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Politics Close to Home: the Impact of Meso-Level Institutions on Women in Politics
Politics Close to Home: The Impact of Meso-level Institutions on Women in Politics Candice D. Ortbals*, Meg Rinckery, and Celeste Montoyaz *Pepperdine University; [email protected] y Purdue University Calumet; [email protected] Downloaded from zUniversity of Colorado; [email protected] Scholars recognize a worldwide increase in decentralization as well as the prevalence of multilevel governance in Europe. This article examines the advantages and disadvantages that meso-level http://publius.oxfordjournals.org/ institutions present for women’s political representation in three European Union member-states that are decentralized, unitary states. Using the framework of the triangle of women’s empower- ment, we ask whether women are represented in meso-level legislatures, women’s policy agencies, and women’s movements in Italy, Spain, and Poland. We find that gains in meso-level legislatures are slow, but meso-level women’s policy agencies and movements provide important access for women to politics. Like scholars studying women and federalism, we conclude that decentralized institutions in unitary states offer both opportunities for and impediments to fem- inist policy and activism. at University of Colorado on March 13, 2012 Current discourses about decentralization promise political participation, repre- sentation, and policy for women citizens. For example, in Spain, a sub-state government institute charged with improving gender equality lauded itself as an institution ‘‘with a new philosophy ...where women as individual subjects and as a collective achieve full participation’’ (Delegacio´n de la Mujer 2003, 19). Nevertheless, evidence from other countries suggests that subnational governments are not providing women greater political participation and rights. -
Rescued by Europe?
Maurizio Ferrera | Elisabetta Gualmini Rescued by Europe? Social and Labour Market Reforms in changing welfare changing welfare states Italy from Maastricht to Berlusconi Amsterdam University Press Rescued by Europe 19-12-2003 20:55 Pagina 1 Rescued by Europe? Rescued by Europe 19-12-2003 20:55 Pagina 2 Rescued by Europe 19-12-2003 20:55 Pagina 3 Rescued by Europe? Social and Labour Market Reforms in Italy from Maastricht to Berlusconi Maurizio Ferrera & Elisabetta Gualmini amsterdam university press Rescued by Europe 19-12-2003 20:55 Pagina 4 To Giulia and Sofia Cover illustration: Civica Raccolta delle Stampe ‘Achille Bertarelli’, Milano. All rights reserved. Cover design: Jaak Crasborn bno, Valkenburg a/d Geul Lay-out: Adriaan de Jonge, Amsterdam isbn 90 5356 651 1 nur 754 / 759 © Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam, 2004 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book. Rescued by Europe 19-12-2003 20:55 Pagina 5 Contents List of Tables and Figures / 7 Introduction / 9 I Adjusting to Europe:a Learning Perspective / 13 1 Deviant Italy chooses to adjust: the puzzle / 13 2 Learning how to adjust: the analytical framework / 21 3 Rescued by Europe? The argument in brief / 28 II The Scene in the 1970s:Light,Shadow and Thunder / -
The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV †
American Economic Review 2019, 109(7): 2497–2530 https://doi.org/10.1257/aer.20150958 The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV † By Ruben Durante, Paolo Pinotti, and Andrea Tesei* We study the political impact of commercial television in Italy exploiting the staggered introduction of Berlusconi’s private TV network, Mediaset, in the early 1980s. We find that individuals with early access to Mediaset all-entertainment content were more likely to vote for Berlusconi’s party in 1994, when he first ran for office. The effect persists for five elections and is driven by heavy TV viewers, namely the very young and the elderly. Regarding possible mechanisms, we find that individuals exposed to entertainment TV as children were less cognitively sophisticated and civic-minded as adults, and ultimately more vulnerable to Berlusconi’s populist rhetoric. JEL D72, L82, M31, Z13 ( ) There is extensive evidence that exposure to biased news on TV can influence viewers’ voting decisions DellaVigna and Kaplan 2007; Enikolopov, Petrova, and ( Zhuravskaya 2011 . News programs represent, however, just a fraction of total TV ) airtime,1 and other types of content may also influence viewers’ attitudes. Indeed, previous research indicates that, by priming particular cultural models, light enter- tainment shows, soap operas, and advertising can have important and persistent effects on various types of non-political behavior, such as civic engagement, gen- der attitudes, and consumption choices Putnam 2000; Olken 2009; Jensen and ( Oster 2009; Bursztyn and Cantoni 2016; La Ferrara, Chong, and Duryea 2012 .2 In ) addition, there is evidence that exposure to television at a young age can influence * Durante: ICREA, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, IPEG, Barcelona GSE, and CEPR email: rubendurante@gmail. -
