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The Basics and Functions of Putinism in Russia
International Journal of Political Science ISSN: 2228-6217 Vol 9, No 1, Spring 2019, (pp.1-15) The Basics and Functions of Putinism in Russia Jahangir Karami 1*, Mahin Niroomand 2 1 Department of Russian and Eurasian Studies, Faculty of World Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran 2 Department of Political Science, South Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran Received: 24 May 2018 ; Accepted: 20 Feb 2019 Abstract: The present Russian political system is tied up with Putin's name; and Putin is consi- dered as a full-fledged political reality. Today's powerful Russia, which has got a new life after the Cold War and the weak collapse period, and has a major impact on global developments including the Middle East, is not understandable except under this title. What inspired writers to analyze Putin's performance is to study the causes of the exis- tence of a personality such as him and the formation of Putinism in today's Russian so- ciety. Knowing the performance of Putin and Putinism requires a clear answer to some questions like, why the phenomenon of Putinism in the 21st century whit democratic structure has emerged and persisted, and what is Putinism at all? The hypothesis that will be presented to understand this issue is that the long-standing political culture of Russia and the geographical and historical imperative of Russian nation have led to the emergence and continuation of Putinism in today's Russian society, as well as the secu- rity and economic problems of the 1990s, humiliation, pressure, and blockade of the west against Russia is the mainstay of the emergence and continuation of Putinism. -
History Brief: Timeline of US-Iran Relations Until the Obama
MIT International Review | web.mit.edu/mitir 1 of 5 HISTORY BRIEF: TIMELINE OF US‐IRAN RELATIONS UNTIL THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION Key Facts & Catalysts By Sam Sasan Shoamanesh Looking back at key events in this US‐Iran chronicle is helpful in understanding some of the traditional causes of friction and mistrust between Tehran and Washington. A reference to the annals of US‐Iran relations will also be valuable in appreciating that the policies of the past sixty years have not been advantageous to US interests and on the contrary, have resulted in blowbacks, which still vex the relations to this day. 1856: Genesis of Formal Relations | Diplomatic relations between Iran and the United States began in 1856. 1909: American Lafayette in Iran | In 1909, Howard Baskerville, an American teacher and Princeton graduate on a Presbyterian mission in Tabriz, Iran, instantly becomes an Iranian national hero where after joining the Constitutionalists during the Constitutional Revolution of 1905‐1911, loses his young life while fighting the Royalists and the forces of the Qajar king, Mohmmad Ali Shah’s elite Cossack brigade. He is remembered as saying: ʺ[t]he only difference between me and these people is my place of birth, and this is not a big difference.ʺ To this day he is revered by Iranians. Second World War | Until the second World War, the US had no interest or an active policy vis‐à‐vis Iran and relations remained cordial. 1953 C.I.A. Coup | In 1951, Prime Minister Mossadegh and his National Front party (“Jebhe Melli”), a socio‐democratic, liberal‐secular nationalist party in Iran, nationalize the country’s oil industry. -
Triumphs and Tragedies of the Iranian Revolution
The Road to Isolation: Triumphs and Tragedies of the Iranian Revolution Salma Schwartzman Senior Division Historical Paper Word Count: 2, 499 !1 Born of conflicting interests and influences — those ancient tensions deeply rooted in its own society — the Iranian revolution generated numerous and alternating cycles of triumph and tragedy, the one always inextricably resulting from and offsetting the other. This series of vast political shifts saw the nation shudder from a near feudal monarchy to a democratized state, before finally relapsing into an oppressive, religiously based conservatism. The Prelude: The White Revolution Dating from 1960 to 1963, the White Revolution was a period of time in Iran in which modernization, westernization, and industrialization were ambitiously promoted by the the country’s governing royalty: the Pahlavi regime. Yet although many of these changes brought material and social benefit, the country was not ready to embrace such a rapid transition from its traditional structure; thus the White Revolution sowed the seeds that would later blossom into the Iranian Revolution1. Under the reign of Reza Shah Pahlavi, the State of Iran underwent serious industrial expansion. After seizing almost complete political power for himself, the Shah set in motion the land reform law of 1962.2 This law forced landed minorities to surrender vast tracts of lands to the government so that it could be redistributed to small scale agriculturalists. The landowners who experienced losses were compensated through shares of state owned Iranian industries. Cultivators and laborers also received share holdings of Iranian industries and agricultural profits.3 This reform not only helped the agrarian community, but encouraged and supported 1 Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. -
