DOCSLIB.ORG

Christian Democratic Party Strategy in Italy, 1943-89

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Christian Democratic Party Strategy in Italy, 1943-89 Centre Domination and Party Competition: Christian Democratic Party Strategy in Italy, 1943-89 by Mark Donovan A Thesis Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The London School of Economics and Political Science University of London July, 1990 1 UMI Number: U048297 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U048297 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T \* £ $ > £ S F O i ^ o ; 2 o 7 Abstract The powerful hold of the Italian Christian Demo­ cratic Party on post-war government entitles it to recogni­ tion as, in many ways, the most successful party in Western Europe. At the same time, the party is unique in having mass support whilst being identified with the political 'centre'. This study focuses on the relationship between these two aspects of Italian politics. The thesis starts by examining the importance of spatial terminology in analyses of Italian politics and proposes that 'the centre' has two distinct, if not unrelat­ ed, meanings. Drawing on this idea the thesis seeks to show that the evolution of the Italian party system can be under­ stood through an analysis of two strategies which have dominated the Christian Democratic Party: the centre politi­ cal strategy and the centre party strategy, each rooted in a different understanding of the centre. In studying these strategies, party competition is emphasised as the means by which Italian multi-partism has been bound into a unified, if internally contradictory system; whilst a study of economic policy-making exemplifies the complex inter-relationship which has seen this ' contra­ dictory unity' contribute to the nation-building process. The thesis contributes to the debate about the nature of Christian Democracy and party competition in Italy, and to the debate within comparative politics about the nature of party system structure. Acknowledgements The award from the Economic and Social Research Coun­ cil was decisive in allowing me to start a PhD and I am grateful to all those who made the award possible. My warmest thanks go to Professor Gordon Smith. During the MSc course in West European Politics with which I preceded this thesis he forced me to at least rethink some of my prejudices, and his supervision of my PhD was challenging and stimulating. Howard Machin too provided invaluable help both as joint supervisor and in providing more general support, particularly with regard to finding part-time jobs whilst complet­ ing my thesis. I was also encouraged by, and would like in particular to thank, Professor Jean Blondel of the European University Institute where I spent several months in 1988, and Professor Angelo Panebianco of Bologna University who read a draft of the thesis whilst at the LSE's International Relations Centre. Finally, I must thank my wife, Patrizia. She has put up with my thesis and kept me in the style to which I had grown accustomed before returning to live on a 'grant1, but most of all she has continued to be a priceless companion. TRENT!NO* /ALTO ^ pA a d i g e ^ UALLE D' AOSTA OMBARDI UENET1 PI-EMONTE OMAGHAEMILIA MARCHE MBRI LAZIO IOLI UGLIA CAMPANIA SARDEGNA CALABRIA SICILIA <C> George Philip & Son Limited. CONTENTS Title Page ............................................... i Abstract ................................................ ii Acknowledgments ............ iii Map ..................................................... iv Contents Summary ......................................... v Summary of Figures and Tables ............................ x Abbreviations/Glossary .................................. xi CHAPTER TITLES PREFACE .................................................. 1 INTRODUCTION: ITALIAN CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACY: THE NATURE OF ITS SUCCESS .............. 12 CHAPTER 1: APPROACHES TO UNDERSTANDING THE ITALIAN PARTY SYSTEM ........... 24 CHAPTER 2: THE CONSTRUCTION OF CENTRISM, 1943-47 ........ 69 CHAPTER 3: TRANSFORMATION & CRISIS OF CENTRISM, 1947-53 . 133 CHAPTER 4: IMPERFECT CONSOLIDATION, CENTRISM, 1953-64 165 CHAPTER 5: A CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL ECONOMY? -- 201 CHAPTER 6: THE DC REJECTION OF BIPOLARITY: THE DEFEAT OF THE HISTORIC COMPROMISE ....... 263 CHAPTER 7: ' BIPOLAR GOVERNMENT': THE TRANSFORMATION OF CENTRE DOMINATION IN THE 1980s ...... 310 CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSION ................................. 370 APPENDICES: ............................................ 386 BIBLIOGRAPHY: .......................................... 426 BREAKDOWN OF INDIVIDUAL CHAPTERS INTRODUCTION: ITALIAN CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACY: THE NATURE OF ITS SUCCESS ............... 12 I POLITICAL SUCCESS, PARTY SUCCESS & THE PARTY SYSTEM 12 II STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS ............................ 18 ENDNOTES ................................................ 22 CHAPTER 1: APPROACHES TO UNDERSTANDING THE ITALIAN PARTY SYSTEM ............ 24 I LEFT, CENTRE AND RIGHT IN ITALIAN POLITICS ......... 24 II POWER AND POLITICAL BLOCKS ......................... 29 A. Two Concepts of Power .......................... 29 B. Blocks and 'Polarisation* ...................... 30 C. Block Interaction & Block Structure ............ 31 D. Block Differentiation: Ideology as Policy or Image? .... 33 E. Government/Opposition Relations ................ 