73 Anderson, Perry 48, 91, 95, 100 Birbaum, Norman 199 anti-globalization movement 15–16, black activists 76, 78, 166, 196 176, 186–7 black Americans 67, 77–9 anti-imperialism 21, 31, 73, 81, 92, 98 Blackburn, Robin 48, 91, 95, 100, anti-imperialist ideology 35–6, 52 199, 201, 204 “Appeal of Havana” 42 Black Dwarf, see journals and Arana Larrea, Luis 193 periodical publications see also Raúl Cepero Bonilla black exiles 70 230 Index black intellectuals 74, 79 United Nations meeting 69 black liberation movement 57, U.S. tour (1959) 31, 68–9, 112 66–7, 71, 74, 78–9, 81, 164, 180 and young people 28, 76 black nationalist culture 70, 80 Castro, Raúl 114 Black Panthers 66, 74, 80, 198 Castro, Roland 114 Black Power 79 see also journals and periodical black writers 35, 69 publications, La cause du Blanc, Christian 114 peuple Blanco, Juan Antonio 172 Centre d’action démocratique Bolivia 58, 100, 119–20, 143, (CAD) 107 185–6, 204 Centro de Estudios sobre América Bosquet, Michel 202 (CEA) 188 see also Gorz, André Chaliand, G`erard 115, 131, 134 Bourdet, Claude 49, 106–7, 113, 116 Chávez, Armando 193 Bourdieu, Pierre 9–12, 190 Chávez, Hugo 58, 186 capital 9–11 Chile 104, 123, 180, 185 field 9–12, 14, 48, 56 China 7, 53, 70, 141, 147 habitus 9–10, 48–9, 56 Maoism 51, 101, 118 Bravo, Douglas 141, 189 Mao Tse Tung 56, 70 Breton, André 117 Chomsky, Noam 208 Browder, Earl 30 Christian Left 85, 106, 108, 110, Brown, Rap 79 113, 115, 123 Buchanan, Keith 131 CIA 24 Bukharin, Nikolai 23 Ciclón, see journals and periodical Burchett, Wilfred 131 publications civil rights movement 2, 14, 48, 49, Cabrera Infante, Guillermo 34, 36 63–4, 66–71, 77–9, 163, Camellos 184 179–80, 185 Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament armed self-defense 70 (CND) 1–2, 51, 89, 91, 98, radicalization of 77–9 207–8 civil society 186–7 Campamento cinco de mayo 121, 205 Clarté, see journals and periodical Camus, Albert 35 publications Carmichael, Stokely 79 class 31, 57, 109 Carrillo, Santiago 129 class struggle 101 Casa de las Américas, see journals and dominant class 158 periodical publications middle class 63, 65 Castoriadis, Cornelius 52 universal class 151, 154, 156–7, Castro brothers 38, 182 159, 161–2, 164 Castro, Fidel 1, 3, 7, 24–5, 31, 50, working class 29, 31, 64, 66, 74, 56, 68, 74, 96, 118, 120, 122, 107, 116, 154, 158, 161, 164, 141, 172, 184 166, 170, 173, 181 History will absolve me Claudín, Fernando 109 (book) 26, 95 see also Spanish diaspora Palabras a los intelectuales 37, 167 Cleaver, Eldridge 79 tour of the Third World 187 Coates, Ken 100–1 Index 231

Cohn-Bendit, Daniel 204 cross-fertilization of ideas 5, 8, 9, Cold War 3, 20, 30, 72, 90, 96, 188 12, 48, 120 bipolar division of the world 20, Cruse, Harold 64, 69–71, 79 72, 179 Cuadernos de Ruedo Ibérico, see Colleti, Lucio 160 journals and periodical Colonial Conflicts 50, 52, 55, 86, publications 111, 131, 137, 139, 146, 178–9 Cuba Combat 106 and Algerian collaboration 4, 112 see also journals and periodical Angolan intervention 182 publications and the anti-globalization Comecon 44 movement 15–16, 59 Comintern 29 art and culture 11, 27, 35 Comité d’action des intellectuels Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution contre la guerre d’Algérie 110 (Book) 71, 197, see also Comités de Defensa de la Revolución Sweezy, Paul; Huberman, Leo (CDR) 33 Cuban-American community 183 Committee of 91, 100 Cuban cinema 27, 198, see also see also Campaign for Nuclear Alvarez, Santiago Disarmament (CND) Cuban Communism 20, 29–33 Communist parties (‘Old’ Left) 51, Cuban Communist Party 29–30 53–4, 56, 74, 105, 107, 109, Cuban Constitution