Triumphs and Tragedies of the Iranian Revolution
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Iran Hostage Crisis National Security Council, 1979 !
CRISIS COMMITTEES | 2014e IRAN HOSTAGE CRISIS NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL, 1979 ! Dear Delegates, We are in the midst of the Iran Hostage Crisis, and there is no time to spare. Our situation is grave and desperate, and together we will find a solution into dealing with the recent events regarding the kidnapping of 52 Americans from the United States embassy in Tehran on November 4, 1979. Indeed there are many sides to this issue, and debates will be tense. The dichotomy between the many people being represented in this committee will surely lead to many disputes and tough agreements. Can the situation remain diplomatic? Or will it lead to something else? It shall remain up to you. It is with great pleasure, as director of this committee, to welcome you to our 2014 UTMUN conference. My name is Stanley Treivus, and alongside our Crisis manager Meerah Haq, we look forward to this thrilling weekend of debate that awaits us. We are both first year students studying Political Science and International relations and this will be our first time being involved in UTMUN. This conference will appeal to all delegates, experienced or novice. And our hope is that you will leave this committee with not only profound knowledge on the subject, but with a better sense of communication and improved debating skills than you had before. The issues we will be discussing will surround the many topics that relate directly to the Iran Hostage Crisis. We will look at foreign relations between the United States and Iran shortly before and during the crisis. -
C01384460 Approved for Release: 2014/02/26
C01384460 Approved for Release: 2014/02/26 APPLIND1X A . ;hose Dil? An Abbreviated History of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Dispute,-'194; -53 In 1372, the then Shah of Persia, rlaser ad-Din, in return for much needed cash, gave to Baron Paul Julius de Reuter. .'a concession to. exploit all his country's minerals (except for gold, silver, and precious stones'), all its forests and uncultivated land, and ail canals and irrigation works, as ;sell as a monopoly to construct railways and tranilways. Although the resulting uproar,-zsrac:.a11~ from neighboring Russiaraused this sweeping concession to be cancelled, de Reuter, who was a German Jew with British citizenship, persisted and by 1889 regained two parts of his original concession--the operation of a bank and the working of Persia's mines. Under the latter grant, de Reuter's men explored-for oil without great success, and the concession expired in 1999, 'the year the Baron died.` Persian oil right Shen passed to a British speculator, William Knox D'Arcy, whose first fortune had been made in Australian gold mines: The purchase price of the concession was about 50,000 pounds, and in 1903 the enterprise began to sell shares in "The First Exploitation Company." Exploratory drilling proceeded, and by 1904, two producing wells were in. a,+A - Shortly thereafter,Ainterest in oil was sharply stimulated by the efforts of Admiral Sir John Fisher, First Lord of the Admiralty, to convert the Royal Navy.from'burning coal to oil.. As a result, the Burmah Oil Company sought to become involved in eersian oil and, joining with D "lrcy and Lord Strathcona, formed the new Concessions Syndicate, L d, which endured un'ti'l 1907 when Burmah Oil bought D'Arcy out for 200„000 pounds cash and 900,000 pounds in shares. -
The 1979 United States-Iran Hostage Crisis Reviewed from an Islamic International Law Perspective
Denver Journal of International Law & Policy Volume 42 Number 1 Fall Article 3 April 2020 The 1979 United States-Iran Hostage Crisis Reviewed from an Islamic International Law Perspective Muhammad-Basheer .A. Ismail Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/djilp Recommended Citation Muhammad-Basheer .A. Ismail, The 1979 United States-Iran Hostage Crisis Reviewed from an Islamic International Law Perspective, 42 Denv. J. Int'l L. & Pol'y 19 (2013). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Journal of International Law & Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. THE 1979 UNITED STATES-IRAN HOSTAGE CRISIS REVIEWED FROM AN ISLAMIC INTERNATIONAL LAW PERSPECTIVE MUHAMMAD-BASHEER .A. ISMAIL* I. INTRODUCTION Almost all Muslim states' signed and ratified the two international diplomatic and consular legal frameworks: the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations ("VCDR") 2 and the 1963 Vienna Convention on Consular Relations ("VCCR").3 The Islamic Republic of Iran, a party to the VCDR and the VCCR, is expected to uphold these conventional principles of diplomatic immunities and international law in all its diplomatic interactions with other states. Three decades ago, the Islamic Republic of Iran seized the United States of America's embassy and its staff. The United States brought a case against Iran in the International Court of Justice ("I.C.J") for violating diplomatic immunity and international obligations. Although the Iranian government was not represented throughout the proceedings before the I.C.J., it sent, through the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, two letters dated December 9, 1979, and March 16, 1980, to the I.C.J.4 These letters summarized the reasons why the Iranian government felt that the case brought by the United States should not be recognized and considered by the *Muhammad-Basheer A. -