34 III EXISTING THEORIES OF THE DC AND THE ITALIAN PARTY SYSTEM .................... 35 A. Sartori: the Mechanics of Centre Placement ..... 36 B. Galli and the Dualist Model of Politics ........ 39 C. Farneti's Synthesis and 'Democraticity1 ........ 41 v D. Pizzorno's Critique: the catch-all party system . 45 E. Summary ........................................ 47 IV THE PROBLEMS OF THE EXISTING MODELS ................ 48 A. Sartori: legitimacy and electoral volatility .... 48 B. Galli: Left/Right Conflict, 'Normal* & Difficult 50 C. Farneti: Consensus & the Inexistent Party System 52 D. Pizzorno: Unity and Dissensus .................. 53 V THE PARTY SYSTEM AS CONTRADICTORY UNITY: TWO MEANINGS OF THE CENTRE ............... 54 A. The Centre block ............................... 54 B. The Relational Centre........................... 56 C. Contradictory Unity ............................ 61 D. Centre Domination and nation-Building ........... 61 ENDNOTES ................................................ 64 CHAPTER 2: THE CONSTRUCTION OF CENTRISM. 1943-47 69 I THE POLITICO-CULTURAL FOUNDATIONS OF DC CENTRISM ... 70 A. Sub-Cultures and Block Structure ............... 70 1. Conservatism in Italy ..................... 71 2. A Catholic block? ......................... 72 3. The lay/liberal tradition ................ 72 4. The socialist sub-culture................. 73 5. Summary .................................. ’. 73 B. The Catholic 'Third Way* ....................... 74 1. The vacuum on the right .................. 74 2. The Catholic World ....................... 79 a. Two strands of Catholic mobilisation .. 80 b. Papal power and its limits ........... 82 c. Catholic-Communism: A common enemy .... 85 d. Catholic unity: Montini and the DC .... 86 e. Tardini*s political scepticism ....... 87 f. The 'Roman * party ................... 88 g. Catholic trade unionism .............. 89 h. The 'Third Way' & catholic integralism 90 i. Catholicism and heteronomy ........... 93 C. Political Opportunity .......................... 95 1. The DC and political mediation............ 95 2. Party system structure: the 'blueprint' .... 99 D. Summary ....................................... 100 II THE POLITICAL CONSTRUCTION OF CENTRISM ........... 101 A. Building a Political Class: Anti-Fascism, 1943-8 103 1. The CLN: the self-assertion of a new political elite ................... 103 2. The consolidation of a political class .... 107 B. Political Responsibility and Leadership ....... 113 1. Leadership autonomy ...................... 113 2. The exclusion crisis and centrism ........ 116 C. Organising a Party Democracy .................. 118 1. The extension of political control into society ...................... 119 2. Elections: establishing party control .... 121 III CONCLUSION........................................ 125 ENDNOTES .............................................. 126 VI CHAPTER 3: THE TRANSFORMATION AND CRISIS OF CENTRISM. 1947-53 .................. 133 I CRISIS AND TRANSFORMATION: EXCLUSIONARY CENTRISM .. 135 A. The Exclusion of the Left? .................... 137 B. Exclusion and the DC....................... 141 II CENTRIST GOVERNMENT ............................... 144 A. Social Reform: The limits of Voluntarism ...... 144 B. The Threat of the Clerical Right .............. 148 C. Reformist Government: A minimalist strategy .... 152 III THE TRANSFORMATION OF CENTRISM................ 154 A. Centrism: Ideal Types, and Reality ............ 154 1. Democratically ambiguous centrism ........ 154 2. Two democratic ideal types ............... 155 3 . Resume ................................... 157 B. Decisive Government, Weak Political Formula .... 158 1. Centrist government, left political culture 158 2 . The strength of weakness ................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Isabel Maria Estrada Local Associationalism and the Path to A
    Isabel Maria Estrada Local Associationalism and the path to a Post-National understanding of social relations in Europe. (The role of Civil Society and State in the Project for a Radical Democracy) We will start this paper from the assumption that a new model of society must be set in place - a society of deeper and wider democratic participation for all its members. What distinctive features should that society have? First of all, it should be a society willing to engage itself in a serious process of self-criticism about all its instituted boundaries as practices of exclusion, questioning itself on the moral validity of their existence(1). Such a society therefore would have to be defined as a living space of wide-open and intensive dialogue between all its members, relying on the authentic practice of rights of communication and participation. The idea that everybody has always something to teach and something to learn, having no place for a priori certainties, would be the only unquestioned thought. As a result, all moral positions should have equal opportunities to show themselves to each other, and this would guarantee that all practices of exclusion were fully and equally evaluated in their moral pertinence. And it would certainly be a more sharing and a more inclusive society. More sharing, because the exercise of rights of participation and communication enables us to know each other better, hence enables - by the use of our imagination and memory of previous own experiences - the capacity to understand the pain and desires of other people. More inclusive, because the sentiment of solidarity resulting from those intersubjective experiences allows us to better accept plurality and diversity.
