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Security Sector Reform in Post-Ben Ali Tunisia

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Security Sector Reform in Post-Ben Ali Tunisia ARI Projects Arab Securitocracies and Security Sector Reform September 2012 After the Fall: Security Sector Reform in post-Ben Ali Tunisia Derek Lutterbeck* Mediterranean Academy of Diplomatic Studies, Malta Security sector reform (SSR) is a key concern in the current transformations which are sweeping across much of the Arab world. Given the crucial role security institutions have played in sustaining authoritarian regimes in the region, any transformation towards more democratic rule will necessarily also have to include a reform of these countries’ security sectors towards greater transparency, accountability and democratic control. This article explores the challenges and prospects of security sector reform in the first Arab country to have overthrown its autocratic leader, Tunisia. The main arguments advanced in this article are that the key SSR challenges in Tunisia since the fall of Ben Ali have been the reform of the country’s internal security apparatus and the judiciary, whereas military reforms are of limited importance. Even though in both of these areas actual reforms have been rather modest so far, and have focused more on purges rather than on structural transformations, Tunisia remains the most promising of all Arab countries which have toppled their long- standing leaders when it comes to achieving effective security sector reforms. *Derek Lutterbeck is Deputy Director and Holder of the Swiss Chair at the Mediterranean Academy of Diplomatic Studies (MEDAC) in Malta 2 The popular upheavals which have swept heart of the protest movements. In practically across much of the Arab world since late all countries of the region security institutions 2010 have thus far led to the toppling of four have not only been key pillars of the authoritarian leaders: in both Tunisia and authoritarian regimes, but have also been Egypt, the countries’ long-standing widely perceived as oppressive, presidents, Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and unaccountable and corrupt. Indeed, it is no Hosni Mubarak, stepped down (and the coincidence that the very event which sparked former fled the country), after several weeks the anti-regime uprising in Tunisia, from of massive anti-regime demonstrations, where it spread to the entire region, was an followed by the overthrow and killing of abuse committed by a police officer against Libya’s Muammar Qaddafi in mid-2011, and an ordinary citizen.1 the resignation of Yemen’s Abdullah Saleh a This article is divided as follows. It begins few months later. While the ultimate outcome with a few brief remarks on the concept of of these uprisings still remains unclear, the security sector reform and its relevance in the pro-reform movements in all Arab countries Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have called for greater political freedoms as region in general. It then turns to the case of well as economic opportunities, and the new Tunisia, describing the principal elements of leaderships which have come to power after the country’s security sector under the Ben the downfall of the autocrats have, at least Ali regime. This is followed by a discussion rhetorically, committed themselves to of main security sector reform efforts since establishing more democratic political the fall of the country’s leader. The main systems. arguments advanced in the following are that The aim of this article is to explore the the key SSR challenges in Tunisia in the post- challenges and prospects of security sector Ben Ali period have been the reform of the reform—commonly referred to as SSR—in country’s internal security apparatus and the the first Arab country to have overthrown its judiciary, whereas military reforms are of autocratic leader, Tunisia. While the Arab limited importance. Even though in both of uprisings have been driven by a range of both 1 On December 17 th , in the central Tunisian town of political and economic grievances, wide- Sidi Bouzid, the fruit vendor Mohamed Bouazi set spread dissatisfaction with abusive and himself on fire after his fruit cart was confiscated and he was harassed and humiliated by a (female) police unaccountable security forces has been at the officer. 