Economic Development and Industrial Relations in a Small-Firm Economy: the Experience of Metalworkers in Emilia- Romagna, Italy
Upjohn Institute Press Economic Development and Industrial Relations in a Small-Firm Economy: The Experience of Metalworkers in Emilia- Romagna, Italy Bruce Herman Garment Industry Development Corporation Chapter 2 (pp. 19-40) in: Restructuring and Emerging Patterns of Industrial Relations Stephen R. Sleigh, ed. Kalamazoo, MI: W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, 1993 DOI: 10.17848/9780880995566.ch2 Copyright ©1993. W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research. All rights reserved. Economic Development and Industrial Relations in a Small-Firm Economy The Experience of Metalworkers in Emilia-Romagna, Italy Bruce Herman Garment Industry Development Corporation One example often referred to in discussions of successful eco nomic restructuring is the "Third Italy," particularly the Emilia- Romagna region of north-central Italy. And yet in the growing litera ture on Emilia-Romagna there is often little mention of the role of industrial relations in this predominantly small-firm economy. This chapter seeks to explain the history and results of a proactive collective bargaining strategy developed by the Federazione Impiegati Operai Metallurgici (FIOM), the metal-mechanical union affiliated with the Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro (CGIL), in the context of the successful industrial restructuring of the Emilian economy. The FIOM, with almost 70,000 members in the region (Catholic and Republican affiliates have 16,000 members), in an industry sector with a 55 percent unionization rate, has used its strength to pursue a proac tive collective bargaining strategy designed to increase worker partici pation and control.1 Leveraging needed organizational change within the firm to gain greater autonomy and an expanded role in the restruc turing process, the FIOM is trying to "regain" control of work layout and job design. -
Italian Parties' Loss of Support and the Success of a New Political Actor
Italian parties’ loss of support and the success of a new political actor Nicola Maggini March 1, 2013 One of the most relevant elements emerging in this case are again roughly 3.3 million. The de- from the political elections of 2013 is the backward crease for Silvio Berlusconi’s PdL has been even trend of the two main center-right and center-left more marked, both as a percentage and as an abso- parties, PdL and PD, with respect to the previous lute value. PdL indeed went from 37.4% in 2008 to election of 2008. In this paper, we will try to ana- 21.6% in 2013, a decrease of 15.8 percentage points. lyze the trends of the main Italian parties with a More than 6 million voters abandoned Berlusconi’s diachronic comparison, which includes the 2006 party. In 2006, FI and AN together obtained almost elections as well. As can be seen in Table 1, M5S 14 million votes. Today, this support declined by was the party to receive more votes at the Cham- half. Even by summing the votes gained by the two ber “(excluding Aosta Valley and the foreign con- “splinter” parties (FLI and FdI), only a little more stituency); this party obtained little more than 8.5 than 8 million votes are reached, which is far less million votes, with a percentage of 25.6%, despite than the 13.6 million of 2008. Today, PdL has less its first time at these political elections. This is -in votes (both in absolute terms and as a percentage) deed an impressive feat: never in the history of the than FI in 2006. -
Mitigating Disinformation Campaigns Against Air Power
May 2017 JAPCC Mitigating Disinformation Campaigns Against Air Power A JAPCC Study Joint Air Power Competence Centre Mitigating Disinformation Campaigns Against Air Power – A JAPCC Study – A JAPCC Power Air Against Campaigns Disinformation Mitigating Cover picture © DARPA © This work is copyrighted. No part may be reproduced by any process without prior written permission. Inquiries should be made to: The Editor, Joint Air Power Competence Centre (JAPCC), [email protected] Disclaimer This paper is a product of the Joint Air Power Competence Centre (JAPCC). It does not represent the opinions or policies of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and is designed to provide an independent overview, analysis and food for thought regarding possible ways ahead on this subject. Authors and Contributors Dr James