English-126.Pdf
2019 / 1398 ، بهار 126 ی شماره « آورد ره » ی فصلنامه 1 Page RAHAVARD Quarterly Persian & English Journal of Iranian Studies Issue 126, Spring 1398 / 2019 GOAL: Is to empowere our young generation with the richness of our Persian heritage, keep them informed of the history of the extraordinary people to whom they belong as they gain mighty wisdom from a western system that embraces them in the aftermath of the revolution and infuse them with the knowledge and ideals that inspire them. FINANCIAL: RAHAVARD is entirely supported by, Supscription dues, advertisers and RAHAVARD: contributions from its readers, and followers A Los Angeles-based Quarterly Bilingual who largely constitute the elite of the Iranians Journalof Iranian Studies, was founded by living in diaspora. HASSAN SHAHBAZ in 1981 in Los Angeles. DIGITAL RAHAVARD (ebook): In 2012 with the Rahavard, publishes scholarly articles in the encouragement & constant reminder of HOMA field of: Persian (Iranian) Studies (Literature, SARSHAR and Dr. FIROUZ NADERI RAHAVARD History, Politics, Culture, Society and beyond). English and Persian digital (ebook) was Its readers are well educated, well informed, launched as an online version of the publication business owners, scholars, intellectuals, at: www.rahavard.com. Since then it's appeal professors, politicians & philanthropists. has increased drastically, specifically by younger It's founder HASSAN SHAHBAZ passed away in generation and Iranians living in Iran. May 2006. Forming an Advisory Committee, ENGLISH RAHAVARD: In 2016 with the his widow Sholeh Shams Shahbaz has encouragements of H.E. ARDESHIR ZAHEDI, Dr. continued publishing. FIROUZ NADERI & the assistance of Dr. JANET Today, Rahavard has grown both in volume, AFARY, Cal State Santa Barbara (by providing subscription, and influence. -
C01384460 Approved for Release: 2014/02/26
C01384460 Approved for Release: 2014/02/26 APPLIND1X A . ;hose Dil? An Abbreviated History of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Dispute,-'194; -53 In 1372, the then Shah of Persia, rlaser ad-Din, in return for much needed cash, gave to Baron Paul Julius de Reuter. .'a concession to. exploit all his country's minerals (except for gold, silver, and precious stones'), all its forests and uncultivated land, and ail canals and irrigation works, as ;sell as a monopoly to construct railways and tranilways. Although the resulting uproar,-zsrac:.a11~ from neighboring Russiaraused this sweeping concession to be cancelled, de Reuter, who was a German Jew with British citizenship, persisted and by 1889 regained two parts of his original concession--the operation of a bank and the working of Persia's mines. Under the latter grant, de Reuter's men explored-for oil without great success, and the concession expired in 1999, 'the year the Baron died.` Persian oil right Shen passed to a British speculator, William Knox D'Arcy, whose first fortune had been made in Australian gold mines: The purchase price of the concession was about 50,000 pounds, and in 1903 the enterprise began to sell shares in "The First Exploitation Company." Exploratory drilling proceeded, and by 1904, two producing wells were in. a,+A - Shortly thereafter,Ainterest in oil was sharply stimulated by the efforts of Admiral Sir John Fisher, First Lord of the Admiralty, to convert the Royal Navy.from'burning coal to oil.. As a result, the Burmah Oil Company sought to become involved in eersian oil and, joining with D "lrcy and Lord Strathcona, formed the new Concessions Syndicate, L d, which endured un'ti'l 1907 when Burmah Oil bought D'Arcy out for 200„000 pounds cash and 900,000 pounds in shares. -
Djam Lectures Programme.Indd
The Kamran Djam Annual Lectures Centre for Iranian Studies, SOAS, University of London The Perils of Persian Princesses: Women and Medieval Persian Literature Lectures by Professor Dick Davis Ohio State University Friday 25 and Monday 28 October 2013 Kamran Djam Annual Lecture Series at SOAS In 2011 SOAS was awarded a gi of £2 million by the Fereydoun Djam Charitable Trust to promote Iranian studies. This generous endowment enables SOAS to build on its long and dis nguished tradi on of study into one of the world’s oldest and richest cultures. As part of this ini a ve, SOAS has introduced new scholarships in Iranian studies as well as an annual lecture series to promote diverse aspects of Iranian studies. The annual lectures are hosted by the Centre for Iranian Studies at SOAS and are named a er Fereydoun’s son, Kamran Djam, who predeceased his parents in 1989. We are delighted to announce the second in this series of lectures which will be given by Professor Dick Davis. Dick Davis is Professor Emeritus of Persian at Ohio State University, where he was chair of the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Cultures from 2002 to 2012. He is the recipient of numerous academic and literary awards, and has wri en scholarly works on both English and Persian literature, as well as publishing several volumes of his own poetry. He is probably best known for his transla ons from medieval Persian: these include A ar’s Conference of the Birds (with A ham Darbandi), Borrowed Ware: Medieval Persian Epigrams, Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh, Gorgani’s Vis and Ramin, and, most recently, Faces of Love: Hafez and the Poets of Shiraz. -