The Iranian Revolution in 1979
Demonstrations of the Iranian People’s Mujahideens (Warriors) during the Iranian Revolution in 1979. Dr. Ali Shariati, an Iranian leftist on the left. Ayatollah Khomeini on the right. The Iranian Revolution Gelvin, ch. 17 & 18 & other sources, notes by Denis Bašić The Pahlavi Dynasty • could hardly be called a “dynasty,” for it had only two rulers - Reza Shah Pahlavi (ruled 1926-1941) and his son Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi (ruled 1941-1979). • The son came to power after his father was deposed by the Allies (the Russian and British forces) due to his alliance with the Nazi Germany. • The Allies reestablished the majlis and allowed the organization of trade unions and political parties in order to limit the power of the new shah and to prevent him from following his father’s independence course. • Much to the chagrin of the British and Americans, the most popular party proved to be Tudeh - the communist party with more than 100,000 members. • The second Shah’s power was further eroded when in 1951 Muhammad Mossadegh was elected the prime minister on a platform that advocated nationalizing the oil industry and restricting the shah’s power. • Iranian Prime Minister 1951–3. A prominent parliamentarian. He was twice Muhammad appointed to that office by Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the Shah of Iran, after a Mossadegh positive vote of inclination by the 1882-1967 parliament. Mossadegh was a nationalist and passionately opposed foreign intervention in Iran. He was also the architect of the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry, which had been under British control through the Anglo- Iranian Oil Company (AIOC), today known as British Petroleum (BP). -
Bangkok, 27 March 1976 .ENTRY INTO FORCE: 25 February 1979, In
2. CONSTITUTION OF THE ASIA-PACIFIC TELECOMMUNITY Bangkok, 27 March 1976 ENTRY. INTO FORCE: 25 February 1979, in accordance with article 18. REGISTRATION: 25 February 1979, No. 17583. STATUS: Signatories: 18. Parties: 41.1 TEXT: United Nations, Treaty Series , vol. 1129, p. 3. Note: The Constitution of the Asia-Pacific Telecommunity was adopted on 27 March 1976 by resolution 163 (XXXII)2 of the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific at its thirty-second session, which took place at Bangkok, Thailand, from 24 March 1976 to 2 April 1976. The Constitution was open for signature at Bangkok from 1 April 1976 to 31 October 1976 and at the Headquarters of the United Nations in New York from 1 November 1976 to 24 February 1979. Ratification, Ratification, Acceptance(A), Acceptance(A), Participant Signature Accession(a) Participant Signature Accession(a) Afghanistan..................................................12 Jan 1977 17 May 1977 Mongolia......................................................14 Aug 1991 a Australia.......................................................26 Jul 1977 26 Jul 1977 Myanmar......................................................20 Oct 1976 9 Dec 1976 Bangladesh................................................... 1 Apr 1976 22 Oct 1976 Nauru ........................................................... 1 Apr 1976 22 Nov 1976 Bhutan..........................................................23 Jun 1998 a Nepal............................................................15 Sep 1976 12 May 1977 Brunei Darussalam3 -
Iran's Nuclear Ambitions From
IDENTITY AND LEGITIMACY: IRAN’S NUCLEAR AMBITIONS FROM NON- TRADITIONAL PERSPECTIVES Pupak Mohebali Doctor of Philosophy University of York Politics June 2017 Abstract This thesis examines the impact of Iranian elites’ conceptions of national identity on decisions affecting Iran's nuclear programme and the P5+1 nuclear negotiations. “Why has the development of an indigenous nuclear fuel cycle been portrayed as a unifying symbol of national identity in Iran, especially since 2002 following the revelation of clandestine nuclear activities”? This is the key research question that explores the Iranian political elites’ perspectives on nuclear policy actions. My main empirical data is elite interviews. Another valuable source of empirical data is a discourse analysis of Iranian leaders’ statements on various aspects of the nuclear programme. The major focus of the thesis is how the discourses of Iranian national identity have been influential in nuclear decision-making among the national elites. In this thesis, I examine Iranian national identity components, including Persian nationalism, Shia Islamic identity, Islamic Revolutionary ideology, and modernity and technological advancement. Traditional rationalist IR approaches, such as realism fail to explain how effective national identity is in the context of foreign policy decision-making. I thus discuss the connection between national identity, prestige and bargaining leverage using a social constructivist approach. According to constructivism, states’ cultures and identities are not established realities, but the outcomes of historical and social processes. The Iranian nuclear programme has a symbolic nature that mingles with socially constructed values. There is the need to look at Iran’s nuclear intentions not necessarily through the lens of a nuclear weapons programme, but rather through the regime’s overall nuclear aspirations. -