of 1940 30 113, 128, 136, 138, 141 Cuban economic development Communist Party of Great Britain 22–5, 27, 31, 35, 41, 44, 183 (CPGB) 50 Cuban exiles 70 Communist Party of the Soviet Union Cuban ideological unorthodoxy (CPSU) 19, 49–50 4, 20, 44 Communist Party of the USA Cuban ideology 2, 7, 15, 43, (CPUSA) 30, 49, 64, 67 58, 72, 77 Confédération Francaise démocratique Cuban intellectual field 11, 14, du travail (CFDT) 116 34, 36 Congress of Culture and Education Cuban intellectuals 4, 7, 10, (1961) 37 34–6, 38–9, 75, 77 Congress of Culture and Education Cubanista 28 (1971) 6, 44 “Cuban way” 41, 183 Congress for Racial Equality Cuba’s heresy 45, 72 (CORE) 78 education 26–28, see also Literacy consumerism 64, 88 Campaign Cordón de la Habana 24 Ethiopian intervention 182 see also Havana, Havana greenbelt foreign policy 21–5, 73–4, 182 Correa, Rafael 186 health 26–7 Cortázar, Juan 109 neutralism 69 see also Spanish diaspora and the New Left 2–5, 7–8, Couret, Bernard 131 13, 33–44, 47, 49, 53, 55, Critique of Dialectical Reason (Book) 57, 63–4, 67–71, 111, 155 128, 180 see also Sartre, Jean Paul peaceful transition to socialism 25 232 Index

Cuba (Continued ) Della Volpe, Galvano 93 quality of life 27, 182 Dellinger, Dave 50, 67 revolutionary strategy 25, 40, 42, Dependency Theory 140 73–4, 79, see also Guevara, Desnoes, Edmundo 35, 172 Ernesto, guerrilla strategy Díaz, Jesús 172 and the Third World 5–6, 57, dictatorship of intellectuals 162–5 135–48 see also Marcuse, Herbert, and Cuban Revolution intellectuals and China 195 direct democracy 33, 97, 113, 200 economic debate 23, 24 Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil humanist 24 (DRE) 31 ideology free 113 Dissent 88 Marxist-Leninist 20, 24 see also journals and periodical national identity 22 publications radicalization 47, 72–3, 78 Dorticós, Osvaldo 43 relations with the U.S. 31, 67–71 Dreyfus affair 109, 201 Sartre’s visit 34, 113 Duclos, Jacques 30 socialization of the economy 22 Dumont, René 23 “special period” 183 and students 28, 38, 49, 76 Eastern Bloc 6, 27, 37, 54 utopian destiny 21 Eastern European model of socialism Cuba Socialista, see journals and 21, 27, 32 periodical publications École Normale Superieure (ENS) 118 Cultural Congress (1968) 42–3 Economic Commission for Latin cultural power 36, 52, 59 America (ECLA) 140 cycles of contention 59 Ecuador 186 Cyprus 86 Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) 185 Davis, A. 81 El Caimán Barbudo, see journals and De Beauvoir, Simone 2, 5, 34, 69, periodical publications 110, 113, 119 El Salvador 3 Debray, R`egis 2, 14, 25, 100, 118, The End of History 143 133, 178 Engels, Friedrich 161 and Bolivia 74, 119 Escalante Affair 32 foco theory of revolution 74, Escalante, Aníbal 32, 206 100, 170 Escuelas de Instrucción and the intellectual 120, 141, Revolucionaria (EIR) 38 171, 210 Escuelas del Partido 44 Revolution in the Revolution? (book) Esprit, see journals and periodical 25, 74, 160, 170, 204 publications theory of revolution 74, 103, European Economic Community 141–2, 170 (EEC) 137 Decolonization 26, 65, 132, 139, Evergreen Review 14, 70 175, 179 existentialism 35 de Gaulle, Charles 4, 85–6, 107, 108 existentialist Marxism 87, 111 de la Uz, Félix 40 see also Merleau-Ponty, Merleau Index 233

