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The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party Respond to the Crisis1
All anti-neo-liberal now? The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party respond to the crisis1 Luke March University of Edinburgh [email protected] Paper for PSA 2013 Draft version 1.0. Work very much in progress. Please do not quote without author’s permission. Why has the left failed to benefit from the post-2008 economic crisis? This is a common, but perhaps slightly unfair question. It is difficult to see any one political family as a unique beneficiary, and indeed the right’s apparent earlier ideological hegemony has become unstuck with the ‘austerity medicine’ having consistently failed to revive the European patient. Nevertheless, there is still something remarkable about socio-economic conditions that should be a ‘perfect storm’ for left-wing politics regularly failing to produce anything like a clear boon for the left. The February 2013 Italian elections are just the latest that may mark a ‘no- confidence’ vote in the Centre-Left (McDonnell and Bobba 2013). The social democratic Democratic Party (PD) and its more leftist ally, the post-communist Left Ecology Freedom threw away an apparently unassailable lead to squeak ahead of the right and Beppe Grillo’s Five-Star Movement. This paper aims to contribute to answering this overarching question by comparing the policy and ideological response to the crisis undertaken by the three ‘left’ transnational party federations (TNPs) at European level, the Party of European Socialists (PES), European Green Party (EGP) and European Left Party (EL).2 Comparing the three TNPs is an apposite approach. Although TNPs are ‘timidly rising actors’, relatively weak formations that fall far short of being fully integrated parties, they at the very least aspire to a minimal level of ideological and policy co-ordination (Bardi 2004; cf. -
Aporie Dell'integrazione Europea: Tra Universalismo Umanitario E
TRA UNIVERSALISMO UMANITARIO E SOVRANISMO APORIE DELL’INTEGRAZIONE EUROPEA: Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II Scuola delle Scienze Umane e Sociali Scuola delle Scienze Umane e Sociali Quaderni 19 Questo volume è frutto di un percorso di studio e di ricerca che ha coinvolto studiosi afferenti all’Università di Évora e al Centro de Investigação em Ciência Política (CICP) in Portogallo e studiosi del DSU della Federico II di Napoli e di altre prestigiose universi- APORIE DELL’INTEGRAZIONE EUROPEA: tà italiane. Articolato in tre sezioni, affronta con un approccio in- terdisciplinare la tensione tra l’universalismo – inteso tanto come TRA UNIVERSALISMO UMANITARIO principio filosofico proprio della tradizione culturale occidentale, E SOVRANISMO quanto come principio giuridico-politico che è alla base del proces- so di integrazione – e il principio di sovranità che invece tende a a cura di Anna Pia Ruoppo e Irene Viparelli preservare l’autonomia politica degli stati all’interno del processo di integrazione. Contributi di: Peluso, Morfino, Cacciatore, Gianni- ni, Rocha Cunha, Boemio, Basso, Amendola, Arienzo, Tinè, Höbel, Donato, D’Acunto. Anna Pia Ruoppo è ricercatrice di Filosofia Morale presso il Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici dell’Università di Napoli “Federico II” e insegna Filosofia Pra- tica nel CdlM in Filosofia. La sua ricerca si articola intorno al nesso tra etica, prassi ed esistenza, umanismo e antiumanismo con particolare riferimento al pensiero di Heidegger e Sartre. È autrice di numerosi saggi e traduzioni, oltre che dei libri: Vita e Metodo (Firenze 2008), L’attimo della decisione. Su possibi- lità e limiti di un’etica in Essere e Tempo (Genova 2011). -
Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
Fonds André Fougeron Inventaire
Fonds André Fougeron (1913-1998) Inventaire Versement de 2001 201FGR/1 - 201FGR/29 Instrument de rechercheréalisé par Anysia l’Hôtellier sous la direction de Sandrine Samson octobre 2012 révisé en janvier 2019 © Imec - Tous droits réservés Introduction Identification Producteur : André Fougeron Bbiographie : Autodidacte issu d’un milieu ouvrier, André Fougeron entra en peinture dans les années 1935-1936 et adhéra au Parti communiste français en 1939. Tout en continuant à exposer pendant l’Occupation, il transforma son atelier en imprimerie clandestine et fonda le Front national des arts avec Édouard Goerg et Édouard Pignon. À la Libération, attaché au cabinet de Joseph Billiet, directeur des Beaux-Arts, il fut chargé d’organiser l’épuration de la scène artistique française et de préparer un hommage à Picasso au Salon d’automne de 1944. Élu secrétaire général de l’Union des arts plastiques, il obtint le prix national des Arts et des Lettres (1946). À partir de 1947-1948, s’éloignant d’une certaine tradition moderne proche de Picasso et du fauvisme, Fougeron devint le chef de file