    [Show full text]
  • October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (Excepts)
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts) Citation: “Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts),” October 22, 1962, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Italian Senate Historical Archives [the Archivio Storico del Senato della Repubblica]. Translated by Leopoldo Nuti. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/115421 Summary: The few excerpts about Cuba are a good example of the importance of the diaries: not only do they make clear Fanfani’s sense of danger and his willingness to search for a peaceful solution of the crisis, but the bits about his exchanges with Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Carlo Russo, with the Italian Ambassador in London Pietro Quaroni, or with the USSR Presidium member Frol Kozlov, help frame the Italian position during the crisis in a broader context. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Italian Contents: English Translation The Amintore Fanfani Diaries 22 October Tonight at 20:45 [US Ambassador Frederick Reinhardt] delivers me a letter in which [US President] Kennedy announces that he must act with an embargo of strategic weapons against Cuba because he is threatened by missile bases. And he sends me two of the four parts of the speech which he will deliver at midnight [Rome time; 7 pm Washington time]. I reply to the ambassador wondering whether they may be falling into a trap which will have possible repercussions in Berlin and elsewhere. Nonetheless, caught by surprise, I decide to reply formally tomorrow. I immediately called [President of the Republic Antonio] Segni in Sassari and [Foreign Minister Attilio] Piccioni in Brussels recommending prudence and peace for tomorrow’s EEC [European Economic Community] meeting.
    [Show full text]
  • Lega Nord and Anti-Immigrationism: the Importance of Hegemony Critique for Social Media Analysis and Protest
    International Journal of Communication 12(2018), 3553–3579 1932–8036/20180005 Lega Nord and Anti-Immigrationism: The Importance of Hegemony Critique for Social Media Analysis and Protest CINZIA PADOVANI1 Southern Illinois University Carbondale, USA In this study, I implement Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony critique to analyze the anti- immigration rhetoric promoted by the Italian ultraright party Lega Nord [Northern League]. Specifically, this case study focuses on the discourse that developed on the microblogging site Twitter during the Stop Invasione [Stop Invasion] rally, organized by Matteo Salvini’s party on October 18, 2014, in Milan. I argue that hegemony critique is helpful to investigate political discourse on social media and to theorize the struggle surrounding contentious topics such as immigration. The method, which is multilayered and includes content analysis and interpretative analysis, allows for the exploration of a considerable data corpus but also an in-depth reading of each tweet. The result is a nuanced understanding of the anti-immigration discourse and of the discourse that developed in favor of immigration and in support of a countermarch, which progressive movements organized in response to Lega’s mobilization on the same day in Milan. Keywords: Lega Nord, ultraright media, far-right media, anti-immigrationism, Twitter, critical social media analysis, mobilization, Gramsci, hegemony critique The rise of ultraright movements in Western Europe and the United States is an indication of the continuous crisis of capitalism and neoliberal ideologies. The financial and economic downturn that plagued Europe and North America beginning in late 2008 and the consequent Brussels-imposed austerity in the European Union have exacerbated the rift between the haves and the have-nots.
