War and Reza Shah: 1914–1941
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Triumphs and Tragedies of the Iranian Revolution
The Road to Isolation: Triumphs and Tragedies of the Iranian Revolution Salma Schwartzman Senior Division Historical Paper Word Count: 2, 499 !1 Born of conflicting interests and influences — those ancient tensions deeply rooted in its own society — the Iranian revolution generated numerous and alternating cycles of triumph and tragedy, the one always inextricably resulting from and offsetting the other. This series of vast political shifts saw the nation shudder from a near feudal monarchy to a democratized state, before finally relapsing into an oppressive, religiously based conservatism. The Prelude: The White Revolution Dating from 1960 to 1963, the White Revolution was a period of time in Iran in which modernization, westernization, and industrialization were ambitiously promoted by the the country’s governing royalty: the Pahlavi regime. Yet although many of these changes brought material and social benefit, the country was not ready to embrace such a rapid transition from its traditional structure; thus the White Revolution sowed the seeds that would later blossom into the Iranian Revolution1. Under the reign of Reza Shah Pahlavi, the State of Iran underwent serious industrial expansion. After seizing almost complete political power for himself, the Shah set in motion the land reform law of 1962.2 This law forced landed minorities to surrender vast tracts of lands to the government so that it could be redistributed to small scale agriculturalists. The landowners who experienced losses were compensated through shares of state owned Iranian industries. Cultivators and laborers also received share holdings of Iranian industries and agricultural profits.3 This reform not only helped the agrarian community, but encouraged and supported 1 Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. -
C01384460 Approved for Release: 2014/02/26
C01384460 Approved for Release: 2014/02/26 APPLIND1X A . ;hose Dil? An Abbreviated History of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Dispute,-'194; -53 In 1372, the then Shah of Persia, rlaser ad-Din, in return for much needed cash, gave to Baron Paul Julius de Reuter. .'a concession to. exploit all his country's minerals (except for gold, silver, and precious stones'), all its forests and uncultivated land, and ail canals and irrigation works, as ;sell as a monopoly to construct railways and tranilways. Although the resulting uproar,-zsrac:.a11~ from neighboring Russiaraused this sweeping concession to be cancelled, de Reuter, who was a German Jew with British citizenship, persisted and by 1889 regained two parts of his original concession--the operation of a bank and the working of Persia's mines. Under the latter grant, de Reuter's men explored-for oil without great success, and the concession expired in 1999, 'the year the Baron died.` Persian oil right Shen passed to a British speculator, William Knox D'Arcy, whose first fortune had been made in Australian gold mines: The purchase price of the concession was about 50,000 pounds, and in 1903 the enterprise began to sell shares in "The First Exploitation Company." Exploratory drilling proceeded, and by 1904, two producing wells were in. a,+A - Shortly thereafter,Ainterest in oil was sharply stimulated by the efforts of Admiral Sir John Fisher, First Lord of the Admiralty, to convert the Royal Navy.from'burning coal to oil.. As a result, the Burmah Oil Company sought to become involved in eersian oil and, joining with D "lrcy and Lord Strathcona, formed the new Concessions Syndicate, L d, which endured un'ti'l 1907 when Burmah Oil bought D'Arcy out for 200„000 pounds cash and 900,000 pounds in shares. -
Lament of Ahmad Khani: a Study of the Historical Struggle of the Kurds for an Independent Kurdistan
Lament of Ahmad Khani: A Study of the Historical Struggle of the Kurds for an Independent Kurdistan Erik Novak Department of Political Science Villanova University The Kurdish poet Sheikmous Hasan, better known as Cigerxwin, wrote these words as part of his much larger work, Who Am I? while living in exile in Sweden. “I am the proud Kurd, the enemies’ enemy, the friend of peace-loving ones. I am of noble race, not wild as they claim. My mighty ancestors were free people. Like them I want to be free and that is why I fight, for the enemy won’t leave in peace and I don’t want to be forever oppressed.”1 Although Hasan, who died in 1984, was a modern voice for Kurdish nationalism, he is merely one of a chorus of Kurds reaching back centuries crying out for a free and independent Kurdish state, unofficially named Kurdistan. Although the concept of nationalism is common today, the cries of the Kurds for their own state reach back centuries, the first written example coming from the Kurdish poet Ahmad Khani in his national epic Mem-o-Zin in 1695. Mem-o-Zin actually predates the French Revolution of 1789, which is often thought to be the true beginning of the concept of a national state. Despite having conceived of nationalism for the Kurds nearly a century ahead of France and the rest of Western Europe, the Kurds lack a state of their own. What are the origins of Kurdish nationalist thought and how has it evolved over the years? To answer this question, we will track the evolution of Kurdish nationalist thought from its origins during the Ottoman Empire, 1 through World War I and up to the present by looking at the three successor states of the Ottoman Empire that contain the largest Kurdish populations: Turkey, Iran, and Iraq. -