Fair Play for Cuba Campaign (FPCC) German-Soviet Pact (1939) 49, 63, 67–72, 74–5 29, 107 fair trade 137 Gibson, Richard 69 Fanon, Frantz 39, 74, 79, 97, 111, Girón 37 115, 129 global battle of ideas 59, 175 Federación de Estudiantes global civil society 59, 187 Universitarios (FEU) 39, 97 global definition of the New Federación de Mujeres Cubanas Left 54–8 (FMC) 33 globalization 15, 58–9, 175–7, fellow traveler 7, 56 185–8 Fernández, Pablo Armando 34 global New Left 176, 180 Fernández Retamar, Roberto 35, 172 global revolution 131, 134, 146 Fifth Republic 107 global social justice movement Firk, Mich`ele 114, 120, 204 58–9, 186 Foreman, James 79–80 global social movements 59, 65, Fornet, Ambrosio 172, 182 176, 186–7 Fourth International 102, 122–3 global south 59, 141, 177 Fourth Republic 85, 107 Goldman, Lucien 52 France Observateur, see journals and Goldman, Pierre 205 periodical publications Gorbachev, Mikhail 183 Francos, Ania 112 Gorz, André 117, 120, 133 Frankfurt School 93, 162 Goytisolo, Juan 109 Franqui, Carlos 34, 36, 192 see also Spanish diaspora Free Speech Movement, Berkeley 66 Gramsci, Antonio 15, 42, 93, Free Trade Area of the Americas 160–1, 164, 166, 209 (FTAA) 59 and intellectuals 157–9 Front de Libération Nationale Ordine Nuovo 166 (FLN) 109 organic intellectual 157–9 Front universitaire antifasciste Prison Notebooks (book) 157 (FUA) 110 traditional intellectual 157–9 Fruchter, Norman 50, 97 Great Debate 22–3, 41 Fukuyama, Francis 185 Grobart, Fabio 206 Guantánamo 71, 96 García Buchaca, Edith 192 The Guardian 73 Gauche Proletari`enne 204 see also journals and periodical see also journals and periodical publications publications Guatemala Gauchisme 12, 51, 108 Guatemalan guerrilla 204 Generation Guatemalan invasion (1954) 69 1960s generation of activists 2, Guérin, Daniel 121 13, 28, 58–9, 63–4, 165 Guevara, Ernesto generational elements of the New Algeria 114 Left 14–15, 21, 28, 32, 34, Algerian speech, (1965) 190 48, 54, 66, 74, 76, 132, 168 Bolivia 119, 143, 204 intellectual generation of Bolivian diaries (book) 101 1933 35 Congo 68, 112 234 Index

Guevara, Ernesto (Continued ) Institute of Urban Reform 22 guerrilla activity 25, 73, see also Institute for Workers Control 92 Cuba, revolutionary strategy institutionalization 20, 32 guerrilla strategy 25, 44 Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria intellectual 4, 57, 71, 74, 121, Cinematográfica (ICAIC) 27 171–2 Instituto del Libro 41–2 Man and Socialism 26, 191 Intellectual New Man 23, 26, 168, 171, 191 academic intellectual 48 On revolutionary medicine 191 and activists 69 Guillén, Nicolás 37 classic intellectual 154–7, see also Gunder Frank, Ander 39, 42, Sartre, Jean Paul 131, 140 committed intellectual 43, 54, Underdevelopment or Revolution 56–7, 89, 143–8, 181 (book) 131 Communist intellectuals 85, 151, 153 Habel, Janette 114, 134, 203 Cuban intellectuals 7, 33, 35, 38, Hall, Stuart, 89 91–2, 97 129, 131, 147 see also journals and periodical Cuban New Left intellectuals publications, New Left Review 33–44 Havana 25, 36, 38, 70, 73, 79, 141, “death of the intellectual” 2, 143–8 182, 184 definition of 8, 10, 37, 50, Havana greenbelt 24 53–4, 56, 58, 109, 143–8, Hayden, Tom 67, 196 154–65, 187 Helms Burton Act 183 dictatorship of intellectuals, see Hill, Christopher 85 Marcuse, Herbert History of Marxist Thought 39 intellectual cross-fertilization 48, History will Absolve Me 26, 95 128, see also cross-fertilization see also Castro, Fidel of ideas Hobsbawn, Eric 194 intellectual exchanges 2–3, 7 Hoy 29, 31, 37 intellectual field 9–12, 14, 48, see also journals and periodical 63, 105 publications intellectual freedom 2, 6, 36, 85, Huberman, Leo 50, 67, 71–2, 75, 95 103, 119 humanism 52, 194 intellectual groups 39, 41, 44–5, Cuban humanism 24, 71–2 48, 64, 69, 71–2, 108, 128, socialist humanism 84, 87, 89, 130, 150 95–7, 194 intellectual hegemony 40, Hurtado, Oscar 34 128, 206 intellectual output 14, 39, 83 imperialism 25, 42, 48, 79, 87, 100, intellectual workers 38 131, 133, 139–42 left-wing intellectual 33 Imprenta Nacional 34 New Left intellectual 77, 109, India 135 150–4 Indochina 85, 135 organic intellectual, see Gramsci, industrialization drive 21–3 Antonio Institute of Land Reform 22 public intellectual 143 Index 235