du Nouveau Réalisme, trop facilement perçu comme la version française du réalisme socialiste. Sa toile Parisiennes au marché, véritable manifeste pictural, fit scandale au Salon d’automne de 1948. Fidèle à ses convictions communistes, André Fougeron n’a cessé de questionner son époque à travers une œuvre souvent teintée d’allégorie. Durant les années soixante-dix, il fut considéré comme un précurseur de la Nouvelle Figuration critique. Modalité d'entrée Fonds déposé par les ayants droit en 2001. Contenu et structure Présentation du contenu : Une importante correspondance (avec notamment Renato Guttuso, Jean Guillon, Peintres témoins de leur temps, Union des artistes de l'URSS...) et de nombreux dossiers thématiques éclairent tout à la fois l'évolution artistique et les activités militantes au sein du Parti communiste français d'André Fougeron. -
1.3. El Desempleo
ÍNDICE PRESENTACIÓN 5 RESUMEN EJECUTIVO 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 15 1. Análisis de coyuntura del mercado de trabajo de la Ciudad de Madrid 1.La oferta de trabajo 25 2.Los ocupados y los puestos de trabajo 28 3.El desempleo 50 4.Los extranjeros en el mercado laboral 60 5.Los costes laborales 65 6.Las relaciones laborales 69 7.La protección social 75 2. Mesa Sectorial de la Asistencia a la Dependencia 1.Introducción 81 2.Contexto estructural del sector 83 3.Situación y evolución del sector de la asistencia a la Dependencia en Madrid 86 4.Perfil del asistente a la Dependencia 91 5.Actuaciones de la Agencia para el Empleo 92 6.Reflexiones y propuestas de la Mesa 95 7.Conclusiones 97 3. A fondo: Mapa del paro 2008 de la Ciudad de Madrid Dirección y coordinación Pablo Vázquez Vega, Universidad Complutense de Madrid 1.Introducción 101 Bernardino Sanz Berzal, Observatorio Económico Javier Serrano de Toledo, Agencia para el Empleo 2.Evolución del paro en la ciudad de Madrid 102 3.Desempleo y nacionalidad 106 Equipo de trabajo de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid Rocío Albert López-Ibor 4.Desempleo y género 108 Alfonso Arellano Espinar Rogelio Biazzi Solomonoff 5.Desempleo y edad 110 José Manuel Díaz Pulido Florentino Felgueroso Fernández 6.Desempleo por sectores y ramas de actividad 112 7.Desempleo y cualificación profesional 121 8.Desempleo y nivel educativo 122 Impresión: 9.Desempleo y discapacidad 125 Diseño: 10.Conclusiones 125 I.S.S.N.: 1888-8283 Apéndice 1: Mapa de Distritos de Madrid 127 D.L.: M-30285-2008 Apéndice 2: Mapa de Barrios de Madrid 128 Agradecemos la inestimable colaboración de todas las Áreas del Ayuntamiento de Madrid que han participado en este proyecto, en especial a la Dirección General de Estadística, así como al Observatorio de Empleo de la Comunidad de Madrid, pues sin su colaboración en el suministro de información, no hubiera sido posible la elaboración de estos informes. -
0714685003.Pdf
CONTENTS Foreword xi Acknowledgements xiv Acronyms xviii Introduction 1 1 A terrorist attack in Italy 3 2 A scandal shocks Western Europe 15 3 The silence of NATO, CIA and MI6 25 4 The secret war in Great Britain 38 5 The secret war in the United States 51 6 The secret war in Italy 63 7 The secret war in France 84 8 The secret war in Spain 103 9 The secret war in Portugal 114 10 The secret war in Belgium 125 11 The secret war in the Netherlands 148 12 The secret war in Luxemburg 165 ix 13 The secret war in Denmark 168 14 The secret war in Norway 176 15 The secret war in Germany 189 16 The secret war in Greece 212 17 The secret war in Turkey 224 Conclusion 245 Chronology 250 Notes 259 Select bibliography 301 Index 303 x FOREWORD At the height of the Cold War there was effectively a front line in Europe. Winston Churchill once called it the Iron Curtain and said it ran from Szczecin on the Baltic Sea to Trieste on the Adriatic Sea. Both sides deployed military power along this line in the expectation of a major combat. The Western European powers created the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) precisely to fight that expected war but the strength they could marshal remained limited. The Soviet Union, and after the mid-1950s the Soviet Bloc, consistently had greater numbers of troops, tanks, planes, guns, and other equipment. This is not the place to pull apart analyses of the military balance, to dissect issues of quantitative versus qualitative, or rigid versus flexible tactics. -
Italy's Atlanticism Between Foreign and Internal