    [Show full text]
  • Investigating Social Capital and Political Action in the Middle East
    INVESTIGATING SOCIAL CAPITAL AND POLITICAL ACTION IN THE MIDDLE EAST by AMR ABDEL-WAHAB B.A. Rollins College, 2001 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science in the College of Sciences at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2011 © Amr Abdel-Wahab ii ABSTRACT This study addresses the relationship between social capital and political action in the Middle East. The research uncovers indicators of how social capital correlates with democratic action. Using data from the 2005 World Values Survey, the examination centers on indicators of trust and membership in civic organizations and how they relate to political action in the region. The paper concludes with discussion of how trust-building and reciprocity can be interpreted within the political context of the Middle East, and how the relevance of social capital will be an unavoidable consideration in the transition away from autocracy in the region, especially when considering recent events. iii For Nina. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................ vii INTRODUCTION ............................................................................... 1 SOCIAL CAPITAL AND POLITICAL ACTION .................................... 6 Rational Choice Explanations ........................................................................... 8 Psychological Explanations ............................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • 130 Ministri Di De Mita Corrente Per Corrente
    Anno 65', n. 81 Giornale Spedizione in abb. post. or. 1/70 del Partito L. 1000 / arretrati L. 2000 comunista Giovedì riMità italiano U aprile 1988 * . Il Tar sospende il trasferimento Editoriale VARATO IL COVERNO Gli uomini scelti col vecchio metodo dei dosaggi di Infensi Ma il Psdi è in rivolta. Pei: sfida sui programmi Il Tar del Lazio ha accollo il ricorso del giudice Luciano Inlelisi (nella foto) contro il traslerimento deliberato nel suoi confronti dal Csm. Infensi doveva lasciare la Procura romana per prendere servizio al Tribunale dell'Aquila. Il Un'opposizione Csm lo aveva •condannato' per il suo indebito colloquio con Delle Chiaie, appena rientrato In Italia. La sospensiva decisa dal Tar si sovrappone ancora una volta ad un atto per guardare 130 ministri di De Mita dell'organo dì governo autonomo della magistratura. più lontano A PAGINA 6 Tre feddayin Tre guerriglieri palestinesi corrente per corrente sono stati uccisi a ridosso IWiohoòai uccisi del confine con II Libano mentre tentavano di infil­ sul confine trarsi In Israele; tre civili pa­ I disfacimento del Psdi a ridosso della formazio­ 1 ministri hanno giurato ieri nelle mani di Cossiga di Israele lestinesi (un ragazzo e due ne del governo appare come la metafora di una proprio mentre al Senato la maggioranza a cinque si MINISTERI GOVERNO DE MITA GOVERNO GORIA donne) hanno perso la vita situazione politica assolutamente diversa da divideva nel voto sull'ennesimo decreto. Non è pro­ a Gaza per le cariche del quella del pentapartito rampante.' quali che sia­ soldati contro le manifestazioni di martedì.
    [Show full text]
  • ICRC President in Italy…
    INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE RED CROSS ICRC President in Italy... The President of the ICRC, Mr. Alexandre Hay, was in Italy from 15 to 20 June for an official visit. He was accompanied by Mr. Sergio Nessi, head of the Financing Division, and Mr. Melchior Borsinger, delegate-general for Europe and North America. The purpose of the visit was to contact the Italian authorities, to give them a detailed account of the ICRC role and function and to obtain greater moral and material support from them. The first day of the visit was mainly devoted to discussions with the leaders of the National Red Cross Society and a tour of the Society's principal installations. On the same day Mr. Hay was received by the President of the Republic, Mr. Sandro Pertini. Other discussions with government officials enabled the ICRC delegation to explain all aspects of current ICRC activities throughout the world. Mr. Hay's interlocutors were Mr. Filippo Maria Pandolfi, Minister of Finance; Mr. Aldo Aniasi, Minister of Health; Mrs. Nilde Iotti, Chairman of the Chamber of Deputies; Mr. Amintore Fanfani, President of the Senate; Mr. Paulo Emilio Taviani, Chairman of the Chamber of Deputies' Foreign Affairs Commission and Mr. Giulio Andreotti, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Affairs Commission. Discussions were held also with the leaders of the Italian main political parties. On 20 June President Hay, Mr. Nessi and Mr. Borsinger were received in audience by H.H. Pope John-Paul II, after conferring with H.E. Cardinal Casaroli, the Vatican Secretary of State, and H.E. Cardinal Gantin, Chairman of the "Cor Unum" Pontifical Council and of the pontifical Justice and Peace Commission.