Reimagining US Strategy in the Middle East
REIMAGININGR I A I I G U.S.S STRATEGYT A E Y IIN THET E MMIDDLED L EEASTS Sustainable Partnerships, Strategic Investments Dalia Dassa Kaye, Linda Robinson, Jeffrey Martini, Nathan Vest, Ashley L. Rhoades C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA958-1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0662-0 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. 2021 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover composite design: Jessica Arana Image: wael alreweie / Getty Images Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface U.S. -
Timeline of Iran's Foreign Relations Semira N
Timeline of Iran's Foreign Relations Semira N. Nikou 1979 Feb. 12 – Syria was the first Arab country to recognize the revolutionary regime when President Hafez al Assad sent a telegram of congratulations to Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. The revolution transformed relations between Iran and Syria, which had often been hostile under the shah. Feb. 14 – Students stormed the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, but were evicted by the deputy foreign minister and Iranian security forces. Feb. 18 – Iran cut diplomatic relations with Israel. Oct. 22 – The shah entered the United States for medical treatment. Iran demanded the shah’s return to Tehran. Nov. 4 – Students belonging to the Students Following the Imam’s Line seized the U.S. Embassy in Tehran. The hostage crisis lasted 444 days. On Nov. 12, Washington cut off oil imports from Iran. On Nov. 14, President Carter issued Executive Order 12170 ordering a freeze on an estimated $6 billion of Iranian assets and official bank deposits in the United States. March – Iran severed formal diplomatic ties with Egypt after it signed a peace deal with Israel. Three decades later, Egypt was still the only Arab country that did not have an embassy in Tehran. 1980 April 7 – The United States cut off diplomatic relations with Iran. April 25 – The United States attempted a rescue mission of the American hostages during Operation Eagle Claw. The mission failed due to a sandstorm and eight American servicemen were killed. Ayatollah Khomeini credited the failure to divine intervention. Sept. 22 – Iraq invaded Iran in a dispute over the Shatt al-Arab waterway. -
Bowl Round 5 Bowl Round 5 First Quarter
NHBB B-Set Bowl 2017-2018 Bowl Round 5 Bowl Round 5 First Quarter (1) The remnants of this government established the Republic of Ezo after losing the Boshin War. Two and a half centuries earlier, this government was founded after its leader won the Battle of Sekigahara against the Toyotomi clan. This government's policy of sakoku came to an end when Matthew Perry's Black Ships forced the opening of Japan through the 1854 Convention of Kanagawa. For ten points, name this last Japanese shogunate. ANSWER: Tokugawa Shogunate (or Tokugawa Bakufu) (2) Xenophon's Anabasis describes ten thousand Greek soldiers of this type who fought Artaxerxes II of Persia. A war named for these people was won by Hamilcar Barca and led to his conquest of Spain. Famed soldiers of this type include slingers from Rhodes and archers from Crete. Greeks who fought for Persia were, for ten points, what type of soldier that fought not for national pride, but for money? ANSWER: mercenary (prompt on descriptive answers) (3) The most prominent of the Townshend Acts not to be repealed in 1770 was a tax levied on this commodity. The Dartmouth, the Eleanor, and the Beaver carried this commodity from England to the American colonies. The Intolerable Acts were passed in response to the dumping of this commodity into a Massachusetts Harbor in 1773 by members of the Sons of Liberty. For ten points, identify this commodity destroyed in a namesake Boston party. ANSWER: tea (accept Tea Act; accept Boston Tea Party) (4) This location is the setting of a photo of a boy holding a toy hand grenade by Diane Arbus. -
Lament of Ahmad Khani: a Study of the Historical Struggle of the Kurds for an Independent Kurdistan
