Forgotten War, Forsaken People
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Developing Dimensions of Pakistani Baloch Nationalism
ISSN 1712-8056[Print] Canadian Social Science ISSN 1923-6697[Online] Vol. 12, No. 12, 2016, pp. 21-27 www.cscanada.net DOI:10.3968/9125 www.cscanada.org Developing Dimensions of Pakistani Baloch Nationalism Rajkumar Singh[a],* [a]Professor and Head, Post-graduate Department of Political Science, Bhupendra Narayan Mandal University, West Campus, P. G. Centre, INTRODUCTION Saharsa, Bihar (India). Nationalism is a feeling of protection of interests of a *Corresponding author. nation and national state. But the ethnic nationalism is Received 14 October 2016; accepted 2 December 2016 more than nationalism. It defines the nation in terms of Published online 26 December 2016 ethnicity that always includes some elements of descent from previous generations. The state derives political Abstract legitimacy from its status as homeland of the ethnic The aim of this paper is to analyze various developing group, and from its function to protect the national group dimensions of Pakistani Baloch Nationalism, which in and facilitate its cultural and social life, as a group. In the present day regional and global circumstances, became context Pakistan is an ethno-nationalist state in the post pertinent. The Baloch people are a unique ethno-linguistic colonial era. Being an independent state Pakistan largely group spread between Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan. ignored the social diversity and economic disparities The ethnic nationalism of Pakistani Baloch is different in of its people along with interests of ethnic and regional two aspects: One, they are distinct in biological, cultural, minorities. It gave Pakistani Baloch nationalism to and linguistic spirit in which the ethnic group develops diversify in different dimensions and now it shifted from a distinctive value system and language and it may seeking advantage within the state to move beyond into evolve a structural identity by developing a particular the realm of ethno-nationalism rather than reverting to the type of joint relationship. -
Justice & Security Practices, Perceptions, and Problems in Kabul and Nangarhar
Justice & Security Practices, Perceptions, and Problems in Kabul and Nangarhar M AY 2014 Above: Behsud Bridge, Nangarhar Province (Photo by TLO) A TLO M A P P I N G R EPORT Justice and Security Practices, Perceptions, and Problems in Kabul and Nangarhar May 2014 In Cooperation with: © 2014, The Liaison Office. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, recording or otherwise without prior written permission of the publisher, The Liaison Office. Permission can be obtained by emailing [email protected] ii Acknowledgements This report was commissioned from The Liaison Office (TLO) by Cordaid’s Security and Justice Business Unit. Research was conducted via cooperation between the Afghan Women’s Resource Centre (AWRC) and TLO, under the supervision and lead of the latter. Cordaid was involved in the development of the research tools and also conducted capacity building by providing trainings to the researchers on the research methodology. While TLO makes all efforts to review and verify field data prior to publication, some factual inaccuracies may still remain. TLO and AWRC are solely responsible for possible inaccuracies in the information presented. The findings, interpretations and conclusions expressed in the report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Cordaid. The Liaison Office (TL0) The Liaison Office (TLO) is an independent Afghan non-governmental organization established in 2003 seeking to improve local governance, stability and security through systematic and institutionalized engagement with customary structures, local communities, and civil society groups. -
Senate of Pakistan, on 6Th August, 1973, Came Into Existence As a House of the Federation, Giving Equal Representation to the Federating Units;
JOURNAL 251st Session Sitting Hours and Attendance Commenced at 03:33 pm Adjourned at 07:00 pm Session summoned on 05-08-2016 Session prorogued on 05-08-2016 Number of working days 1 Number of actual sittings 1 Total attendance 61 Presided by Mian Raza Rabbani Chairman Senate Total hours of sitting 03 hours and 27 minutes PANEL OF PRESIDING OFFICERS 1. Senator Nuzhat Sadiq 2. Senator Sitara Ayaz 3. Senator Muhammad Javed Abbasi Chair recognized the presence of the following dignitaries: 1. Sardar Ayaz Sadiq Speaker National Assembly 2. Syed Nayyer Hussain Bokhari Former Chairman Senate 3. Mr. Khalil-ur-Rehman Former Deputy Chairman Senate 4. Mr. Sabir Ali Baloch Former Deputy Chairman Senate 5. Mr. Jan Muhammad Jamali Former Deputy Chairman Senate 6. Senator Mrs. Saeeda Iqbal Former Senator 7. Senator Muhammad Enver Baig Former Senator 8. Senator Mrs. Razina Alam Khan Former Senator 9. Senator Afrasiab Khattak Former Senator 10. Senator Syed Zafar Ali Shaikh Former Senator 11. Senator Hafiz Rashid Ahmed Former Senator 12. Senator Abdul Raziq Former Senator 13. Senator Abdul Malik Qadri Former Senator 14. Senator Dr. Abdul Hayee Former MNA COMMEMORATION OF SENATE’S 44TH FOUNDATION DAY AND DISCUSSION ON ROLE AND POWERS OF THE SEANTE OF PAKISTAN The following Members spoken: 1. Senator Mushahid Ullah Khan 2. Senator Aitzaz Ahsan, LOO 3. Senator Molana Abdul Ghafoor Haideri, Deputy Chairman 4. Senator Hasil Khan Bizenjo 5. Senator Mushahid Hussain Syed 6. Senator Muhammad Talha Mehmood 7. Senator Col. (R) Syed Tahir Hussain Mashhadi 8. Senator Muhammad Usman Khan Kakar 9. Senator Ilyas Ahmad Bilour 10. -