    [Show full text]
  • Almatourism - Journal of Tourism, Culture and Territorial Development
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Almatourism - Journal of Tourism, Culture and Territorial Development Almatourism Special Issue, N. 8, 2018: Furini G., Gambetta G., Rodrigo Pais Photo Archive, a Resource of Good Practices for the Religious Heritage. The Exhibition “Catholic Church and Society in Italy in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century” Almatourism Journal of Tourism, Culture and Territorial Development ___________________________________________________________ Rodrigo Pais Photo Archive, a Resource of Good Practices for the Religious Heritage. The Exhibition “Catholic Church and Society in Italy in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century” Furini, G.* Gambetta, G.† University of Bologna (Italy) ABSTRACT Sometimes we underestimate the importance of linking together different cultural assets in order to implement enhancement strategies suitable to cross the sectorial borders. Instead, we tend to consider watertight compartments and run the risk to target single cultural products which could be potentially offered to a wider audience. The photographic exhibition “Catholic Church and Society in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century” aimed, ever since its beginning, to cross these borders with a thematic selection of shots taken by photographer Rodrigo Pais, on display in the hall of the former oratory of the Basilica of San Martino Maggiore. The building is currently in a poor conservation status, although its originary splendor is still visible in both the architectural structure and decoration elements, featuring a large fresco dating back to the 17th century entirely covering one of the four walls of the hall. This place requires a proper visibility in order to regain its vitality and be able to foster once again cultural exchanges.
    [Show full text]
  • Circular Economy Action Plan for a Cleaner and More Competitive Europe
    Circular Economy Action Plan For a cleaner and more competitive Europe #EU GreenDeal 2 Contents 1. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................... 4 2. A SUSTAINABLE PRODUCT POLICY FRAMEWORK ................. 6 2.1. Designing sustainable products .................................................................. 6 2.2. Empowering consumers and public buyers .................................................... 7 2.3. Circularity in production processes ............................................................................... 8 3. KEY PRODUCT VALUE CHAINS .................................................................................................. 10 3.1. Electronics and ICT ............................................................................................................................. 10 3.2. Batteries and vehicles ........................................................................................................................... 11 3.3. Packaging .......................................................................................................................................................... 11 3.4. Plastics ................................................................................................................................................................... 12 3.5. Textiles ....................................................................................................................................................................... 13 3.6.
    [Show full text]
  • Documento Scaricato Dal Sito Mininterno.Net - Il Portale Per La Preparazione Ai Concorsi Pubblici - Esercitati GRATIS On-Line! N
    N. Domanda A B C D 1 Dove si trova il Darfur, regione in cui Somalia Uganda Sudan Eritrea nel 2003 è iniziato un drammatico conflitto? 2 A quale partito è appartenuto Oscar Partito Repubblicano Partito Socialista Partito Democratico Democrazia Cristiana Luigi Scalfaro? 3 Quale dei seguenti politici italiani è Gianni Letta Raffaele Fitto Graziano Delrio Filippo Patroni Griffi stato sottosegretario alla Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri, nei governi Berlusconi? 4 Il 6/1/1980 venne ucciso dalla mafia Presidente della Presidente della Segretario della Sindaco di Palermo Piersanti Mattarella: quale carica Commissione Regione Siciliana Democrazia Cristiana ricopriva? antimafia 5 Alla storia recente di quale paese è Messico Bolivia Venezuela Colombia legata principalmente la figura di Hugo Chavez? 6 Alla storia recente di quale paese è Bielorussia Georgia Russia Ucraina legata principalmente la figura di Julija Tymosenko? 7 Quale incarico ha ricoperto Emma Ministro per gli affari Ministro degli esteri Vicepresidente del Ministro per i rapporti Bonino nel governo Letta europei Consiglio col Parlamento (2013-2014)? 8 Alla storia recente di quale paese è Costa Rica Messico Cuba Venezuela legata principalmente la figura del "subcomandante Marcos"? 9 Nel 2012 è sorta fra Italia e India una La MCS Melody La Exxon Valdez L'Enrica Lexie La Sirius Star controversia internazionale in merito all'arresto di due marò italiani imbarcati, come nuclei militari di protezione, a bordo di quale nave? 10 Quale carica ha ricoperto Yanis Ministro delle finanze
    [Show full text]
  • The Schengen Agreements and Their Impact on Euro- Mediterranean Relations the Case of Italy and the Maghreb
    125 The Schengen Agreements and their Impact on Euro- Mediterranean Relations The Case of Italy and the Maghreb Simone PAOLI What were the main reasons that, between the mid-1980s and the early 1990s, a group of member states of the European Community (EC) agreed to abolish internal border controls while, simultaneously, building up external border controls? Why did they act outside the framework of the EC and initially exclude the Southern members of the Community? What were the reactions of both Northern and Southern Mediter- ranean countries to these intergovernmental accords, known as the Schengen agree- ments? What was their impact on both European and Euro-Mediterranean relations? And what were the implications of the accession of Southern members of the EC to said agreements in terms of relations with third Mediterranean countries? The present article cannot, of course, give a comprehensive answer to all these complex questions. It has nonetheless the ambition of throwing a new light on the origins of the Schengen agreements. In particular, by reconstructing the five-year long process through which Italy entered the Schengen Agreement and the Conven- tion implementing the Schengen Agreement, it will contribute towards the reinter- pretation of: the motives behind the Schengen agreements; migration relations be- tween Northern and Southern members of the EC in the 1980s; and migration relations between the EC, especially its Southern members, and third Mediterranean countries in the same decade. The article is divided into three parts. The first examines the historical background of the Schengen agreements, by placing them within the context of Euro-Mediter- ranean migration relations; it, also, presents the main arguments.
