Appendix 1 Methodological Considerations

Appendix 1

Methodological Considerations

Beijing

Statistical Information

Statistical data on ethnic minorities’ educational attainments and occupational outcomes utilized disaggregated 2000 Census data. While there are often concerns about the reliability of statistics in China, the data obtained are used by the Beijing Municipal Government for internal planning purposes and are collected in accordance with recognized international standards. As Chan (2003: 2) points out, the 2000 Census is the first major systematic set of population statistics which are not solely used by public administrators to assess performance. This provides an opportunity to obtain an accurate account of the latest demographic picture in Beijing, and to study important topics to a depth that would have been extremely difficult in the past. Several new features in the 2000 Census increase the reliability of the statistics collected. Following international practice, the 2000 Census is the first to use a combination of the short-form questionnaires (covering 90 percent of the population) and long-form questionnaires (administered to the remaining 10 percent). This allows the Census data to be more reliable when examining particular variables. Underreporting of the population is a major issue in terms of data quality in China. Based on the post-Census sample checks, the National Bureau of Statistics estimates a national undercount rate of 1.8 percent (approx. 22.5 million), which is not necessarily high by international standards. A study by Zhang and Cui (2003) suggests that undercounting is serious among the 0–9 age group and there is serious under- and over-counting within the 20–45 group. The issue of undercounting for children is often related to “missing girls” which is not a major issue in Beijing. And for adults, the miscounting is often related to their legal status (See Footnote 4). While the statistical sets accessed represent a relatively significant account of ethnic minorities’ experiences in educational attainments 144 Appendix and occupational outcomes, the data available is unfortunately not as detailed as Toronto. This is notably demonstrated when viewing the data tables for Beijing and Toronto in chapters three to five. Moreover, although the current Census information on ethnic minorities in Beijing is theoretically available, it is nevertheless still difficult to pub- licly access and even then, there are limits to the details one can access (See Footnote 10). A case in point: educational attainments and occupational outcome statistics for Beijing are generally provided as a con- glomerate of ethnic minorities as a whole, rather than disaggregated by individual ethnic minority group.

Qualitative Work Site Selection

Beijing is divided into twelve urban districts and six counties. Within the old city lies Dongcheng, Xicheng, Xuanwu, and Chongwen districts. On the outskirts of the old city are Chaoyang, Haidian, Fengtai, and Shijingshan districts. And, the furthest districts are Mentougou, Fangshan, Daxing, and Tongzhou. In addition, the six counties in outer Beijing are Changping, Shunyi, Pinggu, Huairou, Miyun, and Yanqing. Although ethnic minorities are scattered throughout the urban districts and counties of the city, four districts—Chongwen, Xuanwu, Haidian, and Chaoyang—were cho- sen as the primary qualitative work sites due to their location, history of diverse ethnic group populations, and socio-economic diversity. Chongwen District has historically been one of the poorest neighborhoods in central Beijing with a relatively sizeable ethnic minority population. It has an area that spans 16.46 km2 and a population of nearly 430,000 inhabitants (Beijing Municipal Government 2006). As one of the ancient districts of Beijing, Chongwen has numerous “cultural resources,” with 105 official historical and cultural relics in the district, occupying 47.2 percent of its “direct usable land” (People’s Daily 2007b). The District is home to many Huis, who with the support of local and central governments, have built Hui primary and secondary schools, and a handful of mosques. According to the 2007 Chongwen Government Work Report (Cited in People’s Daily 2007b), the District is currently undertaking a project to revamp a “cultural circle,” which will showcase Beijing as an ancient capital with various minority nationality groups within its boundaries. This has prompted the Chongwen District government to launch a large-scale renovation project, where more than 12,000 residents will be relocated to revamp Appendix 145 the district, including the northern part of the Qinian “Multicultural” Street, which lies to the east of the Front Gate. Thirty-eight minority nationalities live together in Xuanwu District, including the Hui, Manchu, Mongolian, and Korean nationalities. As a matter of fact, minority nationalities have resided in this area since the Tang (AD 618–907) and Liao Dynasty (AD 907–1125) (Xuanwu District Government 2006). Located southwest of the old city, it has a size of 16.5 km2 and a population of 526,142 (Beijing Municipal Government 2006). Niujie with a concentration of over 10,000 Huis— making it one of oldest and largest remaining ethnic enclaves in the city—is located in the District. In sum, these characteristics make Xuanwu an excellent location to conduct ethnographic research. Likewise, Haidian District has one of the largest and most diverse ethnic minority populations in Beijing. It is the second largest district in Beijing (over 431 km2) and has almost 1.75 million inhabitants (Beijing Municipal Government 2006). It is home to the majority of Beijing’s universities, including Beijing University, Tsinghua University, Central University for Nationalities (CUN) and Beijing Language and Culture University (BLCU) (a university the author has previously attended as a student). Around CUN there are clusters of various ethnic minority group businesses and restaurants. Many of these businesses formerly comprised of a vibrant Uyghur (Xinjiang Cun [Village]) community that was dispersed in the late 1990s in an effort to clamp down on “illegal” street vending; but, more widely accepted among Beijingers, as a grander effort to “modernize” Beijing (See section 2.2). Near BLCU, there are thriving ethnic Korean businesses involved in the technology industry (often with South Korean partners), restaurants, and small- shop owners. In addition to the presence of universities, there are a handful of Manchu language schools which are increasing in popular- ity, and frequented mostly by Manchu professionals. Finally, Chaoyang District is Beijing’s largest commercial hub and internationalized area. Located in the north-eastern part of the city, it occupies an area of 470.6 km2 and a population of 2.9 million in 2000 (Chaoyang District Government 2006). Given the concentration of economic and commercial wealth in the District, it is a won- derful area to examine ethnic minorities’ interactions with Hans. One is able to find numerous ethnic restaurants in the area (staffed by minorities) which are becoming chic, notably Yi, Dai, Mongolian, Miao, and Tibetan. Near Ritan Park there is a multi-generational, Russian enclave whose inhabitants continue to engage in commercial trade activities, as well as an Uzbek and Kazak community who often frequent Chaoyang’s nine mosques. 146 Appendix

Interviews

Seventy-six local ethnic minority members were interviewed from parts of the city outlined above, querying their experiences, notably in formal education and the occupational market. Conditions in Beijing required that this process be conducted sensitively and with little attention drawn to both the interviewer and interviewees, in order to create a safe and comfortable environment to discuss this potentially controversial topic. Local participants were recruited from sites known to have large numbers of ethnic minority groups, i.e., ethnic associations; universities; ethnic enclaves; ethnic restaurants; and near religious sites. A typical interview began by approaching a candidate and explaining the intentions and nature of the research. Interestingly, the participant rate of refusal was virtually non-existent; perhaps due to the fact the author is a laowei and always approached in a manner and environment that was safe. In Beijing, distrust is still high among the population, exaggerated further among selected ethnic minority groups. For example, when interviewing participants in many of the city’s universities, ethnic associations or religious sites, the greatest difficulty encountered was to gain entry into the building. The typical questions asked by the security forces or the gatekeeper—who are commonly present in practically every building in the city, minority nationalities or Han dominated notwithstanding—were bluntly: “Who are you? What is your purpose here? What are your intentions in doing this research?” After the mandatory “pre-screening” and document checking, access was usually gained. Table A1.1 provides a profile of the interviews conducted among local ethnic minorities in Beijing. Of particular interest are the relatively good gender balance, age and generational distribution. The profile illustrates the educational attainments of interview participants were skewed more toward tertiary and post-graduate interviewees compared to Beijing’s statistical average (for a comparison see tables 3.1 and 3.4); which may partially be attributed to the sites where participants were recruited. This is not necessarily a point for concern given one of the main purposes of the interviews was to elicit why educational attainments are not reflected in occupational outcomes, an observation that is more acute among ethnic minorities with higher educational levels. In addition to local ethnic minority interviews, numerous expert interviews were conducted to obtain information on local ethnic management from various perspectives—notably central and municipal government agencies with an ethnic minority dimension, Appendix 147