Effect of Reza Shah Modernity on the Political Opposition Development
ISSN 2039-2117 (online) Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences Vol 7 No 5 S1 ISSN 2039-9340 (print) MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy October 2016 Effect of Reza Shah Modernity on the Political Opposition Development 1Mohammad Reza Motamedi 2Dr. Ali Akbar Amini 1, 2Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Islamic Azad University, Zahedan Branch, Zahedan, Iran Corresponding Author email: [email protected] Doi:10.5901/mjss.2016.v7n5s1p84 Abstract Reza Khan, commander of Cossack Brigade based in Qazvin, came to power by coup in 1920, and with the coronation in 1305 brought Qajar dynasty to an end and founded Pahlavi dynasty. He as the first Pahlavi King started a series of planned reforms to establish himself and bring about a secular state and society inspired by the West, especially Ataturk in Turkey. Since then, Islam and Islamic clergies enjoyed power and influence in political and social affairs especially after the effective presence and leadership tobacco and constitutional movements. Reza Shah tries to use sources of progress to bring modernization into people's private life. In 1929, he passed a law that required men to wear foreign outfits instead of traditional and clergy dress, and then to remove hijab was obligatory to women and they were banned from wearing hijab. Keywords: Reza Shah, Modernism, Modernity 1. Introduction Our contemporary history of Iran has always been the scene of battles, victories, defeats and honorable acts of a nation with freedom from domestic and foreign tyranny, the main objective. Trying to prevent the collapse of the country against colonial invasion of Russia, Britain, and The U.S. -
Human Rights in Iran Under the Shah
Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 12 Issue 1 Article 7 1980 Human Rights in Iran under the Shah Richard W. Cottam Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Richard W. Cottam, Human Rights in Iran under the Shah, 12 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 121 (1980) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol12/iss1/7 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Volume 12, Number 1, Winter 1980 COMMENT Human Rights in Iran Under the Shah by Professor Richard W. Cottam* I. INTRODUCTION FOR ANY ADVOCATE of human rights, the events surrounding the Iranian revolution must be a source of continuing agony. But for any- one interested in gaining a sharper understanding of some of the basic issues concerning human rights, the dramatic developments in Iran should be highly instructive. The early summary executions in Iran and the later public trials conducted by revolutionary Islamic courts were properly condemned by western human rights advocates as failing to ap- proach the requirements of due process. Yet the great majority of those who were tried and executed were charged with terrible violations of the most elemental human rights; and the testimony of the accused, so rich in detail and so internally consistent as to be credible,1 tends to confirm the worst charges against the Shah's regime. -
Iran and the CIA This Page Intentionally Left Blank Iran and the CIA the Fall of Mosaddeq Revisited
Iran and the CIA This page intentionally left blank Iran and the CIA The Fall of Mosaddeq Revisited Darioush Bayandor © Darioush Bayandor 2010 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2010 978-0-230-57927-9 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saffron House, 6-10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2010 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN 978-1-349-36788-7 ISBN 978-0-230-27730-4 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780230277304 This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. -
Research Journal of Social Sciences Life and Empowerment of Reza Khan