    [Show full text]
  • L' Oktyabr Di Paolo Mieli
    L’ Oktyabr di Paolo Mieli di Olga Chieffi “Era d’ottobre”, un’inedita narrazione del comunismo attraverso le vicende di dodici figure presenti (o assenti) nel famoso dipinto di Guttuso “I funerali di Togliatti”, una lezione di Paolo Mieli, per la regia di Angelo Generali, inaugurerà stasera, alle ore 21, la sezione teatro civile e contemporaneo del Verdi. Lo spettacolo si ricollega al centenario della rivoluzione russa che è stato celebrato lo scorso anno. Iniziato nel 1967, a cinquant’anni dalla rivoluzione, il quadro di Renato Guttuso fu esposto per la prima volta nell’ottobre del 1972 all’Accademia di Belle Arti di Mosca. Guttuso sceglie di dedicare al funerale di Palmiro Togliatti, morto nel 1964 a Yalta, una imponente tela di quattro metri e quaranta per tre e quaranta. Si tratta di un racconto senza tempo dove convivono tante personalità che hanno fatto grande il movimento comunista, il sindacato, l’intellettualità e il Pci, a significare che le idee superano la morte e che, insieme, si può lottare per una società migliore. Il dipinto, divenuto il manifesto del Pci, racconta un’epoca e, con lirismo poetico, mostra, tutti insieme, i leader e il popolo dalle bandiere rosse, uniti nell’ultimo saluto a Togliatti, l’uomo che fece del Partito comunista un partito di massa, soggetto fondamentale della democrazia repubblicana. Un quadro, questo di Guttuso, nato dalle immagini del giovanissimo fotografo, Mario Carnicelli, figlio d’arte, che con la sua Hasselblad, documentò quella giornata, “inchinandosi alla fotografia”, come insegna il fotografo Armando Cerzosimo, e all’Uom. profondamente corale dove a rendere omaggio alla salma di Togliatti, ci sono donne e uomini, contadini e operai, impiegati ed emigrati italiani, studenti e intellettuali, dirigenti di partito e rappresentanti delle istituzioni.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the Italian Decision of Joining The
    The Italian decision of joining the EMS: Exchange rate commitment as a political argument in favour of institutional reforms* Anna Solé University Pompeu Fabra May, 7th, 2018 Abstract: During the negotiations about the European Monetary System (EMS), the Italian government consistently held the position that Italy was not going to join a “re-edited Snake”. However, when it became clear that the EMS would work under the hegemony of the German mark, just as the previous system did, the Italian government surprisingly changed position and decided to adhere to the new monetary arrangement, although this decision imposed unpopular reforms and threatened with provoking a government crisis. The debate on the convenience for Italy of participating in the EMS shows that besides the discussion on the new monetary system, other important discussions, concerning institutional reforms, were also taking place. In many occasions, EMS membership was used to justify the need for other institutional reforms that did not enjoy enough political support to be implemented. In particular, the reform of the wage indexation mechanism and the change in the status of the Banca d’Italia are examples of how the exchange rate commitment and the European compromises were used to impose measures that were very unpopular and, otherwise, would have been very difficult to carry out. Introduction: On the 5th of December 1978, the agreement of the European Monetary System (EMS) was signed by six of the nine members of the EEC. The United Kingdom decided to stay out, whereas Italy and Ireland were given some additional time to take their final decision.
    [Show full text]