Table A1.1 Local Ethnic Minority Interviews Profile in Beijing

N% N%

Total Interviews 76 100.0 Educational Attainment Gender Some High School 6 7.9 Male 37 48.7 High School 17 22.4 Female 39 51.3 Some Tertiary 3 3.9 Age Tertiary 17 22.4 18–24 14 18.4 Post-Graduate 33 43.4 25–34 23 30.3 Employment Type 35–44 11 14.5 Office Type 37 48.7 45–54 20 26.3 Labor Intensive 22 28.9 55 + 8 10.5 Unemployed 14 18.4 Length of Stay Retired 3 3.9 1st Generation Resident 14 18.4 2nd Generation Resident 20 26.3 3rd Generation Resident 42 55.3 and Beyond

business associations, religious/community associations, academic and policy (including NGOs) communities. Access to officials at business and ethnic associations, NGOs and academics were generally achieved by directly contacting them and set- ting up a meeting. Access to government officials proved to be more complicated. Government officials were contacted in two ways, through formal and informal routes. The formal route involved an application to a relevant government agency six months prior to the proposed interview period—copies of qualifications, a list of interview questions, and a rationale for researching the topic were required to be produced. The rate of success in achieving interviews through the formal procedures was low. However, through informal routes the majority of the interviews were set up. This involved a “snowballing” method,1 whereby a government official was introduced via an existing contact and a meeting was usually set up over a meal, where the themes (centered on the expert interview questions) of the research were discussed. On average, these unofficial meetings lasted one to two hours.

Participant Observation

Interview findings were supplemented by participant observation of ethnic minority interactions in the city. These observations were 148 Appendix

conducted in sites identified previously, and targeted elementary/secondary schools (e.g., Islamic oriented schools) with permission of the principal, and universities such as Beijing University, Tsinghua University, Beijing Language and Culture University, and the Central University for Nationalities. The occupational experiences of ethnic minorities were observed in small businesses, shops and restaurants; NGOs; universities; corporations; government institutions; business associations; and, ethnic community associations.

Toronto

Statistical Information

One of the advantages in having ethnic groups defined within fixed categories by the state, as is the case in China, is that it allows the author to easily quantify the ethnic minority demographic. When self-identification is used, that is, when individuals are encouraged to define themselves within their own terms as elaborated in chapter one, problems often arise in classifying them in a statistically manage- able fashion. In Toronto, about three in ten respondents indicated they have more than one ethnic origin, making it difficult to divide them into distinct, non-overlapping groups. Among this group, nearly 17.2 percent of Torontonians responded with two ancestries in the 2001 Census, and 12.5 percent gave three or more responses (Institute for Social Research 2006). Thus, the problem is to reduce the thou- sands of unique combinations of ancestries to sensible groupings. In 2006, the Institute for Social Research was granted access to Statistics Canada’s 2001 Census to refine education and employment indicators by ethnic groups in the Toronto Census area. The Institute’s analysis included ethnic groups with at least 2,500 members, which meant the Toronto data covered 113 ethnic groups, subdivided into eight major categories, of which 78 are single nationalities (See appendix 2 for list of ethnic group categories). In order to deal with multiple responses the Institute first eliminated redundant answers which unnecessarily multiplied sub-divisions within a single classification. For example, the combination of “Argentinean” and “Hispanic” or “Argentinean” and “Latin American” meant that the respondent were giving similar answers which were “too small to analyze separately” (Institute for Social Research 2006: 8). Thus, the Institute shrunk the dual response into a single response, in this case, as “Argentinean” only. In a similar vein, respondents who said their ancestry was Appendix 149

“Canadian” and another ancestry were classified according to the non-Canadian ancestry.2 The responses of each Census respondent who gave more than one answer to the question about ancestry were aggregated into seven major categories, European, East Asian, Caribbean, African, South Asian, Middle Eastern and West Asian, and South and Central American. Many of the respondents could then be classified into a single major category. For example, a person giving responses for two or more South Asian nations was classified as “South Asian.” At this point, the only persons still unclassified are those with ancestries from two or more different major regions. Although this was a rare occurrence, a subjective decision was made by the Institute to include them with the group which was “more visible” of their combined ancestries. Only the Canadian Census provided sufficiently detailed data to describe ethnic groups in Toronto. Although two-thirds of Toronto’s population can be easily classified since they described themselves as having only one ethnic ancestry, the Institute for Social Research acknowledges that classifying those who describe themselves as having two or more ancestries ultimately involve a degree of subjectivity. Notwithstanding, the Institute’s refined Census data have allowed researchers to look at ethnic communities in Toronto with greater detail and reliability than ever before.

Qualitative Work Site Selection

In 1998, the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) amalgamated six municipalities—the “inner ring” municipalities of York (Wards 11–12, 17)3 and East York (Wards 21–22, 31); the “outer ring” municipalities of North York (Wards 7–10, 15–16, 23–26, 33–34), Scarborough (Wards 35–44) and Etobicoke (Wards 1–6, 13); and the “downtown” municipality of Toronto (Wards 14, 18–20, 27–30, 32). In spite of this, the former municipalities are still used as a reference points to distinguish neighborhoods. Although, similar to Beijing, ethnic minorities are scattered throughout the GTA, three former municipalities, the “inner ring” York and East York, and the “downtown” municipality of Toronto, were cho- sen as the primary qualitative work sites due to their extensive history of diverse ethnic group populations and socio-economic diversity. York is a very diverse area in Toronto with an ethnic composition of 57.1 percent European descendants (mostly Portuguese, Italian and British), 20.4 percent African descendants, 4.6 percent Asian (Indian and Sri Lankan), 3.7 percent Filipino, and 16.2 percent “Others” 150 Appendix

(mainly from various Latin American countries). According to the 2001 Statistics Canada community profile, it has a population of 150,255, the second smallest among the former six municipalities. It also has a high school dropout rate of 19.1 percent, 6 percent higher than Toronto’s average; an unemployment rate of 7 percent, 1.1 percent higher than the city’s average; and, a median income of CA $20,981 (~ US $18,567), nearly CA $4,000 (~ US $3,540) lower than the average (Statistics Canada 2005b). East York has also been a major place of residence for ethnic minority groups. With a population of 115,185 in 2001, 40 percent of this neighbourhood is comprised of ethnic groups such as Bengalis, Indians, Pakistanis, Filipinos, and Sri Lankans. It also has a sizeable Greek population and a growing Chinese community. In contrast to York, East York has a high school dropout rate of 11.5 percent, nearly 8 percent lower than York; an unemployment rate similar to York at 7 percent; but a median income of CA $24,408 (~ US $21,600), nearly CA $3,500 (~ US $3,097) more than York (Statistics Canada 2005b). Finally, Toronto is the historic core and most densely populated part of the city. In 2001, there was a population of 676,352, of whom 70 percent are of European origin, 10 percent Chinese, 5 percent African descendants, 5 percent South Asian and the remaining 10 percent are Filipino, Latin Americans, Southeast Asians and Korean. It has a high school dropout rate of 9 percent and an unemployment rate similar to York and East York at 6.5 percent. The median income of CA $26,323 (~ US $23,295) reflects the former municipalities’ distinction of being in the downtown, central business district, and is almost CA $6,000 (~ US $5,310) more than York’s median income. Of particular interest is that the former municipality still retains its historically strong ethnic enclaves and economies, including two Chinatowns, Greektown, Little Italy, Portugal Village, and Little India amongst others.