Russia and Saudi Arabia: Old Disenchantments, New Challenges by John W
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 35 Russia and Saudi Arabia: Old Disenchantments, New Challenges by John W. Parker and Thomas F. Lynch III Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, and Center for the Study of Weapons of Mass Destruction. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified combatant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Vladimir Putin presented an artifact made of mammoth tusk to Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman Al Saud in Riyadh, October 14–15, 2019 (President of Russia Web site) Russia and Saudi Arabia Russia and Saudia Arabia: Old Disenchantments, New Challenges By John W. Parker and Thomas F. Lynch III Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 35 Series Editor: Denise Natali National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2021 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Egyptian Policy Toward Iran and the Challenges of Transition from Break up to Normalization
JOURNAL FOR IRANIAN STUDIES Specialized Studies A Peer-Reviewed Quarterly Periodical Journal Year 1. issue 4, Sep. 2017 ISSUED BY Arabian Gulf Centre for Iranian Studies Egyptian Policy toward Iran and the Challenges of Transition from Break Up to Normalization Mo’taz Salamah (Ph.D.) Head of the Arab and Regional Studies Unit and Director of the Arabian Gulf Program at the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies Mohammad Saied Alsayyad Intellectual and Ideological Studies Researcher in the Arabian Gulf Center for Iranian Studies espite the news and calls of some Egyptian and Iranian personalities to restore relations between the two Dcountries, no significant development has been noticed in Egypt-Iran ties for about four decades. Some observers expected that the Iranian nuclear deal in 2015 would enhance rapprochement between Cairo and Tehran, but so far, no changes have been made, nor do signs indicate a normalization of relations between the two countries.(1) Journal for Iranian Studies 41 Diplomatic ties between Egypt and Iran have been severed since the Iranian revolution in 1979, the Camp David Accords, and process of establishing peace between Egypt and Israel. These relations deteriorated primarily due to Egypt’s hosting of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi– Iran’s former monarch – despite the new Iranian leaders’ demands that Egypt hands him over for trial. In addition, the Iranian leadership adopted a hard line against Cairo by naming one of Tehran’s main streets after Khalid Islambouli, who assassinated President Sadat in 1981 – and hosting a number of Egyptian Islamic groups that escaped trial in Egypt and took refuge in Iran.(2) Iran’s practices also included inciting the Egyptian people against their regime and even hosting terrorist groups that, until recently, the Iranian media called Muslim Rebels.(3) Egypt and Iran are two key powers in the region. -
Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the Origins of Iranian Primacy in the Persian Gulf
Roham Alvandi Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the origins of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Alvandi, Roham (2012) Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the origins of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf. Diplomatic history, 36 (2). pp. 337-372. ISSN 1467-7709 DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-7709.2011.01025.x © 2012 The Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations (SHAFR) This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/32743/ Available in LSE Research Online: March 2012 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final manuscript accepted version of the journal article, incorporating any revisions agreed during the peer review process. Some differences between this version and the published version may remain. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. roham alvandi Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: The Origins of Iranian Primacy in the Persian Gulf* On the morning of May 31, 1972, the shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, received U.S. -
Authority, but at a Price. the Shah Effectively Broke the Power of Iran