relationship with the state 33, 43 Gauche Proletari`enne 204, see also revolutionary intellectual, see Lenin Maoism role of the intellectual 2, 7, 9, The Guardian 73 44–5, 151, 159, 188 International Socialism 13 and social movements 58–60, 66 Juventud Rebelde 187 traditional intellectual, see Sartre, La cause du peuple 114 Jean Paul La Gaceta de Cuba 37 Western intellectual 2, 15, 34, Le Monde 111 42–3, 47, 56, 103, 176–7 Le Nouveau Clarté 114 Intelligentsia 34, 164, 168, 173 Les Temps Modernes 13, 36, 109, dissident intelligentsia 54 111, 122, 131–3, 153–4, Western intelligentsia 6, 34 168, 180 “intellocracy” 144 L’Express 109, 117 international circulation of ideas L’Humanité 153 9–10 L’Humanité Rouge 201 International Marxist Group Liberation 67 (IMG) 93, 102, 199–200 L’Observateur 13, 36, 106–7, International Socialism, see journals 136–7 and periodical publications Lunes de Revolución 13, 34–7, 192 International Socialists (IS) 102 Lutte Ouvri`ere 204 intertextuality 9–10 Marcha 206 “Italian” section of UEC 117 Monthly Review 13, 48, 67, see also Julia Kristeva 71, 73–5, 93, 131–2, 134, ivory tower 56, 143 140, 168 New Left Review 13, 48, 88–94, Jeunesse Communiste Révolutionnaire 97–103, 131–2, 139, 142–3, (JCR) 102, 118 152, 156, 166, 169–70, 178–80 Jones, Leroi 69, 70–1, 79 New Reasoner 50, 84–8, 90, 92, 95 Jones, Mervyn 85 New University 91, 95 journals and periodical publications New York Times 68–70 Arguments 119 Nuestro Tiempo 35 Black Dwarf 13, 93, 101–2, 199, Orígenes 35–6 201, 205 Partisans 13, 48, 109, 115, Casa de las Américas 34, 36, 109 119, 122, 131–4, 152–3, Ciclón 35 167, 169, 203 Clarté 13, 114 Pensamiento Crítico 13, 40–5, 48, Combat 106 128, 132, 134, 140, 171, Cuadernos de Ruedo Ibérico 48, 109 180, 194 Cuba Socialista 13, 41, 128–9, Problemi del Socialismo 206 151, 158, 167–8 Quaderni Piacentini 48, 206 Dissent 88 Quatri`eme Internationale 201 El Caimán Barbudo 13, 194 Red Mole 13, 93, 101–3 Esprit 85, 107 Revolución y Cultura 13, 172 Evergreen Review 70 Rouge 13, 122 France Observateur 49, 105–7, Socialisme ou Barbarie 207, see 109, 111, 116, 119 also Castoriadis, Cornelius 236 Index journals and periodical publications Latin American intellectuals 40, (Continued ) 42, 109, 129 Socialist Register 13, 88, 131–3, Latin American students 28 153, 168, 180 radicalism in Latin America 28, Studies on the Left 13, 71 146, 185 Temoignage Chretien 109 revolution in Latin America 20, Teoría y Práctica 40–1 74, 80, 122, 128, 170 Tribune du Communisme 107 solidarity networks 58, 141 Tricontinental 130 Lebanon 135 Unión 37 Lefevre, Henri 52 Universities and Left Review 86 Left Clubs 86, 91 Verde Olivo 194, see also Padilla, Leiris, Michel 117 Heberto Le Monde 111 Views 92 see also journals and periodical The Week 200, see also Coates, Ken publications Julien, Claude 111–13 Leninism 23, 29, 41, 44, 75, 77, 80, 93, 102 Karol, Kewes 48, 117, 121, 134 Leninist understanding of Kennedy, John F. 63, 71 imperialism 140 Khrushchev, Nikita 84 Lenin, Vladimir 15, 39 King, Martin Luther 78 democratic centralism 161 Kouchner, Bernard 114, 118 revolutionary intellectual 4, Kravetz, Marc 114, 117 43, 59, 101, 130, Kristeva, Julia 9, 10 159–62 Krivine, Alain 117–18 State and Revolution 161 vanguard 171 Labour Party (British) 49, 85, 89, What is to be Done? 169 91–2, 98, 136 Le nouveau Clarté, see