Interviews

Eighty-nine local ethnic minorities were identified and interviewed in York, East York, and Toronto querying their educational and occupational experiences. A fascinating characteristic of Toronto is the tendency of many of its ethnic groups to form highly visible ethnic neighborhoods and economies (See section 2.2). This makes iden- tifying local participants easier than Beijing. Local participants were recruited from sites in the three former municipalities known to have a large number of ethnic minority groups, for example, “Jamaica Appendix 151

Town” (although populated with a wider range of Caribbean descendants) in York; the Filipino enclave in East York; “Little India” and “Chinatown” in Toronto. It is often the case that although many “original” members of an ethnic neighborhood no longer lived in the area, they often came back to visit relatives, shop in ethnic businesses and in general, take part in the “cultural life” of the neighborhood. Similar to the Beijing interview technique, a typical interview began by approaching a candidate and explaining the intentions and the nature of the research. The participant rate of refusal was estimated to be one out of ten—with a lack of time to participate the main reason for declining. Since the 1960s, Toronto’s visible ethnic minority populations have increased exponentially, so it was not unusual for a visible ethnic minority researcher to conduct interviews on ethnic experiences throughout the city’s ethnic enclaves. A profile of the interviews conducted among ethnic minorities in Toronto can be seen in table A1.2. As illustrated, a good gender, age and generational distribution among respondents were achieved. The educational attainments of those interviewed represented a slightly higher educated population than Toronto’s profile (See tables 3.2 and 3.6 for comparison). While 32.6 percent of those interviewed were unemployed, it should be pointed out that this figure is not directly comparable to an official unemployment rate, since the profile’s

Table A1.2 Local Ethnic Minority Interviews Profile in Toronto

N% N%

Total Interviews 89 100.0 Educational Attainment Gender Some High School 1 1.1 Male 42 47.2 High School 22 24.7 Female 47 52.8 Some Tertiary 27 30.3 Age Tertiary 27 30.3 18–24 31 34.8 Post-Graduate 12 13.5 25–34 16 18.0 Employment Type 35–44 19 21.3 Office Type 33 37.1 45–54 16 18.0 Labor Intensive 26 29.2 55 + 7 7.9 Unemployed 29 32.6 Length of Stay Retired 1 1.1 1st Generation Resident 30 33.7 2nd Generation Resident 51 57.3 3rd Generation Resident 8 9.0 and Beyond 152 Appendix

unemployed percentage includes a sizeable 18–24 age group who are completing or just completed tertiary education. Thus, they would not be included in the official unemployment rate as they are not classified as “looking for work.” Similar to Beijing, expert interviews were conducted to gain varying perspectives on local ethnic minority management. Federal, pro- vincial, and municipal government officials with an ethnic minority development mandate were interviewed; as well as, interviews in the city’s employment centers, ethnic community and business associations, academics and NGOs. In general, expert interviews were arranged by directly contacting the relevant official and a meeting, usually lasting an hour, was setup.

Participant Observation

Local and expert interview findings were supplemented by in-depth participant observations on ethnic minority interactions in the three former municipalities identified. Observations were conducted in elementary/secondary schools (e.g., Toronto Catholic District School Board and Islamic schools) with permission of the relevant authority, and universities such as York University, University of Toronto, and Ryerson University. The occupational experiences of ethnic minorities were observed in the small and medium enterprises of the city’s larger ethnic economies; universities; corporations; government institutions; business and ethnic community associations; and, employment centers. Appendix 2

List of Global and Ethnic Group Categories in Toronto

European Groups

Albanian, American, Austrian, Bosnian, Bulgarian, Canadian, Croatian, Czech, Danish, Dutch, English, Estonian, Finnish, French, German, Greek, Hungarian, Irish, Italian, Jewish, Latvian, Lithuanian, Macedonian, Maltese, Polish, Portuguese, Romanian, Russian, Scottish, Serbian, Slovak, Slovenian, Spanish, Ukrainian, Welsh, Yugoslav, Other

Non-European Groups (ethnic minorities)

1. Middle Eastern and West Asian

Afghan, Armenian, Egyptian, Iranian, Iraqi, Lebanese, Palestinian, Turkish, Other

2. South Asian

Bangladeshi, Indian, Pakistani, Punjabi or Sikh, Sri Lankan, Tamil, Other

3. East Asian

Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, Korean, Taiwanese, Vietnamese, Other

4. African

Eritrean, Ethiopian, Ghanaian, Nigerian, Somali, Other 154 Appendix

5. Caribbean

Barbadian, Grenadian, Guyanese, Jamaican, Trinidadian, Other

6. South and Central American

Brazilian, Chilean, Columbian, Ecuadorian, Mexican, Peruvian, Salvadoran, Other Appendix 3

Occupational Categories in Beijing and Toronto

Beijing

Please note, certain categories and sub-categories may have changed in subsequent years (confirmed changes in 2005 are denoted with an asterisk).

1. Finance and Insurance

Banks Security Activity Insurance Other Financial Activities

2. Electricity, Gas, and Water

Production and Distribution of Electric Power and Heat Power Production and Distribution of Gas Production and Distribution of Water

3. Public Management and Social Organization

Organs of Communist Party of China Government Agencies People’s Political Consultative Conference and Democratic Parties Non-Governmental Institutions, Social Organizations, and Religion Organizations Masses Autonomous Body

4. Scientific Research

Research and Experimental Development Professional Technical Services 156 Appendix

Services of Science and Technology Exchanges and Promotion Telecommunications and Other Information Transmission* Computer Services* Software*

5. Health, Social Securities, and Social Welfare

Health Social Securities Social Welfare

6. Education, Culture, and Arts

Education* Journalism and Publishing Activities Broadcasting, Televisions, Movies, and Audiovisual Activities Cultural and Art Activities Sports Activities Entertainment

7. Other Professions

8. Real Estate

9. Environmental Management

Geologic Prospecting* Management of Water Conservancy Environmental Management Management of Public Facilities

10. Transport, Storage, and Post

Railway Transport Road Transport Urban Public Transport Appendix 157

Waterway Transport Air Transport Transport via Pipelines Loading and Unloading and Other Transport Services Storage Post

11. Hotel and Retail Trade

Hotel Restaurants* Wholesale Trade* Retail Trade*

12. Manufacturing

Processing of Food from Agriculture Products Manufacture of Foods Manufacture of Beverages Manufacture of Tobacco Manufacture of Textile Manufacture of Textile Wearing Apparel, Footwear, and Caps Manufacture of Leather, Furs, Feather (Down) and Related Products Processing of Timber, Manufacture of Wood, Bamboo, Rattan, Palm and StrawProducts Manufacture of Furniture Manufacture of Paper and Paper Products Printing, Reproduction of Recording Media Manufacture of Articles for Culture, Education, and Sports Activity Processing of Petroleum, Coking, Processing of Nuclear Fuel Manufacture of Raw Chemical Materials and Chemical Products Manufacture of Medicines Manufacture of Chemical Fibers Manufacture of Rubber Manufacture of Plastics Manufacture of Non-Metallic Mineral Products Smelting and Pressing of Ferrous Metals Smelting and Pressing of Non-Ferrous Metals Manufacture of Metal Products Manufacture of General Purpose Machinery 158 Appendix

Manufacture of Special Purpose Machinery Manufacture of Transport Equipment Manufacture of Electrical Machinery and Equipment Manufacture of Communication Equipment, Computers and Other Electronic Equipment Manufacture of Measuring Instruments and Machinery for Culture Activity and Office Work Manufacture of Artwork and Other Manufacturing Recycling and Disposal of Waste

13. Mining

Mining and Washing of Coal Extraction of Petroleum and Natural Gas Mining and Processing of Ferrous Metal Ores Mining and Processing of Non-Ferrous Metal Ores Mining and Processing of Nonmetal Ores Mining of Other Ores

14. Construction

Construction of Buildings and Civil Engineering Building Installation Building Decoration Other Construction

15. Services to Households and Other Services

Services to Households Other Services

16. Farming, Forestry, and Animal

Farming, Forestry, Animal Husbandry and Fishery Services Appendix 159

Toronto

There are approximately 500 detailed occupations recorded in the Census, which have been collapsed to seven categories by the Institute of Social Research.

1. High Level Managers

Includes senior managers both in the private and public sector (inclu- sive of legislators).

2. Mid-Level Managers

Includes individuals identified as managers and in specific areas such as purchasing, social services and engineers (as well as the public sector equivalent such as school principals and fire chiefs).