authority, but at a price. The shah effectively broke the power of Iran‟s “thousand families” without going far enough to substantially improve the lot of the peasantry. The ulama objected to land reforms that infringed on religious holdings and, more important, the entrance of women into Iran‟s political life. The shah offered no political liberalization, however, to placate the middle class, intelligentsia, and disaffected students. In Washington, the White Revolution offered modernizers their “reform” program. The shah‟s initiative effectively erased the sense of urgency among the likes of Komer that empowered free speech modernists during 1961 and 1962. In the words of one historian, “The White Revolution had coopted the New Frontier.”114 While the National Front rejected the politics behind the White Revolution, it was not, in principle, against all aspects of the reform program. The Organization of Tehran University Students labeled the six points of the White Revolution “propaganda stunts” which aimed “to mask its [the shah‟s] oppressive regime with a reformist new look.” In an effort to make clear that not all opponents of the White Revolution were feudal landholders or religious conservatives, as many in the West claimed, the students in Tehran emphasized that the shah failed to address “the thorny question of freedom and democracy and the safeguarding of the constitution.”115 A group of Iranian students in Southern California highlighted the White Revolution‟s contradictions. They asserted that 114 Goode, “Reforming Iran during the Kennedy Years,” 25. The shah describes his reform program in Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, The White Revolution, 2nd ed. -
Operation Ajax
This document is made available through the declassification efforts and research of John Greenewald, Jr., creator of: The Black Vault The Black Vault is the largest online Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) document clearinghouse in the world. The research efforts here are responsible for the declassification of MILLIONS of pages released by the U.S. Government & Military. Discover the Truth at: http://www.theblackvault.com ' )perarion Ajax - lntellipedia (b) (3) _ P . L . 86-36 r---- 1 Doc ID: 6636641 (U) Operation Ajax UNCLASSIFIED From Intellipedia (U) Operation Ajax (1953) (officially TP-AJAX) was a covert operation by the United Kingdom and the United States to remove the 1 democratically elected nationalist[ ] cabinet of Iranian Prime Minister Contents Mohammed Mossadegh from power, to support the Pahlavi dynasty and consolidate the power of Mohammed Reza Pahlavi in order to preserve • 1 (U) Origins the Western control oflran's hugely lucrative oil infrastructure[2l. • 2 (U) Disputed oil contracts • 3 (U) Cold War (U) Origins • 4 (U) Planning • 5 (U) Outcome • 6 (U) Repercussions The idea of overthrowing Mossadegh was originally conceived by the • 7 See also British. They asked President Truman for assistance, but when he • 8 Footnotes refused, the British proposed the idea once again to Eisenhower who became president in 1953. The new administration agreed to • 9 References 3 • 10 External links participate. [ ] Mossadegh reasoned that Iran ought to begin profiting from its vast oil reserves. He took the steps to nationalize the oil industry which had previously been exclusively controlled by the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (later changed to The British Petroleum Intelligence History Portal I Company). -
Lament of Ahmad Khani: a Study of the Historical Struggle of the Kurds for an Independent Kurdistan
Lament of Ahmad Khani: A Study of the Historical Struggle of the Kurds for an Independent Kurdistan Erik Novak Department of Political Science Villanova University The Kurdish poet Sheikmous Hasan, better known as Cigerxwin, wrote these words as part of his much larger work, Who Am I? while living in exile in Sweden. “I am the proud Kurd, the enemies’ enemy, the friend of peace-loving ones. I am of noble race, not wild as they claim. My mighty ancestors were free people. Like them I want to be free and that is why I fight, for the enemy won’t leave in peace and I don’t want to be forever oppressed.”1 Although Hasan, who died in 1984, was a modern voice for Kurdish nationalism, he is merely one of a chorus of Kurds reaching back centuries crying out for a free and independent Kurdish state, unofficially named Kurdistan. Although the concept of nationalism is common today, the cries of the Kurds for their own state reach back centuries, the first written example coming from the Kurdish poet Ahmad Khani in his national epic Mem-o-Zin in 1695. Mem-o-Zin actually predates the French Revolution of 1789, which is often thought to be the true beginning of the concept of a national state. Despite having conceived of nationalism for the Kurds nearly a century ahead of France and the rest of Western Europe, the Kurds lack a state of their own. What are the origins of Kurdish nationalist thought and how has it evolved over the years? To answer this question, we will track the evolution of Kurdish nationalist thought from its origins during the Ottoman Empire, 1 through World War I and up to the present by looking at the three successor states of the Ottoman Empire that contain the largest Kurdish populations: Turkey, Iran, and Iraq.