journals and La cause du peuple, see journals and periodical publications periodical publications Lentin, Albert Paul 109, 117 La Gaceta de Cuba, see journals and Lessing, Doris 85 periodical publications Les Temps Modernes 13, 109, Landau, Saul 50, 67, 69, 71 111, 122 Land Reform of 1959 22, 31 see also journals and periodical La Nouvelle Gauche 49, 51, 56, 106 publications Lanzmann, Claude 110–11 “Letter to the New Left” 65–6 latifundia 22 L’Express 109, 117 Latin America see also journals and periodical Cuba and Latin America 25, 42, publications 134, 182 Lezama Lima, José 36 indigenous movements in Latin L’Humanité 153 America 186 see also journals and periodical Latin America: the Long March publications (1965) 133 L’Humanité Rouge 201 Latin American communist see also journals and periodical parties 29, 74 publications Index 237

Liberation 67 Martinet, Giles 105 see also journals and periodical Martínez Heredia, Fernando 171 publications Marxism 8, 19, 31 Liberation Theology 146 early Marxism 53, 130, 160 Libermanian positions 23, 190 existential Marxism 87, 111 Ligue Communiste Révolutionnaire humanist Marxism 53, 72, 166 (LCR) 102, 118 Marxist-Leninist 28, 41, 44 Listen Yankee 197 Marxist orthodoxy 8, 20, 39, see also Mills, C. Wright 53–4, 71, 138, 151, see also Literacy Campaign 26, 33 Soviet, ideology; Stalinism see also Cuba, education Marxist revival 52–3, 132 L’Observateur, see journals and teaching of Marxism 20, periodical publications 38–40, 150 London School of Economics textbooks 40, see also polémica de 100, 169 los manuales Lowy, Michael 39 Mascolo, Dyonis 109 Lukacs, György 39, 93 Masi, Edoarda 153 Lunes de Revolución, see journals and Maspero, François 48, 109, 111 periodical publications mass consumerism 64 Lutte Ouvri`ere, see journals and Matthews, Herbert 68, 72 periodical publications Mau Mau revolt 86 May 1968 4, 28, 51, 74, 77, 116, MacEwen, Malcolm 85 120–1, 164 McKissick, Floyd 198 May Day Manifesto (1967) 92, see also March against Fear 94, 142 Magri, Lucio 160–1 Mend`es-France, Pierre 107 Malcolm, X. 79 Meredith, Charles 78, 198 Mallet, Serge 107, 117 Merleau-Ponty, Merleau 87 Mancilla, Anastasio 193 see also Marxism, existential see also Raúl Cepero Bonilla Marxism Manifeste des 121, 109 Metropolitan nations 131 Man and Socialism, see Guevara, Microfacción trial 32, 192 Ernesto Middle class radicalism 89 Marcha 206 Mikoyan, Anastas 24 see also journals and periodical Miliband, Ralph 88, 161, 168 publications Mills, C. Wright 14, 38, 42, 64–6, March Against Fear 78, 198 71–2, 76, 95, 166 Marcuse, Herbert 15, 42, 74, 93, Missile Crisis 24, 32, 63, 66, 71 100, 169–70, 209 Mitterrand, François 118 dictatorship of intellectuals 162–5 Mollet, Guy 85 and intellectuals 162–5 Moncada Barracks 38, 171 One Dimensional Man (book) 162 Moncadistas 38 repressive tolerance 162 Monthly Review 13, 93 Marinello, Juan 30 see also journals and periodical Marquitos Affair 32, 192 publications Martí, José 171 Morales, Evo 58, 186 238 Index moral incentives 23, 27, 183, 191 New Left field 9–13, 48, 149 see also Guevara, Ernesto, New Man New Left intellectuals 9, 20, Morin, Edgard 109 146–7, 177, 185 Mournier, Emmanuel 107 New Left publications 15, 143 Mouvement de Libération du Peuple New Left and the Third World (MLP) 107 54–5, 57, 146 Movimiento revolucionario 26 de julio North American New Left (also US (MR26) 30–2, 36, 128–9, New Left) 3, 14, 49, 64–7 189, 191 Second New Left 52–3, 170] New Left groups Nairn, Tom 91 in Cuba 34–44, 48, 171, 182 Nasser, Gamal, A. 106 in France 106–11, 116–18 National Association for the in UK 84–94 Advancement of Colored People in