3. Professionals

Includes engineers and scientists, physicians, pharmacists, nurses and other health professions (but not medical technicians), professors, school teachers, and artists.

4. Skilled Non-Manual

Includes technicians, supervisors of office work, and skilled clerical, sales and service workers.

5. Skilled Manual

Includes skilled trades and supervisors of manual work.

6. Less Skilled Non-Manual

Includes occupations in offices and trade with low formal qualifications. 160 Appendix

7. Less Skilled Manual

Includes jobs in construction, manufacturing, and maintenance with low formal qualification.

Notes

1. One has to be aware that a reliance on a group of contacts to setup further contacts has the potential to omit particular voices. In order to com- bat this, a wide array of expert opinions was sought from various stakeholder backgrounds. 2. While the census takers who provided two responses rather than one may not perceive they are identical to census takers who provided only one response, the Census samples are too small to test this hypothesis with any precision or accuracy. 3. These should only be treated as rough indicators of the old municipalities. Notes

Introduction

1. The terms “multi-cultural” and “multi-ethnic” are commonly used interchangeably masking there important distinctions. “Multi-cultural” encompasses a wide variety of groups, including those based on ethnicity, religion, gender, age, and sexual orientation. At the very extreme it can also include “cultures” such as vegetarianism, human rights activ- ists, and the like. On the other hand, “multi-ethnic” generally refers to ethnic groups. 2. The path multiculturalism has taken requires distinguishing the descrip- tion of a nation as de facto multicultural encompassing ethnically diverse population segments (demographic usage); from a theoretical basis of public citizenship (theoretical-ideological usage); and, a formalized, specific, programmatic policy developed to respond to, and manage ethnic and cultural diversity (social policy usage). When referring to multiculturalism in this book, unless otherwise indicated, the intentions are to refer to the social policy usage. 3. In Canada, visible minorities are defined as persons who are identified as being non-Caucasian or non-white (Statistics Canada 2006b). Aboriginal persons are not considered to be members of visible minority groups. Throughout this book, visible minorities and ethnic minorities, when referencing the Toronto case, are used interchangeably. 4. This figure represents the legal population as defined domestically. According to Beijing’s Public Security Bureau, there are an estimated 2.5 to 3.5 million min gong (migrant workers) living illegally in Beijing, that is, they do not have hukou (permanent residence) or temporary residence status in the capital city. Similar to Toronto, the legal population will be the basis of analysis throughout the book. 5. See chapter one for greater discussion on what is meant by dominant versus minority populations in both nations. 6. Interviews were preferred over survey methods for logistical and methodological reasons. The interview method provided a wider opportunity to probe relevant actors in a more open-ended, complex and in-depth manner than would be afforded through the use of a survey (See Mikkelsen 2005; Symon and Cassell 1998). Given the tendencies of participants to bottle-up or provide partial or “official” responses in light of the potential sensitivity of the research, interviews were the most effective method to elicit personal perspectives, motives and suggestions—which are best explained through descriptive language; to build rapport with 162 Notes

the participant; and, to observe the feelings of the participant during conversation, i.e., facial expressions, hesitation, tone of voice. It is even possible to interview people without their awareness, merely carrying on friendly conversations while discussing thematic questions (See Spradley 1979). Furthermore, from a logistical standpoint, the response rates for interviews are generally higher than a survey, adding to the appeal of using an interview method. Interviews also provided the best way to gain an understanding of the underlying reasons and motivations for ethnic minorities’ attitudes, preferences, and behaviors throughout the educational and occupational processes. 7. Local and expert interviews were reinforced by participant observations in sites that allowed the author to gain a further insight into the educational and occupational experiences of ethnic minority members. This technique was adopted since it allowed the author to gain an insider perspective of the local processes, relationships, patterns, and immedi- ate contexts where ethnic minorities’ daily realities unfold. In other words, participant observation was ideal for this research since it situ- ated the perspective of the data findings attained from less contextual- ized methods, such as semi-structured interviews (See Robson 2002). 8. Young’s classic book The Rise of Meritocracy (1958) demonstrates how class of origin, and not always educational attainment, affects an individual’s chances of gaining access to high wage, managerial and professional occupations in a capitalist society. Even under state socialism, Djilas (1957) confirms this observation using the Soviet Union and Eastern European examples. In a more recent period, Blossfeld and Shavit (1993) arrive at a similar conclusion when comparing the performance of thirteen nations. How far this extends to ethnicity in the context of Beijing and Toronto will be explored throughout this book. 9. The term “race” has a questionable descriptive and analytical value. While the term has appeared in literature and discourse on ethnicity, there are two principal reasons why it may potentially be flawed to speak about “races.” First, there has always been interbreeding between human populations that it would be meaningless to talk of fixed boundaries between “races.” Second, as Cavalli-Sforza et al. (1994) argue, the distribution of hereditary physical traits does not follow clear delineations. 10. This occurs despite the annual tables published in China’s Yearbook of Ethnic Works (formerly China’s Ethnic Statistical Yearbook). In the Yearbooks, the units of observation are generally autonomous regions, not ethnic groups. As Maurer-Fazio et al. (2005) suggest, this poses a problem as Hans often comprise a significant proportion of the population in ethnic minority oriented autonomous regions. For example, in 2002 the minority population of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region constituted only 20.9 percent of its total population. 11. Relative to the national situation, underdevelopment is not a major issue in Beijing. Notes 163

Chapter One Ethnic Differences— Theory and Practice

1. It should be noted that even if an ethnic characteristic is measurable and observable, it does not necessarily imply that it is strictly objective. In other words, this taxonomy is subjected to the unavoidable epistemo- logical problem of absolute objectivity. 2. The dominant group does not necessarily mean a majority, but rather a group that holds the majority of power, privileges, and high social status. A minority group here refers to a disadvantaged and subordinate group, regardless of size, whose members are subject to differential treatment due to the group’s lack of power and perceived social status (See Schaefer 2003; Vincent 1974). 3. It should also be noted that majority/minorities may be defined on the basis of a variety of factors such as ethnic characteristics (e.g., ethnic minority group), demographic characteristics (e.g., elderly), socio-economic status (e.g., working poor) and relationship to the political structures to name a few (See Goldman 2000). Although the discussion in this book will focus primarily on ethnic characteristics, invariably it will also include elements of the other factors mentioned above. 4. No one is completely free to self-define his/her ethnic membership. Constraints may be imposed by numerous circumstances, family, and genetic markers to name a few. The point nevertheless remains that within reason, self-identification of ethnicity provides a relative freedom to choose one’s ethnic membership both in a legal sense and in daily life. 5. Part of this discussion can be viewed within Appiah’s (1997: 34) philo- sophical dualism of liberal and illiberal multiculturalism. Liberal multiculturalism allows one to “negotiate the creation of his or her own individual identity [by using] collective identities as a resource”; illiberal multiculturalism forces the individual to live within separate spheres defined by the common culture of ethnicity. In the current Canadian context, by encouraging individuals to choose their ethnic identity, a liberal multiculturalism is subscribed too. Whereas, arguably, an illiberal multiculturalism is practiced in China, since one has a lifetime obli- gation to live within the ethnic identity categorized by the state. 6. The term minzu is directly translated into English as “nation.” In recent years, another word zuqun has slowly appeared in scholarly literature often referring to “ethnic groups” or “ethnicity” in the Western sense. While officially there are 55 shaoshu minzu in the P.R. China, Ma (2001: 156) suggests it may be prudent to officially change reference to these groups from “nationalities” to “ethnic groups” or “ethnic minorities” for two reasons. First, the social and cultural connotations of minority groups such as Mongolians, Manchus, Tibetans, Uyghurs, and Hui are approximate to “ethnic minorities” in other countries. Thus, the term 164 Notes