3 these areas actual reforms have been rather SSR is thus an at least partly normative modest so far, and have focused more on concept, as well as a key component of the purges rather than on structural democratization agenda. It is commonly transformations, Tunisia remains the most assumed that any transition towards promising of all Arab countries which have democracy would be incomplete if toppled their long-standing autocrats when it democratization does not also encompass a comes to achieving effective security sector country’s security institutions. Conversely, reforms. the prospects of reforming a country’s security sector in the absence of a truly democratic system are considered to be Security Sector Reform in the MENA limited at best. While under a non-democratic region regime, security forces might be effective in Although a relatively recent concept, security providing security, and might even be rule- sector reform or SSR is now rather widely bound, democratic oversight of security used within both the security and forces presupposes the existence of at least development communities. Security sector some form of a democratic polity. reform is generally understood as a Another distinctive feature of the SSR transformation of security institutions towards concept is its holistic approach to the security greater democratic accountability and sector. Security sector reform comprises all transparency as well as effectiveness. From an relevant institutions as well as oversight SSR perspective, security institutions should bodies concerned with security provision. not only be effective and efficient in This includes police and other internal providing security for the country’s citizens security agencies, military and paramilitary but should also be controlled by and forces, intelligence services, courts, as well as accountable to democratically elected civilian institutions responsible for overseeing these authorities, and should act based on the rule agencies, such as ministries, parliaments and of law.2 civil society groups. The ultimate objective of SSR is that all agencies tasked with providing security be subject and accountable to 2 See, e.g., Heiner Hänggi, “Conceptualising Security Sector Reform and Reconstruction”, in: Alan Bryden and Heiner Hänggi, Reform and Reconstruction of the Security Sector (Geneva: Geneva Centre for Democratic Control of Armed forces, 2004), pp. 3-20. 4 democratically legitimized civilian obstacle to political liberalization and authorities. 3 democratization in the region. 5 Turning to the MENA region more As a consequence, there have to date hardly specifically, it can be noted that it has long been any genuine, internally-driven security been seen as perhaps the most problematic sector reform activities undertaken in the region in the world when it comes to the MENA region. As noted in one recent prospects for security sector reform. Even overview, “no Arab country has embarked on, though in recent years, analysts have been let alone achieved, significant SSR” 6. While pointing to a “nascent debate” on SSR in the there have been a few instances of at least MENA region, as result of both internal and attempted reforms of security institutions in external pressures, at least until the current the region, these have all taken place in the uprisings, the Arab world seemed largely context of (western-led) international efforts exempt from general trends towards in countries emerging from conflict or democratization—of political systems in otherwise suffering from severe security general, as well as of security institutions deficits. Thus, in countries such as Iraq, more specifically.4 Not only has the MENA Palestine or Lebanon, certain—and in the case region had the world’s largest share of non- of Lebanon very limited—security sector democratic regimes, but in many countries of reform efforts have been carried out in the the region the security apparatus has been the framework of multilateral assistance principal instrument through which missions. 7 Even in these cases, however, the authoritarian regimes have maintained 5 themselves in power. Instead of ensuring the See, e.g., Eva Bellin, “The Robustness of Authoritarianism in the Middle East. Exceptionalism in security of the state and its citizens, security Comparative Perspective”, Comparative Politics, vol. 36, no. 2 (2004), pp. 139-157; Steven A. Cook, Ruling forces have rather been concerned first and But Not Governing. The Military and Political foremost with securing the ruling regimes. Development in Egypt, Algeria and Turkey (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2007); Risa Brooks, Indeed, the robustness of the coercive Political-Military Relations and the Stability of Arab Regimes , Adelphi Paper No. 324, International apparatus of Middle Eastern states has been Institute for Strategic Studies, 1998. seen by many as one of, if not the main 6 Yezid Sayigh, Security Sector Form in the Arab Region: Challenges to Developing an Indigenous Agenda , Arab Reform Initiative Thematic Papers No. 2, 3 Ibid. December 2007 , p. 15. 7 For an overview, see e.g., Andrew Rathmell et al., 4Arnold Luethold, “Security Sector Reform in the Arab Developing Iraq’s security sector: the Coalition Middle East: A Nascent Debate”, in: Alan Bryden and Provisional Authority’s experience (Santa Monica: Heiner Hänggi, op.cit ., pp. 93-120. Rand Corporation,
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