Copyright © 2015, American-Eurasian Network for Scientific Information publisher Research Journal of Social Sciences ISSN: 1815-9125 EISSN: 2309-9631 JOURNAL home page: http://www.aensiweb.com/RJSS 2015 September; 8(7): pages 7-12. Published Online 30 June 2015. Research Article Life and empowerment of Reza Khan 1Iran Hajnabi and 2Reza Shabani 1Department of History, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. 2full Professor, Department of History Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran. Received: 23 April 2015; Revised: 28 May 2015; Accepted: 18 June 2015 Copyright © 2015 by authors and American-Eurasian Network for Scientific Information. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution International License (CC BY). http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ABSTRACTABSTRACT Reza known to Reza Khan, is of the people of Alasht in Savadkuh and Bavand dynasty had begun his work of Cossack Brigade, as he was an ambitious individual with regard to the situation was created, could achieve an official level, and during the capture of Tehran had entered the Qajar state and obtained key officials including the Ministry of War in Ahmad Shah’s State, and deposed Ahmad Shah on 24 December 1925 In the National Assembly, and signed the Oath, the next day relying on his throne. On Sunday 4 April 1926. Wearing a military uniform with the coronation of King's Crown Jewels Thus, Reza Khan as The first king of the Pahlavi Dynasty was the founder of the dynasty. Reza Shah's reign saw the creation of the new world order. To guarantee its absolute power, closed independent newspapers, parliamentary immunity of Representatives and Political parties are ruined. -
Azerbaijan Democratic Party: Ups and Downs (1945-1946)
Revista Humanidades ISSN: 2215-3934 [email protected] Universidad de Costa Rica Costa Rica Azerbaijan Democratic Party: Ups and Downs (1945-1946) Soleimani Amiri, PhD. Mohammad Azerbaijan Democratic Party: Ups and Downs (1945-1946) Revista Humanidades, vol. 10, no. 1, 2020 Universidad de Costa Rica, Costa Rica Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=498060395015 DOI: https://doi.org/10.15517/h.v10i1.39936 Todos los derechos reservados. Universidad de Costa Rica. Esta revista se encuentra licenciada con Creative Commons. Reconocimiento-NoComercial-SinObraDerivada 3.0 Costa Rica. Correo electrónico: [email protected]/ Sitio web: http: //revistas.ucr.ac.cr/index.php/humanidades This work is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 International. PDF generated from XML JATS4R by Redalyc Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative PhD. Mohammad Soleimani Amiri. Azerbaijan Democratic Party: Ups and Downs (1945-1946) Desde las ciencias sociales, la filosofía y la educación Azerbaijan Democratic Party: Ups and Downs (1945-1946) Partido Demócrata de Azerbaiyán: altibajos (1945-1946) PhD. Mohammad Soleimani Amiri DOI: https://doi.org/10.15517/h.v10i1.39936 University of Sapienza, Italia Redalyc: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa? [email protected] id=498060395015 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-0554-6964 Received: 19 June 2019 Accepted: 23 November 2019 Abstract: Democratic Party of Azerbaijan's movement is one of the most important events in the history of Iran and the world. It was for the first time in the history of Iran that a political party seriously stressed the issue of autonomy. In addition, this movement as liberation movement prioritized several decisive and fundamental reform. -
Party Politics in the Western Balkans
Party Politics in the Western Balkans Edited by Věra Stojarová and Peter Emerson 2 Legacy of communist and socialist parties in the Western Balkans Věra Stojarová As Ishiyama and Bozóki note, the development of communist successor parties1 in post- communist politics has had an important effect upon the development of democracy (Bozóki and Ishiyama 2002: 393). In some countries the communist party was outlawed; in many cases it was transformed into a party of a socialist or social democratic character; elsewhere, the communist party began to take part in the democratic process, which led to varying results; in some cases, the party transformed itself into a classic socialist or social democratic party; while in other cases it retained a communist ideology. As the literature reveals, the type of the regime, the modus of transition, the manner of financing political parties, the organisation of the parties, as well as the whole political context, all matter. Ishiyama suggests that the patrimonial communist regime (as in Serbia) produced communist successor parties which had to distinguish themselves from the previous communist system and hence turned towards nationalism, while in a national- consensus regime (Slovenia, Croatia), the successor parties developed policies that divorced the party from the past, and led to the emergence of a social democratic identity (Ishiyama 1998: 81–2). Nevertheless, the application of the above- mentioned theory reveals the exceptionality of the Western Balkan countries. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the ethnic structure and the different goals of the three ethnicities had a great impact on the formation of political parties, which were mainly based on ethnic grounds, and left little space to the parties with a social democratic orientation. -
Ali Rad Yousefnia The-Impacts-Of-A