“ethnic groups” reflects the structure of ethnicity in China more accu- rately. Second, conceptual confusion of both terms minzu and zuqun will be avoided. There is a potential for wrongfully confusing the 55 minority “nationalities” as independent political entities who have unique interests based on Western ideals of “nationalism.” Notwithstanding, until academic consensus is reached on these conceptual differences and for the purposes of this book, when referencing Chinese ethnicity, “nationalities” and “ethnic groups” will be used interchangeably. 7. By early 1965, there were 183 nationalities registered (based on the 1964 census), among which the government recognized only 54 (See Minorities International 2007). 8. Note, there are alternate spellings for many minority groups in China. Most common alternatives are Bonan (Bao’an); Bouyei (Bouyi or Buyi); Bulong (Blang); De’ang (Deang); Drung (Dulong); Du (Tu); Gelao (Gelo); Hani (Ahka or Hakka—especially outside of PRC); Hezhen (Hezhe); Jingpo (Kachin); Jino (Junuo); Kazak (Kazakh); Kirgiz (Kirghiz); Korean (sometimes referred to as Chaoxian especially among the elder population); Lhoba (Loba or Luoba); Menba (Moinba or Mongba); Miao (sometimes referred to as Hmung); Mulam (Mulao); Naxi (Nakhi or Nahi); Oroqin (Orogen); Tatar (Tartar); Uyghur (Uygur or Uigur); Uzbek (Ozbek); Wa (Va); Yugur (Yugu); and Xibo (Xibe or Sibe). 9. Attane and Courbage (2000: 258) point out statistical yearbooks at the time provided a count of approximately 26 million ethnic minorities. Even then, this may be a significant undercount. 10. Radical Han Chinese nationalists such as Zou Rong and Liu Shipei went as far as to negate that China was a multi-ethnic empire (See Zarrow 2004). In response to Pan-Hanism during this period, Chinese historian Jiegang Gu argued that China before the Qin Dynasty (221–206 BC) was ruled by groups with different ethnic backgrounds. Gu continued to prove that a unified China was not only a relatively late development, but also the result of a long process of conquest by stronger ethnic tribes (Hon 1996: 322). In effect, Gu’s efforts unmasked the political agenda behind the KMT attempt to promote a Pan-Hanism or policy of Hanhua (Hanification or Sinification). 11. Chiang Kai-shek, who became the leader of the KMT after Sun Yat-sen’s death, even attempted to suggest that “since the 1911 Revolution, Manchus and Hans have fused into one entity that there is no trace of distinctiveness” (Quoted in Zhao 2004: 172). However, KMT’s policy of assimilation was never a complete success, especially in Northern China and the frontier regions. 12. The idea of the “Five Races of China” can be traced as far back as Emperor Qianlong, the fifth emperor of the Manchu, Qing Dynasty from 1735 to 1796. In order to legitimize his reign—claiming his rule was not linked to his Manchurian ethnicity—and justify territorial expansion into East Turkestan (later called Xinjiang or literally “New Notes 165

Frontier” in Manchu), Outer Mongolia (what is known as Mongolia today) and Tibet, he defined China within a wuzu gonghe context. 13. Ando (1974) suggests when Sun Yat-sen gave speeches to Han audiences he never used the term wuzu gonghe. However, when Manchus or Mongolians were present, the term was widely used. 14. There are currently six autonomous regions which have political auton- omy in theory—among them Inner Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang. Moreover, autonomous cities, prefectures, and municipalities where minority nationalities are territorially concentrated are still present. The Constitution stipulates that the leaders of an autonomous area must be members of the area’s main ethnic nationality. According to the People’s Daily (2000) there are 2.824 million ethnic minority government officials, or 6.9 percent of the national total. 15. Potentially, the CPC were scared to have a former USSR situation emerge, where ethnic minority regions vehemently supported independence. The preferential treatment and special rights can be seen as an initiative to appease the major ethnic populations. 16. Since ethnic minorities are exempt from the one-child policy, Ma (2004: 662) suggests this is one of the main reasons why many farmers tried to change their nationality status from Han to a minority group. As a matter of fact, from 1982 to 1990, several minority groups have doubled their population size mainly by re-registration, e.g., the Manchu population increased from 4.3 million to 9.8 million, and Tujia increased from 2.8 million to 5.7 million during this 8 year period. 17. Save in the situation where a child is born by mixed parents due to inter- ethnic marriage. Here the ethnic status will be determined by the parents before the child reaches 18 years of age. However, when the child reaches 18, s/he can choose which parent’s ethnic status to adopt. After the age of 20 no alteration can be made. In practice, the large majority adopts the ethnicity of their father. Also, in cases where the CPC was mistaken in nationality status recognition, an individual can apply for “correction” of their status. In practice, most individual apply to correct their status due to nationality recognition “errors” during the Cultural Revolution. 18. Under Employment Equity legislation, a person is defined as an ethnic minority if s/he is neither Aboriginal nor European Caucasian. In addition, in the public use file of the Census, the minority variable is imputed to be a combination of ethnic origin, place of birth and mother tongues. Here, the ethnic minority variable is flagged for persons who are entirely non-European in ancestral origin.

Chapter Two Background Conditions

1. Intermarriage occurred in spite of many local sayings discouraging the practice. For example, one local saying warned: “cattle don’t herd with water buffalo; immigrants shouldn’t join with locals.” 166 Notes

2. The legacy of Manchurian rule in Beijing can be seen today in the wider Han cultural context. The qi pao, a Manchurian dress, has been popu- larly adopted by Hans. 3. The first permanent European presence in Toronto was the French who established a trading fort in 1750; however, Fort Rouille was abandoned nine years later. From 1787 onward, a large influx of British Loyalists fleeing the American Revolution settled in the city (which at the time was known as York). The next significant wave of settlement came during the Great Irish Famine in the mid-1800s, where Catholic Irish immigration numbers were to such an extent, they became the largest single ethnic group in the city (See Benn 2006). 4. Although Italians have been immigrating to Toronto since 1880, the first major wave of Italian population movement was post–World War Two. 5. For example, Tomasi (1977: 505) indicates 40 percent of the Italian cohort who came after World War Two had only a fifth grade education. 6. From 1976 onward, this was changed to Black History month which occurs in February. 7. This observation should be tempered by Perlmann and Waldinger’s (1997: 918) note that the children of immigrants with higher education are more likely to succeed in the education and occupational market than previous generations. This point will be taken up in later chapters. 8. Social distance can be measured by variables such as “the [general population’s] acceptance of a particular ethnic group as colleagues, neigh- bours, close friends or spouses” (Balakrishnan 2003: 65). 9. Rumbaut (1994) suggests ethnic minority members who perceive being discriminated against are more likely to identify with their own ethnic group, and thus have a greater propensity to live within a residentially segregated enclave. 10. Gladney (1998) discusses how numerous past Hui communities existed in Beijing by documenting the existence of mosques that were scattered around the city. 11. Liu (1990) also points out that Niujie was known for its jade industry. Prior to the CPC’s rule, Niujie accounted for nearly three-quarters of the jade enterprises in Beijing. 12. According to Zhuang (2000), during the Yuan Dynasty Uyghur intel- lectuals and merchants of Islamic faith settled in the Weigongcun area. However, when Hans began to rule during the Ming Dynasty, there was a gradual decline of Uyghur population in the area, with many electing to move back to Xinjiang. 13. The usual Uyghur dishes at Xinjiang style restaurants include fried, spicy mutton, flat breads, square noodles (which is often served with tomato sauce), and pilaf rice. 14. Interestingly, the area has now been replaced with numerous small ethnic restaurants, including Tibetan, Korean, Dai, Yi, and Mongolian. Notes 167