Beyond Boundaries II
Beyond Boundaries II Beyond Boundaries II Pakistan - Afghanistan Track 1.5 and II cc Connecting People Building Peace Promoting Cooperation 1 Beyond Boundaries II Beyond Boundaries II Pakistan – Afghanistan Track 1.5 and II Connecting People Building Peace Promoting Cooperation 2 Beyond Boundaries II Beyond Boundaries II ©Center for Research and Security Studies 2018 All rights reserved This publication can be ordered from CRSS Islamabad office. All CRSS publications are also available free of cost for digital download from the CRSS website. 14-M, Ali Plaza, 2nd Floor, F-8 Markaz, Islamabad, Pakistan. Tel: +92-51-8314801-03 Fax: +92-51-8314804 www.crss.pk 3 Beyond Boundaries II TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. ACRONYMS ..................................................................................................... 5 2. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................... 9 3. CONTEXTUALIZING BEYOND BOUNDARIES................................................... 11 4. FIRST MEETING OF THE PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE ........ 56 5. SECOND MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE .......... 72 6. THIRD MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE .............. 95 7. FOURTH MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE ........ 126 8. FIFTH MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE ON BUSINESS/TRADE ........................................................................................ 149 9. SIXTH MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE ............ 170 10. UNIVERSITY -
Herat Security Dialogue Short Bios of the Presenters and Moderators
Herat Security Dialogue Short Bios of the Presenters and Moderators Abdullah Ahmadzai Abdullah Ahmadzai is The Asia Foundation’s County Representative in Afghanistan. He served as the Deputy Country Representative from 2012 to 2014. He was formerly Chief Electoral Officer for the Independent Election Commission (IEC) of Afghanistan. Prior to his position with the IEC, from June 2006 to October 2009, Ahmadzai worked with the Foundation, serving under the Support to Center of Government project in Afghanistan. Between 2004 and 2006, he held positions with the UN under the Joint Electoral Management Body Secretariat (JEMBS), first as an Area Manager and then as Chief of Operations. From 2003-2004, Ahmadzai was actively involved with the Afghanistan Constitution Commission which was mandated by the 2001 Bonn Agreement to draft a new constitution for the country. Under the Commission, he assisted with the Emergency Loya Jirga and later the drafting of the constitution which was formally adopted in January 2004. He has a Bachelor’s degree in Information Technology from Brains Degree College in Peshawar, Pakistan, in addition to several workshop certificates earned through Harvard and Georgetown Universities, and the International Foundation for Electoral Services. Abdul Ghafoor Liwal Abdul Ghafoor Liwal is the Special Advisor to the President of National Unity Government for Tribal and Border Affairs. Prior to this, he worked as a Deputy Minister of Tribal and Border Affairs. He has a Bachelor’s Degree in Literature from Kabul University and two Masters, one in Journalism from Maryland University (2004-2005), and another in Pashtu from Kabul University in 2008. -
SELF-DETERMINATION OUTSIDE the COLONIAL CONTEXT: the BIRTH of BANGLADESH in Retrospectt
SELF-DETERMINATION OUTSIDE THE COLONIAL CONTEXT: THE BIRTH OF BANGLADESH IN RETROSPECTt By VedP. Nanda* I. INTRODUCTION In the aftermath of the Indo-Pakistan War in December 1971, the independent nation-state of Bangladesh was born.' Within the next four months, more than fifty countries had formally recognized the new nation.2 As India's military intervention was primarily responsible for the success of the secessionist movement in what was then known as East Pakistan, and for the creation of a new political entity on the inter- national scene,3 many serious questions stemming from this historic event remain unresolved for the international lawyer. For example: (1) What is the continuing validity of Article 2 (4) of the United Nations Charter?4 (2) What is the current status of the doctrine of humanita- rian intervention in international law?5 (3) What action could the United Nations have taken to avert the Bangladesh crisis?6 (4) What measures are necessary to prevent such tragic occurrences in the fu- ture?7 and (5) What relationship exists between the principle of self- "- This paper is an adapted version of a chapter that will appear in Y. ALEXANDER & R. FRIEDLANDER, SELF-DETERMINATION (1979). * Professor of Law and Director of the International Legal Studies Program, Univer- sity of Denver Law Center. 1. See generally BANGLADESH: CRISIS AND CONSEQUENCES (New Delhi: Deen Dayal Research Institute 1972); D. MANKEKAR, PAKISTAN CUT TO SIZE (1972); PAKISTAN POLITI- CAL SYSTEM IN CRISIS: EMERGENCE OF BANGLADESH (S. Varma & V. Narain eds. 1972). 2. Ebb Tide, THE ECONOMIST, April 8, 1972, at 47. -