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY’S ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND INTERNAL POLITICS Massimo de Leonardis 1 Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Abstract: In spite of being a defeated country in the Second World War, Italy was a founding member of the Atlantic Alliance, because the USA highly valued her strategic importance and wished to assure her political stability. After 1955, Italy tried to advocate the Alliance’s role in the Near East and in Mediterranean Africa. The Suez crisis offered Italy the opportunity to forge closer ties with Washington at the same time appearing progressive and friendly to the Arabs in the Mediterranean, where she tried to be a protagonist vis a vis the so called neo- Atlanticism. This link with Washington was also instrumental to neutralize General De Gaulle’s ambitions of an Anglo-French-American directorate. The main issues of Italy’s Atlantic policy in the first years of “centre-left” coalitions, between 1962 and 1968, were the removal of the Jupiter missiles from Italy as a result of the Cuban missile crisis, French policy towards NATO and the EEC, Multilateral [nuclear] Force [MLF] and the revision of the Alliance’ strategy from “massive retaliation” to “flexible response”. On all these issues the Italian government was consonant with the United States. After the period of the late Sixties and Seventies when political instability, terrorism and high inflation undermined the Italian role in international relations, the decision in 1979 to accept the Euromissiles was a landmark in the history of Italian participation to NATO. -
Disparities in Height and Urban Social Stratification in the First Half
International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health Article Disparities in Height and Urban Social Stratification in the First Half of the 20th Century in Madrid (Spain) Carlos Varea 1,* , Elena Sánchez-García 1, Barry Bogin 2, Luis Ríos 3, Bustar Gómez-Salinas 1, Alejandro López-Canorea 1 and José Miguel Martínez-Carrión 4 1 Department of Biology, Faculty of Sciences, Madrid Autonomous University, 28049 Madrid, Spain; [email protected] (E.S.-G); [email protected] (B.G.-S); [email protected] (A.L.-C.) 2 School of Sport, Exercise & Health Sciences, Loughborough University, Loughborough LE11 3TU, UK; [email protected] 3 Department of Physical Anthropology, Aranzadi Zientzia Elkartea, 20014 Donostia, Gipuzkoa, Spain; [email protected] 4 Department of Applied Economics, Faculty of Economics and Business, Murcia University, 30100 Murcia, Spain; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Received: 26 April 2019; Accepted: 1 June 2019; Published: 10 June 2019 Abstract: Adult height is the most commonly used biological indicator to evaluate material and emotional conditions in which people grew up, allowing the analysis of secular trends associated with socio-economic change as well as of social inequalities among human populations. There is a lack of studies on both aspects regarding urban populations. Our study evaluates the secular trends and the disparities in height of conscripts born between 1915 and 1953 and called-up at the age of 21 between 1936 and 1969, living in districts with low versus middle and high socio-economic conditions, in the city of Madrid, Spain. -
The Italian Communist Party and The
CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY The Italian Communist Party and the Hungarian crisis of 1956 History one-year M. A. In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Candidate: Aniello Verde Supervisor: Prof. Marsha Siefert Second reader: Prof. Alfred Rieber CEU eTD Collection June 4th, 2012 A. Y. 2011/2012 Budapest, Hungary Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection Acknowledgements I would like to express my frank gratitude to professors Marsha Siefert and Alfred Rieber for their indispensible support, guidance and corrections. Additionally, I would like to thank my Department staff. Particularly, I would like to thank Anikó Molnar for her continuous help and suggestions. CEU eTD Collection III ABSTRACT Despite a vast research about the impact of the Hungarian crisis of 1956 on the legacy of Communism in Italy, the controversial choices of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) have been often considered to be a sort of negative exception in the progressive path of Italian Communism toward modern European socialism. Instead, the main idea of this research is to reconstruct the PCI’s decision-making within the context of the enduring strategic patterns that shaped the political action of the party: can the communist reaction to the impact in Italy of the Hungarian uprising be interpreted as a coherent implication of the communist preexisting and persisting strategy? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to reconstruct how the news coming from Hungary left an imprint on the “permanent interests” of the PCI, and how the communist apparatus reacted to the crisis. -
“I Am Afraid Americans Cannot Understand” the Congress for Cultural Freedom in France and Italy, 1950–1957