15. In Chinese cities, there is hierarchical administrative system which extends down as far as the neighborhood and household levels. 16. It should be noted that the legacy of racial discrimination observed in United States was not a major factor for residential segregation in Toronto (See Qadeer and Kumar 2003). 17. According to the United Way of Greater Toronto and the Canadian Council on Social Development (2004) and Galabuzi (2001) Toronto’s high-poverty neighborhoods (double the national average) are dispro- portionably inhabited by ethnic minority members. 18. For instance, several studies in the United States have controversially indicated a correlation between an increase of African-American group residential concentrations, and a decrease in the overall socio-economic status of the area (See Massey and Denton 1989; McKinney and Schnare 1986). 19. In an interview with a permanent official from UNESCO China, the official pointed out that State Ethnic Affairs Commission and the Ministry of Culture have very little power, influence, and funding. They therefore often resort to using the media to showcase the nation’s ethnic diversity to a larger audience. 20. One of the most recent examples of these performances was during the 2008 Beijing Olympics’ Opening Ceremony. Notwithstanding the fact that the 56 ethnic groups on display were actually only Han Chinese members, the “minorities” paraded cheerfully into the Bird’s Nest sta- dium in brightly color cultural costumes (hats, dresses, and robes), while carrying the Chinese flag in an effort to signify national harmony. 21. This analysis does not completely factor gender role differences and the patri-/matriarchal structure of various Chinese ethnic groups, including Hans. These differences can potentially affect one interpretation of the performance and groups portrayed. 22. In many ways their marriage is a living testament to the restaurant’s stated objective of breaking down barriers of ethnicity. Baranovitch (2003) reports there were initial objections to their marriage given that the husband was not Muslim. The couple eventually got married only after he agreed to convert to Islam and accepted a Uyghur name. 23. While Afanti restaurant was used as an example, the lessons from this case can be transferred to many other ethnic minority restaurants in the capital. For instance, King Gesar, a Tibetan restaurant in Chaoyang District has a similar setup to that of Afanti. Decorated with traditional ethnic Tibetan style frescos and waiters in full Tibetan costumes, cus- tomers are offered traditional Tibetan food such as yak meat, cheese and butter tea. Traditional Tibetan performances, akin to Afanti, are also performed from 8 to 10 pm. 24. The Greater Tibet Area incorporates historic Amdo in the northeast (in present day Qinghai, Gansu, and Sichuan provinces) and Kham in the east (in northern Yunnan, Qinghai, and Sichuan). 168 Notes

25. The worry that ethnic minority issues may result in growing dissension has led to the creation of a monitoring body (proposed in the ethnic minorities affairs Eleventh Five-Year Plan, 2006–2010, and approved by the State Council) that aims to “clamp down on ethnic separatism so as to safeguard ethnic unity, social stability and national security” (Quoted in Beijing Review 2007). 26. Although Caribana often presents the Caribbean culture as unified entity, there are numerous cultural differences between the various islands of the Caribbean, owing to differing histories and colonial experiences. In fact, Caribana itself was originally introduced by a Trinidadian who modeled the festival based on the annual Trinidadian Carnival. The legacy of this can be seen in the mostly Trinidadian influences of the events throughout the festival, including steel pan and soca (calypso) performances.

Chapter Three Educational Experiences

1. This does not factor the estimated dollar value of time parents spend nurturing and teaching their children. 2. In Becker’s original model the marginal cost is interpreted as the cost of funds to finance education only.

3. Becker (1993) argues that if “ability” is inherited, bi and ri may be nega- tively correlated due to the fact “high ability” parents are likely to have “high ability” children. 4. Although parental and teacher investment can increase a child’s productivity in schooling regardless of the political and economic system, the centralized nature of a socialist state may mean it can theoretically transfer resources among different social groups on a faster and larger pace than market economies. For instance, Zhou (1998) postulates that educational opportunities in Communist China have increased and decreased in a different manner than the gradual expansion of opportunities observed in market economies. When analyzing the Cultural Revolution period, Zhou observes children with cadre or military class backgrounds had higher odds of entering senior secondary school in comparison to children from middle and upper-class families who were more vulnerable to the Revolution’s policies. 5. Borjas (1995) finds that ethnicity still has an external effect, even among persons who grow up in the same neighborhood, and more notably when children are exposed frequently to persons who share the same ethnic background. 6. While the portability of human capital is an important variable to examine, it should be pointed out that the national origin of an individual’s human capital is a crucial determinant of its value. As Friedberg (1996) Notes 169

observes, education acquired abroad may be valued less than education obtained domestically. 7. The “straight-line” assimilation model assumes that each successive generation of an ethnic group will become more similar to the dominant group (See Waters 1994). 8. The lifespan of this policy was short lived. One can argue the Compulsory Education Law in 1986 curbed the effectiveness of the 1981 policy by stipulating nine years of instruction primarily in Mandarin. 9. After the restructure of the State Council in 1998, the State Education Commission an entity existing since 1985, became part of the Ministry of Education. 10. In places where conditions are not available, the age for a child to enter primary school could theoretically be postponed to age seven. 11. That is, a policy that promotes equal access to opportunity in education. 12. Unlike measures of difference, odd ratios are not influenced by ceiling and floor effects. 13. In accordance to the scenario described in Footnote 58, one can theorize that parents of minzu children in Beijing with previous or current cadre backgrounds are more educated than the national average. As such, it is plausible that Beijing’s minzu children may have a greater likelihood of inter-generational transfer of human capital than the national average. 14. Their hesitation was due to the assimilative effects on ethnic minority groups this would inevitably promote. 15. Grade 13 (Ontario Academic Credit from 1984 onward) was a require- ment for students to enter Ontario’s universities; and in some jurisdictions recognized as the equivalent of first year university. This system was however abandoned recently, with the last Grade 13 classes taught in 2002–2003. 16. In many respects, the interviewee’s intentionality when referring to “ethnic school” seems to be synonymous with “under-privileged school.” 17. A Xiaokang (well off) society calls for a “balance” modernization of China. Essentially, it calls for economic growth targets to achieve US $3,000 GDP per capita by 2020 (based on 2000 prices and exchange rates), as well as being mindful of an equitable distribution of income and social concerns. It is measured using five categories: economic development, material life, population quality, cultural life, and living environment) (See UNDP China 2005). 18. A cynical observer may argue the CPC’s approach here is not entirely altruistic, but rather carefully designed to gain the favor of the ethnic population and legitimize the CPC (See Hansen 1999). This is also a charge that can potentially be made for CPC ethnic minority initiatives documented throughout this book. 19. Formerly called the Central Institute of Nationalities. 20. Project 211 has been incorporated as a key national development project in the 9th Five Year Plan (1997–2002) (See CERN 2001). 170 Notes

21. Often related to factors beyond the student’s control, e.g., minzu students who come from poorer income geographical clusters. 22. As pointed out in chapter one, twenty-one ethnic minority groups have unique writing systems. 23. This connotation is sometimes used in studies looking at the Uyghur population in Xinjiang (See e.g., Smith 2002). 24. It was not uncommon for students in the same program/major to share the same dormitory room (which often has 6 to 8 students per room). This ultimately meant min kao min students would often primarily interact with other min kao min students from their own ethnicity. 25. The three programs are the Beland Honderich Award; Big Brothers of Toronto Scholarship; and, Big Sisters of Toronto Scholarship. All three provide financial and mentoring support for students from high school throughout university (See Office of Vice President and Provost 2003). 26. A part-time student may be admitted to the FAS with a minimum grade of 63 percent. 27. The skeptic may argue that the professional and graduate schools that report ethnic minority statistics do so since they demonstrate favorable outcomes. While this is certainly a possibility, it will be an interesting exercise to detail ethnic minority group enrolment preference by faculty and department—a possibility if public data by this dimension was released by faculty and departments in all three universities in the city. Similar to a gender bias, one may suspect that ethnic minority groups may be over- and under-represented in certain disciplines, which may suggest a rethink in university diversity policy initiatives. 28. When the statistics are not disaggregated between the age categories of 25–34 and 35–54, the younger population is more educated than the older population. In fact, young persons in every ethnic category have a university graduate rate that is higher than the older age group; an 8.2 percent overall difference between the 25–34 and 35–54 age groups. This trend may reflect the growing importance of education in the com- petitive, Toronto labor market. 29. This may not necessarily be the case for the Canadian-born segment of the Caribbean population, who have an aggregate total of 10.2 percent attaining a university (undergraduate) qualification. This is also a phe- nomenon observed with the second generation Caribbean ethnic groups in other jurisdictions (See Richmond and Mendoza 1990). 30. It should be noted that Sweetman and Dicks’ (1999) study examined a limited scope of groups, predominantly European groups (British, French, Dutch, German, Greek, Hungarian, Italian, Jewish, Polish, Ukrainian) and a select handful of non-European groups (Aboriginal, Black/Caribbean, Chinese, and “Other East and South East Asians”) in reaching its conclusions at a national level. This may suggest one of the reasons for the discrepancy in findings. Notes 171