U.S. 64–7 (NAACP) 70, 78, 197 New Left journals as outlets of national identity 21–2, 27 cross-fertilization 128–35, 190 nationalism 27, 31, 38, 42, 44, 78, 80 New Left Review, see journals and nationalization of foreign assets periodical publications 21–3, 31, 36 New Reasoner, see journals and national liberation 26, 42, 71 periodical publications national library (Cuba) 27, 37 Newton, Huey 80 national traditions of the New Left New University, see journals and 48, 53–4 periodical publications Nehru, Jawaharlal 137 New York Times, see journals and Neruda, Pablo 35 periodical publications networks of solidarity 14, 59 Nicaragua 3 neutralism 13, 55, 69, 135–8, 143 Nizan, Paul 144 New Left non-aligned movement 96, 137–8 British New Left 1, 3–4, 12, 14, Non Violent Committee for Cuban 35, 49, 83–103, 178, 199 Independence (NVCI) 69 Cuban New Left, see New Left North American 21, 31, 35, 47, 50 groups North American Free Trade definition of 48–59, 177 Agreement (NAFTA) 185–6 dissident Left 44 North Atlantic Treaty Organization European New Left 2, 4, 25, (NATO) 51, 86, 98 28, 33, 35, 39, 41, 43, 47–9, Nouvelle Gauche (NG) 105–7 146, 172 Now!! 198 First New Left 50–1, 87–9, 169 see also Alvarez, Santiago French New Left 3–4, 11, 49, Nuclear 22, 24, 51, 55, 200 51–2, 178–9 Nuestro Tiempo 35 New Left and activists 9–12, 57–9 see also journals and periodical New Left Campaigns 51, see publications Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) “One, two, three Vietnams” 25 New Left clubs 91 Organic Intellectual, see Gramsci, New Left discourse 3 Antonio, and intellectuals Index 239

Organisation de l’Armée Secr`ete Parti Socialiste Unifié (PSU) 51, (OAS) 108, 110 106–8, 110, 116, 194 Organización Continental Pearson, Gabriel 88 Latinoamericana de Estudiantes Pensamiento Crítico, see journals and (OCLAE) 42 periodical publications Organización de Solidaridad con los “pensar con cabeza propia” 130 pueblos de Africa, Asia y América Pérez, Humberto 40 Latina (OSPAAAL) 141 periodical publications 11, 35, 48 Organizaciones Revolucionarias diffusion of ideas 12 Integradas (ORI) 32 see also journals and periodical Organización Latinoamericana de publications Solidaridad (OLAS) 25, 42, 141 Piñera, Virgilio 34, 36 Organization of African Unity PM Affair 36 (OAU) 202 polémica de los manuales 40 Organization of American States political culture 5, 10, 41, 47 (OAS) 25, 42 Poperen, Jean 107 Orígenes 35 Popular Front 29, 115 see also journals and periodical Popular Tribunals 33 publications Porchez, Jean Jacques 114 orthodox communism 21, 23, 27, porteurs de valises 110 49, 54 Port Huron Statement 66, 196 Ortodoxo party 31 Porto Alegre 186 Oswald, Lee Harvey 63 positive neutralism 13, 89, 96, 138 Otero, Lisandro 172 Poulantzas, Nicos 53 Oxfam 137 Prague invasion 44 see also Soviet Union, invasion of Pacifism 65, 143 Czechoslovakia (1968) Padilla Affair 2, 44, 194, 201 Prebisch, Raúl 140 Padilla, Heberto 2, 36 see also Economic Commission for Pakistan 135 Latin America (ECLA) “Palabras a los intelectuales” 37, 167 Problemi del socialismo 206 Paladares 184 see also journals and periodical Parti Communiste Français (PCF) publications 51, 106–7, 110, 112, 114, Progressive Labor Movement 116–18, 152–4, 162 (PLM) 197 Partido Comunista de Cuba (PCC) 29–33 Quaderni Piacentini, see journals and Partido Socialista Popular (PSP) 20, periodical publications 29–33, 37, 150, 189, 193 Quatri`eme Internationale, see journals Partido Unido de la Revolución and periodical publications Socialista (PURS) 32 Quintana, Manuel 205 The Partisan 88 Partisans, see journals and periodical race 13–14, 64, 77–8 publications