Pakistan: Arrival and Departure
01-2180-2 CH 01:0545-1 10/13/11 10:47 AM Page 1 stephen p. cohen 1 Pakistan: Arrival and Departure How did Pakistan arrive at its present juncture? Pakistan was originally intended by its great leader, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, to transform the lives of British Indian Muslims by providing them a homeland sheltered from Hindu oppression. It did so for some, although they amounted to less than half of the Indian subcontinent’s total number of Muslims. The north Indian Muslim middle class that spearheaded the Pakistan movement found itself united with many Muslims who had been less than enthusiastic about forming Pak- istan, and some were hostile to the idea of an explicitly Islamic state. Pakistan was created on August 14, 1947, but in a decade self-styled field marshal Ayub Khan had replaced its shaky democratic political order with military-guided democracy, a market-oriented economy, and little effective investment in welfare or education. The Ayub experiment faltered, in part because of an unsuccessful war with India in 1965, and Ayub was replaced by another general, Yahya Khan, who could not manage the growing chaos. East Pakistan went into revolt, and with India’s assistance, the old Pakistan was bro- ken up with the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. The second attempt to transform Pakistan was short-lived. It was led by the charismatic Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who simultaneously tried to gain control over the military, diversify Pakistan’s foreign and security policy, build a nuclear weapon, and introduce an economic order based on both Islam and socialism. -
269 Abdul Aziz Angkat 17 Abdul Qadir Baloch, Lieutenant General 102–3
Index Abdul Aziz Angkat 17 Turkmenistan and 88 Abdul Qadir Baloch, Lieutenant US and 83, 99, 143–4, 195, General 102–3 252, 253, 256 Abeywardana, Lakshman Yapa 172 Uyghurs and 194, 196 Abu Ghraib 119 Zaranj–Delarum link highway 95 Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) 251, 260 Africa 5, 244 Abuza, Z. 43, 44 Ahmad Humam 24 Aceh 15–16, 17, 31–2 Aimols 123 armed resistance and 27 Akbar Khan Bugti, Nawab 103, 104 independence sentiment and 28 Akhtar Mengal, Sardar 103, 104 as Military Operation Zone Akkaripattu- Oluvil area 165 (DOM) 20, 21 Aksu disturbances 193 peace process and Thailand 54 Albania 194 secessionism 18–25 Algeria Aceh Legislative Council 24 colonial brutality and 245 Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) 24 radicalization in 264 Aceh Referendum Information Centre Ali Jan Orakzai, Lieutenant General 103 (SIRA) 22, 24 Al Jazeera 44 Acheh- Sumatra National Liberation All Manipur Social Reformation, women Front (ASNLF) 19 protesters of 126–7 Aceh Transition Committee (Komite All Party Committee on Development Peralihan Aceh) (KPA) 24 and Reconciliation ‘act of free choice’, 1969 Papuan (Sri Lanka) 174, 176 ‘plebiscite’ 27 All Party Representative Committee Adivasi Cobra Force 131 (APRC), Sri Lanka 170–1 adivasis (original inhabitants) 131, All- Assam Students’ Union (AASU) 132 132–3 All- Bodo Students’ Union–Bodo Afghanistan 1–2, 74, 199 Peoples’ Action Committee Balochistan and 83, 100 (ABSU–BPAC) 128–9, 130 Central Asian republics and 85 Bansbari conference 129 China and 183–4, 189, 198 Langhin Tinali conference 130 India and 143 al- Qaeda 99, 143, -
AFGHANISTAN La Situation Sécuritaire À Jalalabad
COMMISSARIAT-GÉNÉRAL AUX RÉFUGIÉS ET AUX APATRIDES COI Focus AFGHANISTAN La situation sécuritaire à Jalalabad 20 février 2018 (Mise à jour) Cedoca Langue du document original: néerlandais DISCLAIMER: Ce document COI a été rédigé par le Centre de documentation et de This COI-product has been written by Cedoca, the Documentation and recherches (Cedoca) du CGRA en vue de fournir des informations pour le Research Department of the CGRS, and it provides information for the traitement des demandes d’asile individuelles. Il ne traduit aucune politique processing of individual asylum applications. The document does not contain ni n’exprime aucune opinion et ne prétend pas apporter de réponse définitive policy guidelines or opinions and does not pass judgment on the merits of quant à la valeur d’une demande d’asile. Il a été rédigé conformément aux the asylum application. It follows the Common EU Guidelines for processing lignes directrices de l’Union européenne pour le traitement de l’information country of origin information (April 2008) and is written in accordance with sur le pays d’origine (avril 2008). the statutory legal provisions. Ce document a été élaboré sur la base d’un large éventail d’informations The author has based the text on a wide range of public information selected publiques soigneusement sélectionnées dans un souci permanent de with care and with a permanent concern for crosschecking sources. Even recoupement des sources. L’auteur s’est efforcé de traiter la totalité des though the document tries to cover all the relevant aspects of the subject, the aspects pertinents du sujet mais les analyses proposées ne visent pas text is not necessarily exhaustive. -