Sterling Corum (University of Salford, Salford, England), Dr Matthieu Chillaud (University of Tartu, Estonia), Dr Conrad C. Crane (Army Heritage and Education Center, Carlisle, Pennsylvania, United States), Dr Eugenio Cusumano (University of Leiden), Dr Philipp Fraund (Faculty for Anglistics and Study of Literature, University Konstanz, Germany), Dr Mark Hilborne (United Kingdom Defence Academy, King’s College, London, England) Release This document is releasable to the Public. Portions of the document may be quoted without permission, provided a standard source credit is included. Published and distributed by The Joint Air Power Competence Centre von-Seydlitz-Kaserne Römerstraße 140 47546 Kalkar Germany Telephone: +49 (0) 2824 90 2201 Facsimile: +49 (0) 2824 90 2208 E-Mail: [email protected] Website: www.japcc.org Denotes images digitally manipulated FROM: The Executive Director of the Joint Air Power Competence Centre (JAPCC) SUBJECT: Mitigating Disinformation Campaigns Against Air Power DISTRIBUTION: All NATO Commands, Nations, Ministries of Defence, and Relevant Organisations Air power has repeatedly proven to be NATO’s great asymmetric advantage. -
The Limits of Radical Parties in Coalition Foreign Policy: Italy, Hijacking, and the Extremity Hypothesis
Foreign Policy Analysis (2016) 0,1–20 The Limits of Radical Parties in Coalition Foreign Policy: Italy, Hijacking, and the Extremity Hypothesis FABRIZIO COTICCHIA University of Genoa AND JASON W. DAVIDSON University of Mary Washington Scholars increasingly suggest that coalition governments produce more extreme foreign policies than single-party governments. Extremity is es- pecially likely when governments include radical parties that take extreme positions on foreign policy issues and are “critical” to the gov- ernment’s survival, as the radical parties push the centrist ones toward the extremes. A look at Italy’s Second Republic provides an important counterpoint to the extremity hypothesis. In three high-profile cases of military operations—Albania 1997, Kosovo 1999, and Afghanistan 2006– 08—Italy had a center-left government that depended on radical parties for its survival. In all cases, the radical parties opposed military oper- ations but did not prevent the government from acting by forcing the government’s fall. Our article seeks to explain the limits of leftist radical parties in Italy’s Second Republic. We argue first that radical parties are reluctant to threaten or force government collapse as this can lead to an opposition coalition coming to office and voters’ being blamed for the outcome. Second, we claim that foreign policy has been less important to radical parties than domestic issues. Finally, we argue that radical par- ties have appealed to their voters through theatrical politics and have af- fected the implementation of military operations. Scholars studying the foreign policies of democracies with coalition governments have increasingly argued in favor of an “extremity hypothesis.” In 2008, Juliet Kaarbo and Ryan Beasley first made the case that coalition governments are more likely to adopt extreme foreign policies than single-party governments. -
Christian Democratic Party Strategy in Italy, 1943-89
Centre Domination and Party Competition: Christian Democratic Party Strategy in Italy, 1943-89 by Mark Donovan A Thesis Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The London School of Economics and Political Science University of London July, 1990 1 UMI Number: U048297 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U048297 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T \* £ $ > £ S F O i ^ o ; 2 o 7 Abstract The powerful hold of the Italian Christian Demo cratic Party on post-war government entitles it to recogni tion as, in many ways, the most successful party in Western Europe. At the same time, the party is unique in having mass support whilst being identified with the political 'centre'. This study focuses on the relationship between these two aspects of Italian politics. The thesis starts by examining the importance of spatial terminology in analyses of Italian politics and proposes that 'the centre' has two distinct, if not unrelat ed, meanings. Drawing on this idea the thesis seeks to show that the evolution of the Italian party system can be under stood through an analysis of two strategies which have dominated the Christian Democratic Party: the centre politi cal strategy and the centre party strategy, each rooted in a different understanding of the centre. -
The State of the European Union 2011