Raúl Cepero Bonilla 39–40, 193 Parti Socialiste Autonome (PSA) Rebel Army 31 107, 194 rebel victory 6, 13, 33, 35 240 Index red bases 93, 100, 170 San Martín, Grau 29–30 Red Mole, see journals and periodical Santa Clara 38 publications Santamaría, Haydée 193 repressive tolerance, see Marcuse, see also journals and periodical publi- Herbert cations, Casa de las Américas resistance to capitalism, role of women, Santiago (Cuba) 38 blacks, students 129–30 Sartre, Jean Paul 2, 5–6, 15, 34–5, 52, return to Africa 80 54, 69, 71, 75, 80, 122, 130, 133 Revolución y Cultura, see journals and classical intellectual 154–5 periodical publications Critique of Dialectical Reason revolution (book) 155 1933 revolution 21, 29 and the French Communist 1959 revolution 30, 31–3, 48, Party 105 51, 55, 57 and intellectuals 105, 109, 146, revolutionary discourse 55 154–7 revolutionary intellectual, see Lenin, Sartre on Cuba 111, 113, 192 Vladimir and students 112 revolutionary movements 66 technicians of practical Revolutionary Offensive 23, 27 knowledge 155 Revolutionary Socialist Students traditional intellectual 154–7 Federation (RSSF) 93, 170 universal class 151, 154, 156–7, Revolutionary Youth Movement 159, 161, 164 (RYM) 66 Sauvy, Alfred 135 Revolution in the Revolution?, see see also Third World, concept of Debray, R`egis Saville, John 84–5, 88, 90, 92 Rex, John 86 Schalit, Jean 114 Ribes, Paul 114 see also journals and periodical Rioux, Lucien 107 publications, Clarté Roa, Raúl 112 Schools of Revolutionary Instruction Roca, Blas 29 (SRI) 38, 44, 190 Rocard, Michel 108 Second Declaration of Havana 25 see also Parti Socialiste Unifié (PSU) sectarianism 200 Rodríguez, Carlos Rafael 30 Section Française de l’Internationale Rodríguez, Rolando 42 Ouvri`ere (SFIO) 51, 107, 116 Rossanda, Rossana 48 Semprún, Jorge 109 Rouge 122 see also Spanish diaspora see also journals and periodical Serguera, Jorge 112, 172 publications servicio militar obligatorio (SMO) 24 Russell, Bertrand 98, 100, 131, 200 Sierra Maestra 68 Rustin, Mike 92 situationists 204 Socarrás, Prío 30 Sagner, Robert 69 social democracy 88 Salkey, Andrew 195 Socialisme ou Barbarie, see journals see also Cultural Congress (1968) and periodical publications Salon de mai (1967) 202 socialist humanism 84, 87, 89, 97 Samuel, Raphael 88 Socialist Labor League (SLL) 102 Index 241 socialist realism 171 student movement 13–14, 47–9, Socialist Register, see journals and 51, 64, 110–12, 114, 116–17, periodical publications 130, 134, 169, 178, 186 Socialist Workers Party (SWP) 65, 69 Student Non Violent Coordinating see also Young Socialist Alliance Committee (SNCC) 78 socialization of the economy 22 Student Power (book), 93 social justice 50, 58 Students for a Democratic Society social movements 15–16, 54, 58–9, (SDS) 14 177, 187–8 students as intellectuals 28, 39, Souffert, Georges 109 76, 130, 133, 142, 164 Southern Conference of Christian students as political actors 21, 28, Leaders (SCCL) 78 39, 71, 114, 168, 170 Soviet student ‘vanguard’ 28 ideology 7, 185 Studies on the Left, see journals and interpretation of Marxism 8, periodical publications 39–40, 44, 53, 130, 171 Suez Canal 50–1, 85, 87 Soviet orthodoxy 8, 19, 25, 44, Sweezy, Paul 39, 48, 67, 71–2, 75 49, 115, 120, 138, 153 symbolic capital, see Bourdieu, Pierre Soviet teachers 40 Syria 135 Soviet textbooks 40, 151 Soviet Union Tabares del Real, Jose Antonio 193 alignment with 6, 20, 24, 44, 58 Taber, Robert 69 Cuban relations 25, 113, 151, Taylor, Charles 88 182–3 technicians of practical knowledge, see foreign policy, 29 106 Sartre, Jean Paul invasion of Czechoslovakia (1968) Temoignage