“I Am Afraid Americans Cannot Understand” The Congress for Cultural Freedom in France and Italy, 1950–1957 ✣ Andrea Scionti Culture was a crucial yet elusive battlefield of the Cold War. Both superpowers tried to promote their way of life and values to the world but had to do so care- fully. The means adopted by the United States included not only propaganda and the use of mass media such as cinema and television but also efforts to help shape the world of highbrow culture and the arts. The Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), an organization sponsored by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), offered U.S. policymakers and intellectuals the opportunity to provide indirect support for anti-Communist intellectuals without being openly associated with their activities. Although the CCF represented one of the main instruments for the United States to try to win the hearts and minds of postwar Europe, it also created new challenges for U.S. Cold War- riors. By tying themselves to the European intelligentsia, they were forced to mediate between different societies, cultures, and intellectual traditions. This article looks at the contexts of France and Italy to highlight this interplay of competing notions of anti-Communism and cultural freedom and how the local actors involved helped redefine the character and limits of U.S. cultural diplomacy. Although scholars have looked at the CCF and its significance, es- pecially in the Anglo-Saxon world, a focus on French and Italian intellectuals can offer fresh insights into this subject. The Congress for Cultural Freedom was the product of a convergence of interests between the CIA’s recently established Office of Policy Coordination (OPC) and a small number of American and European intellectuals, many of them former Communists, concerned about the perceived success of the Soviet cultural offensive in Western Europe. -
Racconto Autobiografico Di Eugenio Scalfari Letto Da Lorenzo Paliotta.Pdf
Racconto autobiografico di Eugenio Scalfari letto da Lorenzo Paliotta . In 120 pagine viene raccontata “una vita non serena, ma fortunata e felice”. Così Eugenio Scalfari fa il bilancio della propria esistenza in una memoria che l’abbraccia per intero: dalla casa dell’infanzia di fronte al mare di Civitavecchia dove nacque nel 1924, alle aule del ginnasio Mamiani di Roma dove ebbe come insegnante di lettere la giovane Laura Lombardo Radice, al liceo Cassini di Sanremo dove, con la complicità di Italo Calvino, il viaggio ebbe nel 1938 il suo consapevole inizio. Sanremo, quel liceo, gli amici che vi incontrò, gli autori e i libri che lesse, quei luoghi che si fissarono nella sua memoria e che frequentò per tre anni, il mare e la costiera di ponente, le colline terrazzate di viti e di ulivi, il dialetto e i cibi della Liguria: questi sono stati i luoghi, i tempi, i nomi dai quali è cominciata la Recherche di Scalfari che ancora oggi continua. Con Calvino ha condiviso il banco in seconda e terza liceo, con un sodalizio che durò cinque anni e che si interruppe quando la guerra divise l’Italia in due. Riprese nel ’45 ma entrambi erano cambiati, le loro strade si divisero anche se i rapporti formali si mantennero: Scalfari leggeva i libri di Calvino e questi leggeva i giornali che Scalfari aveva fondato, L’Espresso e poi la Repubblica. Negli ultimi anni della sua vita anche Calvino scrisse per Repubblica. Il rapporto Calvino-Scalfari è stato per ambedue un rapporto essenziale perché il nocciolo del loro modo di pensare e di sentire se lo formarono insieme. -
A Comparative Analysis of the Intractability of the Basque Conflict
A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE INTRACTABILITY OF THE BASQUE CONFLICT A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Graham M. Stubbs, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. April 2012 A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE INTRACTABILITY OF THE BASQUE CONFLICT Graham M. Stubbs B.A. Joseph P. Smaldone Phd. ABSTRACT Since the regime of dictator General Franco (1939-1975), the Spanish government has repressed or banned virtually all expressions of the Basque national identity and political expression. This failure to recognize the Basque culture within Spanish society has created a void in which the Basques have felt self-confined for generations. The conflict between the Basques and Spain has never found clear resolution, has often been punctuated by armed resistance, and has become virtually intractable. Spanish nationalism has prevailed over the indigenous group in the region, leaving resentment and frustration for those seeking to practice their traditions and cultural distinctions. The Spanish blend of fascist, traditionalist, and militarist responses has reinforced the deep- felt resentment of the Basque people in their pursuit of the civil liberties granted to all other citizens of the Spanish state. The existence of the Basques has been problematic to the Spanish because cultural differences challenged Franco’s ideal of a unified Catholic state. Catholicism was the essence of the ‘nation’ and Castile was its ‘ethnic core,’ thus leaving little room for any opposing ideology and principles.