ISBN 978-84-948895-2-3 Fundación Alternativas Created in 1997 to serve as a channel for political, social and www.fundacionalternativas.org cultural research and advocacy in Spain and Europe, the Fundación Alternativas has become a vital forum for the exchange of ideas and policy development. The foundation addresses a The political situation facing Europe is one of the most difficult and complex it has expe- broad range of issues through its Laboratory, Observatory on rienced since the Treaty of Rome – and it is not for want of public support. The latest Culture and Communication, Progress Research programme and opinion polls conducted by the European Parliament report the greatest sense of proxim- Observatory on Foreign Policy (OPEX), which focuses on foreign ity to the European project since such surveys began. policy at both European and international arenas. The difficulties stem from the domestic policies of the member states and from their cen- THE STATE OF THE The core objective of this organisation, which works hand in hand tripetal attitude in the face of the global challenges of the 21st century – on security, on with the most innovative and forward-looking thinkers in Spanish society today, has always been, and continues to be, rigorous socioeconomic relations, or on the environment. www.fes.de EUROPEAN UNION analysis and the development of new ideas for today’s increas- It is necessary to rethink Europe and, above all, rethink it together. However, so far there ingly globalised world. Through its programmes that focus on pub- has been a lack of the necessary courage and vision for such an initiative. -
Edited by Maya Adereth
Phenomenal World Volumes Edited by Maya1 Adereth Phenomenal World 2 Market Economy, Market Society Interviews and Essays on the Decline of European Social Democracy Edited by Maya Adereth 3 Phenomenal World 4 Acknowledgements Many thanks are due. Above all to Adam Przeworski, who generous- ly provided intellectual mentorship as well as practical assistance from this project’s early stages until its completion. I’m very grateful to José María Maravall, for his contribution to the interviews in Spain, and the many hours of invigorating conversation which preceded and followed them. Jonathan Hopkin not only guided me through the key debates of the period in Spain and Italy, but, as my graduate supervisor, he was in- strumental in helping me formulate an interest in the questions posed by this series. Infinite thanks are due to my interview partners, Javier Padilla and Davide Ceccanti, who traveled many miles to conduct the interviews with me and devoted countless hours to helping me arrange, edit, and publish them. Sarah Katz and Pierre Stambul arranged my interviews in Paris, escorted me across the city, and compensated for my imperfect French. I’m grateful to Stephanie Mudge, David Broder, Jonah Birch, and Juan Andrade for contributing insightful commentary despite full schedules and truly unprecedented global circumstances. Megan Ghantous, Belen Hipola, Andrea Arándano, Elisabetta Gatti, and Edouard Rosselet all provided elegant translations. And finally, thanks to Michael Stynes, Molly Dektar, and Jack Gross at JFI, for sup- porting this project. — Maya Adereth 5 Phenomenal World Published by Phenomenal World Volumes, 2021 Designed by Partner and Partners. The volume ©️ Phenomenal World Volumes 2021 The contributions ©️ The contributors 2021 All rights reserved. -
J. Stalin — Works, Vol. 2
W O R K E R S O F A L L C O U N T R I E S, U N I T E ! From Marx to Mao M L © Digital Reprints 2006 RUSSIAN EDITION PUBLISHED BY DECISION OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION (BOLSHEVIKS) П pолеma puu вcex cm paн, coeдuняйmecь! ИНCTИTУT МАРKCА — ЭНГЕ ЛЬCА — ЛЕ НИНА пpи ЦK ВKП(б) n.b. CTAlnH СОчИНEНИя О Г И З ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЕ ИЗДАТЕЛЬСТВО ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ М o c к в a • 1 9 4 6 J. V. S TA L I N FROM MARX w o R k s TO MAO VOLUME ™ !()&_!(!# NOT FOR COMMERCIAL DISTRIBUTION E FOREIGN LANGUAGES PUBLISHING HOUSE M o s c o w • 1 9 5 3 C O N T E N T S FROM MARX TO MAO Page Preface .................. XI 1907 PREFACE TO THE GEORGIAN EDITION OF K. KAUT- SKY’S PAMPHLET THE DRIVING FORCES AND PROSPECTS OF THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION 1 THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN IN ST. PETERSBURG AND THE MENSHEVIKS . 14 THE AUTOCRACY OFNOT THE CADETS FOR OR THE SOVER- EIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE? . 21 THE PROLETARIAT IS FIGHTING, THE BOURGEOI- SIE IS CONCLUDINGCOMMERCIAL AN ALLIANCE WITH THE GOVERNMENT . 23 COMRADE G. TELIA. In Memoriam ....... 28 THE ADVANCEDDISTRIBUTION PROLETARIAT AND THE FIFTH PARTY CONGRESS . 33 MUDDLE . 36 OUR CAUCASIAN CLOWNS . 39 THE DISPERSION OF THE DUMA AND THE TASKS OF THE PROLETARIAT . 42 THE LONDON CONGRESS OF THE RUSSIAN SOCIAL- DEMOCRATIC LABOUR PARTY (Notes of a Dele- gate)................. 47 I. The Composition of the Congress .