Chapter Four Occupational Experiences

1. Both versions of the employment law seek to fulfill China’s commit- ments to the International Labour Organization’s Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention 1958, ratified in 1995. 2. Although the state provided secure employment for one’s working life, it was quite common for many to be severely underemployed both in SOEs and COEs. That is, there was an underutilization of labor on two fronts (1) one’s high skills did not match their occupational tasks, which often occurred since the labor market did not clear using wage adjust- ments; (2) overstaffing employees at SOEs and COEs—it was quite common in Beijing, even today to some extent, to have an abundance of staff beyond the efficient labor required. 3. The term guanxi literally means relationship, and is used to refer to social connections between and among people. 4. In the mid 1980s, an unemployment insurance system was established in China to provide three facets: (1) medicare subsidies; (2) facilitate the administration of services to the unemployed; and (3) the promotion of re-employment (See IOSC 2002). According to statistics from the Ministry of Labor and Social Security, the national unemployment insurance fund’s income in 2003 was 24.9 billion yuan (~ US $3.4 billion), with expenditures totaling 20 billion yuan (~ US $2.8 billion), underwriting over 103.73 million people and 4.15 million receiving insurance payments (See IOSC 2004). 5. China requires foreign companies to forge joint ventures with domestic firms in order to enter the domestic market. This has an intended tendency to transfer technology and expertise to the domestic partner(s). 6. Officially the National Bureau of Statistics classifies a xiagang worker as “those workers who, because of production reasons, have already left their work posts, and already do not do any work at the original work unit, but still maintain their work relation” (Quoted in Johnston and Li 1999). By this definition, xiagang workers have not been fired, thus they are not counted as unemployed, even though they have been effectively laid off. In addition, in 1998, the CPC revised the definition to refer to xiagang workers to only include workers from SOEs. 7. There is a tendency for the Beijing government and SOEs to under report their layoffs and exaggerate their reemployment successes. To be fair, this is also the case for most local jurisdictions in China as well. Moreover, although many urban workers in Beijing were forced from their jobs, some voluntarily left their employment for new jobs, but registered as xiagang in order to collect the benefit schemes administered by their danwei (See Tsui 2002). 172 Notes

8. According to IOSC (2004), after the three-year term expires, xiagang workers who have unemployment insurance coverage and paid the pre- miums in full are entitled to unemployment insurance pay for a maxi- mum of two years. 9. For the purpose of this chapter, the author primarily highlights the experiences of ethnic minorities. However, one should stress that these experiences also occur among Han xiagang workers in Beijing as well. 10. Hung and Chiu (2003) point out that although the send-down policy was in effect throughout the Cultural Revolution, in the latter part the policy was not strictly enforced. In fact, in the later years of the policy, urban youths were usually sent-down for periods up to five years and to locations near to Beijing. 11. Most arguments about the decline of guanxi in the reform era points out that a shift from a planned economy to a market oriented one would mean changes in the effectiveness of strong and weak ties in the job search process. In theory, in a market economy employers who are profit driven will seek to hire those who have high productivity and high human capital, thus reducing the role of guanxi. This may not necessarily be the case as numerous cases in market economies continue to illus- trate that social connections play a very important role in the hiring process (See Bian 1997; Granovetter 1983). 12. Historically, the dangan has been a major barrier to labor mobility, as a danwei boss can block labor movement by holding on to a worker’s dangan. 13. Although Canada’s current immigration policy encourages migrants who have high education and skills, whether actors in the labor force formally (i.e., professional associations) or informally recognize these attributes akin to domestic labor, is a different matter (See Galabuzi 2001). 14. Unfortunately reliable statistics disaggregating the success and failure rates of ethnic minority owned SMEs versus non-ethnic minority owned SMEs were unable to be accessed in Toronto. 15. Opportunity structures, including market conditions and access to own- ership, are variables that ought to be factored into this theory (See Waldinger et al. 1990). 16. Although as certain interviewees pointed out, a person’s name may be a marker to distinguish ethnic minority status.

Chapter Five Explaining the Penalty

1. One can postulate that the frequency of this practice may increase during periods of surplus labor, where the employer has the luxury of select- ing from a wider pool of candidates. Notes 173

2. This argument is also valid in the Beijing context given the current primacy of market forces in dictating employment and income possibilities. 3. Due to a lack of available data in Beijing, a similar test was unable to be conducted akin to tables 5.1 to 5.3. 4. For instance, although 8.2 percent of Bangladeshis report English as first language, this does not fully indicate a lack of proficiency in English. 5. It is worthwhile to note recruitment agencies and headhunters are becoming more involved in the hiring process of managers and professionals in Toronto; and a growing popular option in human resource management for HWEI positions in Beijing. Ployart et al. (2006) suggest that the most effective matches by agencies and headhunters are individuals who they are familiar with in terms of their educational background, experience, and working culture fit. This practice may potentially increase the homo- geneity in an organization and its working culture—not to mention increasing the potential for an ethnic penalty. 6. The “potential friend” principle pays homage to the remark of K Company’s co-owner who factored whether he can potentially be friends with an individual when assessing their suitability for the company. 7. According to intergroup contact theory, the contact between various groups are optimal when five conditions are observed: (1) equal group status within the situation; (2) common goals; (3) inter-group coopera- tion; (4) support of authorities, law or custom; and, (5) the contact situation must provide participants the opportunity to become friends (See Pettigrew 1998; Allport 1954). 8. The exact wording of Question A165 was “generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted or that you need to be very care- ful in dealing with people?” A common objection to this question is that it may obscure who the responders are thinking about when completing this particular section. 9. Buchan et al. (2002) work suggests there is much to be understood about the influence of national, economic, religious, and social factors on trusting behavior between neighbors. 10. The risk sensitivity of individuals when it comes to ethnic differences can be illustrated in public goods experiments. For example, Glaser et al. (2000) show subjects who were partnered with an individual of a different ethnicity were less cooperative than those who were partnered with someone of the same ethnicity.

Conclusion

1. Potential repercussions in the public service can derive from negative evaluations by the Director General or the Auditor General’s Report. 174 Notes

2. By targeting major corporations in Beijing and Toronto to promote and practice employment equity, it is hoped that this message can be deliv- ered through their supply and partner chains. 3. In a limited sense, there is an affirmative action policy in the public sector that recruits ethnic minority cadres. However in practice, the majority of cadres is located outside of Beijing and thus, has little effect on the book’s parameters. 4. As coded by their responses when discussing the feasibility of affirmative action in the labor market. 5. In conversation with Hans, many believed affirmative action was not needed in Beijing since ethnic minorities should have the same resources as Hans. As an unnamed faculty member at the Central University for Nationalities points out, while this may be the case, the CPC views ethnic minorities across the board as having a disadvantage and in response, enacts national policies which cannot differentiate between varying local conditions. 6. Arguably, this mentality has developed over centuries of “foreign occupation” by the Manchus and Mongols, and encounters with ethnic empires such as Tibetans. 7. One must bear in mind that the local Beijing government authority cannot act in a vacuum. The effectiveness of potential initiatives may be restricted by the activities of other public authorities (e.g., central and district governments). 8. Toronto is not immune from portraying ethnic minorities in a non-commodified manner, especially when viewing ethno-cultural festivals such as Caribana. Notwithstanding, in comparison to Beijing there appears to be a greater willingness by various levels of Canadian government covering Toronto (as well as non-government organizations) to discuss initiatives to promote the awareness of socio-economic struggles of many ethnic minority groups. 9. As mentioned in earlier parts of this book, there is still a stigma of distrust in Beijing among many local government officials toward such ethnic associations—who many believe are there for malice. This may be a potential barrier in promoting this suggestion. 10. It is also theorized that both cities’ capacity to export goods and services outside of their urban environment will potentially be expanded by tap- ping into the trans-local and transnational ethnic networks that minorities often possess (See Niessen and Schibel 2007). Bibliography

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Note: Page numbers in bold indicate table.