Lament of Ahmad Khani: A Study of the Historical Struggle of the Kurds for an Independent Kurdistan Erik Novak Department of Political Science Villanova University The Kurdish poet Sheikmous Hasan, better known as Cigerxwin, wrote these words as part of his much larger work, Who Am I? while living in exile in Sweden. “I am the proud Kurd, the enemies’ enemy, the friend of peace-loving ones. I am of noble race, not wild as they claim. My mighty ancestors were free people. Like them I want to be free and that is why I fight, for the enemy won’t leave in peace and I don’t want to be forever oppressed.”1 Although Hasan, who died in 1984, was a modern voice for Kurdish nationalism, he is merely one of a chorus of Kurds reaching back centuries crying out for a free and independent Kurdish state, unofficially named Kurdistan. Although the concept of nationalism is common today, the cries of the Kurds for their own state reach back centuries, the first written example coming from the Kurdish poet Ahmad Khani in his national epic Mem-o-Zin in 1695. Mem-o-Zin actually predates the French Revolution of 1789, which is often thought to be the true beginning of the concept of a national state. Despite having conceived of nationalism for the Kurds nearly a century ahead of France and the rest of Western Europe, the Kurds lack a state of their own. What are the origins of Kurdish nationalist thought and how has it evolved over the years? To answer this question, we will track the evolution of Kurdish nationalist thought from its origins during the Ottoman Empire, 1 through World War I and up to the present by looking at the three successor states of the Ottoman Empire that contain the largest Kurdish populations: Turkey, Iran, and Iraq. -
GENERAL AGREEMENT on TARIFFS a N D TRADE Fx'x^
GENERAL AGREEMENT ON ÇOMFIDOTIAL TARIFFS AND TRADE fX'X^ Arrangement Concerning Certain Original: French Dairy Products INFORMATION RECEIVED IN PURSUANCE OF THE DECISION OF 10 MAY 1976 EEC The following information has been extracted from two communications received from the Commission of the European Communities, dated 2 March 1979. I. EEC sales of skimmed milk powder between 16 and 31 January 1979 Sales of skimmed milk powder intended for animal feed,, at prices above the minimum price established under the Arrangement A. Skimmed milk powder intended for animal feed5 in conformity with paragraph (c) of the Annex to the Decision of 10 May 1976: (1) Contracts communicated on 16 January 1979 (a) Quantity: 2,000 tons Destination: Spain Delivery: February 1979 (b) Quantity: 12,015 tons Destination: Spain Delivery: January-May 1979 (2) Contract communicated on 31 January 1979 Quantity: 3,000 tons Destination: Romania Delivery: Date not communicated B. In the form of compound feed under heading 23.07 B, in conformity with Annex IV(b) to the Decision of 10 May 1976: (l) Containing between kO and 50 per cent of skimmed milk powder: Quantity (T) Destination Delivery IS* Lebanon Soonest — Quantity of skimmed milk powder: 6 tons (15 x 0.U2) MCDP/W/59/Add.58 Page 2 (2) Containing between 50 and 60 per cent of skimmed milk powder: — Quantity of skimmed milk powder: 3 tons (3) Containing between 60 and 70 per cent of skimmed milk powder: r— ——— ——————————- i Quantity (T) Destination Delivery 20 Morocco January 1979 20 Greece January 1979 *5/ — Quantity of skimmed milk powder: 25 tons (U0 x 0.62) (h) Containing between 70 and 75 per cent of skimmed milk powder: Quantity (T) Destination Delivery kh Azores Soonest hk Dominican Soonest Republic 61 Greece February to May 1979 316 Portugal February to March 1979 30 Thailand Soonest 2 Uruguay February 1979 660 Greece January to May 1979 100 Azores February 1979 1,630 Algeria January to March 1979 2,887-7 — Quantity of skimmed milk powder: 2,080 tons (2,887 x 0.72) MCDP/W/59/Add.58 Page 3 II. -
CLASSROOM | 9-12 Lessons
CLASSROOM | 9-12 Lessons : JIMMY CARTER AND THE IRANIAN HOSTAGE CRISIS President Carter announces sanctions against Iran in the White House Press Room. Jimmy Carter Library Jimmy Carter would say later, “No matter who was with me, we watched the big grandfather clock by the door.” Time was running out, for it was Tuesday, January 20, 1981. The scene was the Oval Office. In just hours this president would leave it for good, and a new leader, Ronald Reagan, would move in. As the clock ticked the time away, Carter tried to resolve a crisis that had almost destroyed his presidency. He was close, very close, and as he said, “At stake were the lives of 52 precious human beings who had been imprisoned in Iran for 444 days–and almost 12 billion dollars of Iranian assets.” 1 Prelude The beginnings of this crisis preceded Jimmy Carter’s term by almost thirty years. For that long, the United States had provided political support and, more recently, massive military assistance to the government of the shah of Iran. Iran was important because it provided oil to the industrial West and separated the Soviet Union from the Persian Gulf and the oil states. The United States had an enormous stake in keeping it stable and independent. By 1979, however, when Carter had been in office three years, the shah was in trouble, reaping the harvest of years of brutal and unpopular policies, including the use of secret police that controlled dissent with arbitrary arrests and torture.2 It was clear that the shah had lost the (next page) White House Historical Association | http://www.whha.org | Pg.