'Afghanistan Is to the Rest of the World What NE Is to India,' Raghav Sharma
10 Special G PLUS | FEB 09 - FEB 15, 2019 ‘Afghanistan is to the rest of the world what NE is to India,’ Raghav Sharma displacement, to name a few. to provide alternative versions contemporary Afghan literature well into the present,” informed Nehal Jain Papers were presented on of reading and representing has responded to and addressed Dr Asha Kuthari Chaudhuri, Head @NehalJain96 various Afghan literary works Afghanistan rather than the the drastic political and cultural of the English Department, GU. including Nushin Arbabzadah’s politically dominant Western changes in Afghanistan since Afrasiab Khattak is the Afghan Rumour Bazaar, Khaled view of the nation. the second half of the twentieth President of Roshaan Democratic ust like Afghanistan seems Hosseini’s The Kite Runner and A “The central focus of the century as well as certain Institute, Ex-Senator, Ex- to be this wild west zone Thousand Splendid Suns. which is romanticized in It was discussed that there’s the northern plains, much very little dissemination of of the northeast area is also knowledge from Afghanistan to Jseen as this wild zone which most the rest of the world and thus of India doesn’t know about, said Khattak provided the audience Raghav Sharma, international with a view into the existing socio- humanitarian and director of cultural scenario in Afghanistan. Centre for Afghanistan Studies at “Afghanistan has been OP Jindal School of International dominated by what is called Affairs. ‘rivaaz’ (custom) in local Sharma, in a tête-à-tête with languages and it holds very true G Plus, was drawing similarities especially with the Pashtuns. -
Bugti and the Baloch Cause
Letter from South Asia His government, Musharraf can claim with some justification, has increased public Bugti and the Baloch Cause investment in Balochistan manifold – mainly in the construction of a new port close to The killing of Akbar Bugti, the rebellious tribal chief and leader of the Persian Gulf at Gwadar, national high- ways linking that port with other parts of the the Baloch nationalist Jamhoori Watan Party by state security country, and other supporting infrastructure. forces in his mountain hideout marks an important watershed in All of these developments threaten the hold the troubled history of relations between the Baloch political that the tribal chiefs have over their people and the rebellion is a futile last-ditch attempt movements, the colonial British Indian empire and at stopping change. Akbar Bugti was “fixed”, the post-colonial Pakistani state. The circumstances leading up to and according to initial reports he indeed did his death and the events following after also reveal something not know what hit him – the latter being an about the contradictions within the establishment. allusion to advanced rocket navigation tech- nology allegedly used by the security forces against the tribal insurgents. HARIS GAZDAR There was a strong reaction also in the poor The problem with Musharraf’s colonial working class slums of old Karachi as well narrative on Balochistan, however, is that he killing of Nawab Akbar Khan as other Baloch neighbourhoods and urban there are many even in the Pakistani main- Bugti, the rebellious octogenarian villages around the city. For many of the stream who simply do not believe it. -
Pakistan: the Worsening Conflict in Balochistan
PAKISTAN: THE WORSENING CONFLICT IN BALOCHISTAN Asia Report N°119 – 14 September 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. CENTRALISED RULE AND BALOCH RESISTANCE ............................................ 2 A. A TROUBLED HISTORY .........................................................................................................3 B. RETAINING THE MILITARY OPTION .......................................................................................4 C. A DEMOCRATIC INTERLUDE..................................................................................................6 III. BACK TO THE BEGINNING ...................................................................................... 7 A. CENTRALISED POWER ...........................................................................................................7 B. OUTBREAK AND DIRECTIONS OF CONFLICT...........................................................................8 C. POLITICAL ACTORS...............................................................................................................9 D. BALOCH MILITANTS ...........................................................................................................12 IV. BALOCH GRIEVANCES AND DEMANDS ............................................................ 13 A. POLITICAL AUTONOMY .......................................................................................................13