Affirmative Action, 6, 87–88, Collective-Owned Enterprises 139, 174 (COE), 90–92, 171 Antiracism and Ethnocultural Communist Party of China (CPC), Equity in School Boards 15–16, 18–19, 20, 29, 30, (AEESB), 66 38–39, 40, 44, 46–47, 55–56, Assimilation, 28, 50, 55, 57, 85, 58, 70–72, 82, 87, 91–93, 101, 164, 169 95–96, 103, 141, 165–166, 169, 171, 174 Beijing 2008 Summer Olympics, Constrict Theory, 133–134 3, 167 Contact Hypothesis, 133 Cultural Revolution, 20, 29, 30, 55, Canadian Association of Teachers 93, 128, 165, 168, 172, 179 (CAT), 67–68 Canadian Charter of Rights and Dangan, 95–96, 121, 172 Freedoms, 24 Danwei, 91–92, 96, 171–172 Canadian Multiculturalism Act, 24 Discrimination Canadian Race Relations Exclusionary, 120–122, 124, 128, Foundation (CRRF), 48, 89, 136, 141 109, 138 Statistical, 120–121, 136, 140 Caribana, 1, 34, 47–48, 168, 174 Child Quality-Quantity Model, 53 Elementary and Secondary Schools China Central Television (CCTV), Chinese Islamic Schools, 58, 44, 46 148, 152 China Education and Research Conseil Scolaire de District Network (CERN), 169 Catholique Centre-Sud China National Minorities (CSDCCS), 65 Policy, 70 Conseil Scolaire de District du Chinatown, 35, 42, 100, 106, Centre-Sud-Ouest (CSDCSO), 150–151 64–65 Chinese Born Canadians (CBC), 80 Toronto Catholic District School Chinese Compulsory Education Board (TCDSB), 65 Law, 56, 60–61, 169 Employment Equity, 87–88, 108, Chinese Ministry of Education 110, 117, 137–139, 165, 174 (MOE), 52, 56, 71, 86, 169 English Canada, 23 Chinese National University Ethnic Associations, 6, 79, 140, Entrance Examination, 56, 146–147, 174 70, 71 Ethnic Capital, 53 192 Index

Ethnic Diversity Survey (EDS), 49 Five Races of China (wuzu gonghe), Ethnic Economy, 36, 126, 130 18, 165 Ethnic Groups French Canada, 22, 23–24, 31, 35, Caribbean-Canadian, 1, 32, 33, 37, 41–42, 66 34, 41–42, 47–49, 50, 68, 69, 79, 80–81, 84, 100, 107, 112, Gross Domestic Product (GDP), 38, 116, 132, 149, 151, 154, 168, 52, 60, 138, 169 170 Guanxi. See Social Network Chinese-Canadian, 79, 100 Capital Ethnic Korean (China), 15, 16, 19, 29, 30–31, 45, 72, 101–103, Haidian District, 30–31, 37, 39, 96, 105, 127, 145, 164, 166 103, 144–145 Hui, 2, 4, 15, 18, 20, 27–28, 29, High-Wage, Education-Intensive 37–39, 40, 44, 46, 57–58, Occupations (HWEI), 3, 8, 144–145, 163, 166 95–96, 100, 105, 122, Italian-Canadian, 22, 49 128–129, 131, 140, 173 Korean-Canadian, 65, 80, 100, Human Capital Investment, 8, 132, 140, 150 51–52, 54 Manchu, 15, 16, 18, 28, 29, 30, 37, 46, 75, 93–94, 104–105, International Labour Organization 129, 145, 163–166, 174 (ILO), 113, 171 Mongolian, 15, 16, 18, 28, 46, Iron Rice Bowl Jobs (tie fan wan), 91 72, 74, 145, 162–163, 165–166 Portuguese-Canadian, 9, 21, 22, Job Advertising, 96, 102–103, 23, 31, 65, 149, 153 106–108, 129 Tibetan, 2, 15, 16, 18, 20, 29, 30, 37, 44–47, 72, 74–76, 95, 105, Kuomintang (KMT), 17–18, 164 121, 132, 140, 145, 163, 166–167, 174 Labor Force Participation, 113, 114, Uyghur, 2, 15, 16, 29, 30, 39, 116, 123, 125, 127 45–47, 75, 104, 120, 124, Little Italy, 47, 150 131–132, 145, 163–164, 166–167, 170 Maoist Class Theory, 91 Ethnic Identity Hypothesis, 37 Marxism, 12, 20, 70 Ethnicity Mosques, 2, 29, 37–38, 40, 145, Definition, 9, 10–12 166 Fixed Identification, 14, 46, 137, Multiculturalism, 24–25, 32, 34, 148, 162 47–48, 136, 161, 163 Majority / Minority Distinction, 9, Multinational Enterprises (MNE), 12–14, 16, 24, 30, 46, 141, 163 129 Membership, 9, 11, 14, 24, 95, 163 Self Identification, 14, 19, 21, Neoclassical Economic Models, 23–25, 77, 122, 148, 163 119, 120 Ethnic Networks, 13, 49, 98, 106, Network Capital. See Social 174 Network Capital Ethnic Representation, 43, 46–47, Niujie District, 37–39, 40, 57, 88, 49, 109, 110, 137 145, 166 Index 193

Non-Government Organizations Tertiary Institutions (NGOs), 6, 147–148, 152, 174 Beijing Language and Culture University (BLCU), 75, 145, 148 One Child Policy, 20, 165 Beijing University, 70, 75, 83, 95, Ontario Human Rights 121, 145, 148 Commission (OHRC), 89 Central University for Optimal Schooling Model, 52 Nationalities (CUN), 2, 16, 45, 70–72, 74–75, 85, 124, 145, Potential Friend Principle, 130–131, 148, 174 137, 173 Ryerson University, 76, 152 Public Security Bureau (PSB), 96, Tsinghua University, 70, 75, 161 145, 148 University of Toronto (U of T), Qing Dynasty, 17, 28, 38, 164 69, 76–79, 80–81, 100, 152 York University, 76, 79, 81, 99, Residential Patterns, 35–39, 41–43, 100, 152 49, 166–167 Tibet Autonomous Region, 2, 47 Restaurants, 31, 38–39, 42, 45–47, 75, 97, 145–146, 148, Unemployment, 5, 32, 92, 110–111, 166–167 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 126, Risk Elasticity, 135, 137 150–152, 171–172 Royal Commission on Bilingualism United Nations Development and Biculturalism, 32 Programme (UNDP), 1, 169 United Nations Educational, Small and Medium Enterprises Scientific and Cultural (SME), 102, 106–107, 129, Organization (UNESCO), 51, 130, 172 62, 167 Social Network Capital, 101, 106, 117, 129 Working Culture, 8, 95, 119, Social Trust, 8, 81, 119, 132–137, 128–129, 130–132, 136, 138, 140, 141 141, 173 State Ethnic Affairs Commission World Values Survey, 133–134 (SEAC), 19, 44, 46, 56, 72, 88, 167 Xiagang Workers, 92–93, 101, 113, State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), 171–172 90–95, 171 Xiaokang Society, 70, 141, 169 Stratification Xinjiang, 2, 4, 16, 39, 45–46, 104, Dominant Elite, 13 164–166, 170 Dominant Majority, 13, 16, 24, Xuanwu District, 37–38, 58, 30, 44, 46, 141 144–145 Mass Subjects, 13 Sun Yat-sen, 17, 28, 164, 165 Yuan Dynasty, 27–28, 38, 166