TANGIBLE - INTANGIBLE HERITAGE(S) – DESIGN, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CRITIQUES ON THE PAST, PRESENT AND THE FUTURE • Paper / Proposal Title: The Impacts of a Political Quarrel on Heritage: The case of traditional Bazaar in Tabriz • Author(s) Name: Ali Rad Yousefnia • University or Company Affiliation: Master of Architecture (M. Arch) in Middle East Technical University (METU), Ankara, Turkey • Presentation Method. I would like to: i. present in person (with a written paper) • Abstract (300 words): Bazaar as the core, has shaped the urban form of many traditional Iranian cities. Without Bazar, a settlement is not considered as a city. Several functions can be listed for Bazaar due to its close spatial relations with different parts of the urban form. Activates like social, religious and cultural activities are among these examples. Nowadays, Bazaar considers as one of the most valuable heritages in Iranian cities. Tabriz, as one of the important and effective cities on the silk road, connected several regions. It was the connection hub with Europe and Anatolia on its West, Caucuses and Russia on its north, Persia and Middle East on its south and east regions. During the transition from tradition to modernity, the Bazaar of Tabriz had been the target of several changes and transformations. One of the most crucial and destructive acts which affected the structural and physical form of Bazaar was the street widening act enacted under the Reza Shah’s reign and continued through the ruling years of his son MohammadReza Shah. This act tore down the old and historical urban fabric in almost all cities in Iran between 1920 and 1960. -
Transnational Modernization and the Gendered Built Environment in Iran
Transnational Modernization and the Gendered Built Environment in Iran: Altering Architectural Spaces and Gender Identities in the Early Twentieth Century (1925-1941) A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Architecture and Interior Design of College of Design, Architecture, Art, and Planning By Armaghan Ziaee Bachelor of Architecture, 2009 Master of Architecture, 2013 Master of Arts, 2018 2018 Committee: Amy Lind, Ph.D. (Co-chair) Adrian Parr, Ph.D. (Co-chair) Edson Cabalfin, Ph.D. Abstract When Reza Shah Pahlavi (1925-1941) came to power in Iran in 1925, he initiated a rapid and irreversible process of change that began in the public domain of the city and filtered into the private domain of the home. During this era of accelerated, westernized modernization, gender- segregated private housing, including courtyard houses, and gender-exclusive, masculine public spaces were repurposed relatively quickly and/or were replaced by modern villa-style houses/apartments and gender-inclusive public spaces. Over the years, as Reza Shah’s policies of western-style modern houses, urban spaces, fashion, and design grew, he intensified his support for gender desegregation, most notably through banning women’s use of the Chador (the traditional Iranian veil) in public spaces. In this sense, the first Pahlavi modernization project of the built environment was constructed through a gendered lens of progress, in which physical structures, public and private spaces, and women’s (and men’s) very senses of embodiment and identity – in their homes, in public spaces, in regard to their dress – became a contested battleground at the center of broader struggles concerning modernity and westernization in Iran. -
Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization
Prescribing Democracy? Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization Angela K. Bourne and Fernando Casal Bértoa Introduction When democracies ban political parties, one of the central issues that usually emerges in both public and academic debate concerns the effects of proscription. Some argue that proscription may lead to radicalisation, a growth of militancy and readiness to use violence (Minkenberg, 2006, 36). Restrictions on the party may be only temporary especially if a party has deep social and ideological roots in a community, or if state authorities are reluctant to prevent the party re-emerging under a different name (ibid, 37; Husbands, 2002, 64) The party ban is not a suitable mechanism for the „civic re-education‟ of extremists (Husbands, 2002, 64) and may merely treat the symptoms rather than the more complex underlying causes of dissatisfaction with the status quo (Gordon, 1987, 389). Ban proceedings may increase public exposure and opportunities to claim martyrdom or reinforce anti-establishment critiques (ibid, 391). Some also argued that, in the long-run, banning parties may damage the foundations of a democratic polity: The party ban may be interpreted as „lack of faith in the democratic process‟ and an „admission of failure‟ (ibid, 390) or its „chilling effect‟ may signify a silent weakening of democratic rights in the state (Niesen, 2002, 256). On the other hand, proscription may be punishing for the targeted party, as the „cost of claim- making increases across the board and for particular members‟ (Tilly, 2005, 218). A party subject to ban proceedings may see its room for manoeuvre, its visibility and mobilising capacity severely curtailed by reductions in its organisational and financial resources, access to the media and through stigmatisation.