Chretien, see journals and 25, 44, 121, 134 periodical publications invasion of Hungary (1956) 50, ten million ton campaign 23 84, 105, 108, 145 Teoría y Práctica, see journals and model of development 16, 27, periodical publications 42, 123 Tet offensive 142 Sino-Soviet conflict 19, 130 Therborn, Göran 100 Spanish civil war 193 Theresa Hotel 197 Spanish Communist Party 129 Third International (1943) 19 Spanish diaspora 48, 109 Third World 15, 42–3, 48, 65 Spanish intellectuals 109–10 concept of 14, 41, 50, 57, 135–6, “special period” 183 146–8, 177, 179, 181 spontaneous action 52, 169 third way 52, 69, 73, 135, 179 Stalinism 7, 31, 38, 49–54, 56, 85, Third World bloc 49, 54, 175 89, 96, 101, 122, 133–4, 150 Third World intellectual 40, Stalin, Joseph 23 55, 57 Stéphane, Roger 106 Third World liberation 70, 80, 147 student 1–2 Third World revolution 21, 39, role of 129 54, 56, 66, 138–43 Student League for Industrial Third World (under-)development Democracy (SLID) 66 43, 55 242 Index

Third-worldism 25, 73, 146 see also International Marxist Thompson, Edward Palmer 84, Group (IMG) 87–91, 97, 103 universal class, see Sartre, Jean Paul Traditional Intellectual, see Sartre, Universities and Left Review, see Jean Paul, and intellectuals journals and periodical Tribune du Communisme, see journals publications and periodical publications university Tricontinental, see journals and as a site of radicalization 1, 34, periodical publications 38, 52, 170 Tricontinental Conference 42 university reform of 1918 28 troisi`eme secteur 108, 201 university reform of 1968 39 see also Poperen, Jean university reform (Plan Fouchet, Trotskyist 51, 53, 85, 101–3 1964) 117 Trotsky, Leon 23 University of Havana 38–40, Twentieth Congress of the 150, 182 Communist Party of the Soviet Department of Philosophy 39, Union (1956) 50, 84 42, 150, 171, 193 University of Oxford 87–8, 95 ultra left 94 USSR 23 underdevelopment 42–3, 130, 138–40, 142 Venceremos brigades 81 Underdevelopment or Revolution 131 Venezuela 58–9, 186–7 see also Gunder Frank, Ander Venezuelan guerrilla 141 unidades militares de ayuda a la see also Bravo, Douglas producción (UMAP) 24 Verde Olivo 194 Unidad Popular government see also journals and periodical (Chile) 123 publications Unión, see journals and periodical Vidal-Naquet, Pierre 152 publications Vietcong 163 Union de la Gauche Socialiste Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (UGS) 107, 194 (VSC) 54, 91, 93, 98, 208 Union des Étudiants Communistes Vietnam war 6, 24–5, 92, 99, 150, (UEC) 110, 114, 117 156, 168, 170, 179 Union des Jeunesses Communistes Views, see journals and periodical Marxiste-Leninistes publications (UJCML) 118 Villier, Jacques 121 Unión Nacional de Escritores y Artistas Vitier, Cintio 36 Cubanos (UNEAC) 37, 194 voluntarism 27, 43 Union Nationale des Étudiants de see also moral incentives France (UNEF) 108, 110, 114, voluntary work 23–4 116–17 Unión Revolucionaria Comunista Wallerstein, Immanuel 140 (URC) 29 War Crimes Tribunal 150 United Secretariat of the Fourth see also Russell, Bertrand International (USFI) 199 Ware, George 79 Index 243

Warren, Bill 143 World Trade Organization wars of liberation 21 (WTO) 186 Watts riots 1965, 70 World War II 51, 85 Weathermen 66 Worsley, Peter 85–6 The Week, see journals and periodical “wretched of the earth” 79 publications see also Fanon, Frantz Williams, Raymond 70, 90 Wright, Sarah E. 35 Williams, Robert 197 Wilson, Harold 92 Young Socialist Alliance 65 working class organizations 64, 89, 93, 96 zafra 23, 33, 44 World Social Forum (WSF) 186–7 Zola, Émile 201 World Systems Theory 140 see also Dreyfus Affair