History Brief: Timeline of US-Iran Relations Until the Obama
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Iran Hostage Crisis National Security Council, 1979 !
CRISIS COMMITTEES | 2014e IRAN HOSTAGE CRISIS NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL, 1979 ! Dear Delegates, We are in the midst of the Iran Hostage Crisis, and there is no time to spare. Our situation is grave and desperate, and together we will find a solution into dealing with the recent events regarding the kidnapping of 52 Americans from the United States embassy in Tehran on November 4, 1979. Indeed there are many sides to this issue, and debates will be tense. The dichotomy between the many people being represented in this committee will surely lead to many disputes and tough agreements. Can the situation remain diplomatic? Or will it lead to something else? It shall remain up to you. It is with great pleasure, as director of this committee, to welcome you to our 2014 UTMUN conference. My name is Stanley Treivus, and alongside our Crisis manager Meerah Haq, we look forward to this thrilling weekend of debate that awaits us. We are both first year students studying Political Science and International relations and this will be our first time being involved in UTMUN. This conference will appeal to all delegates, experienced or novice. And our hope is that you will leave this committee with not only profound knowledge on the subject, but with a better sense of communication and improved debating skills than you had before. The issues we will be discussing will surround the many topics that relate directly to the Iran Hostage Crisis. We will look at foreign relations between the United States and Iran shortly before and during the crisis. -
American Strategic Policy and Iranian Political Development 1943-1979
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1985 American strategic policy and Iranian political development 1943-1979 Mohsen Shabdar The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Shabdar, Mohsen, "American strategic policy and Iranian political development 1943-1979" (1985). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5189. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5189 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COPYRIGHT ACT OF 1976 Th is is an unpublished manuscript in which copyright sub s is t s , Any further r epr in tin g of it s contents must be approved BY THE AUTHOR, Man sfield L ibrary Un iv e r s it y of Montana Date : •*' 1 8 AMERICAN STRATEGIC POLICY AND IRANIAN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT 1943-1979 By Mohsen Shabdar B.A., Rocky Mountain College, 1983 Presented in partial fu lfillm e n t of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts UNIVERSITY OF MONTANA 1985 Approved by: ‘ Chairman, Board of Examir\efs Dean, Graduate School UMI Number: EP40653 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. -
Amembassy TEHRAN SUBJECT
AIRGRAM Department of State A-151 TO: Department of State FROM: AmEmbassy TEHRAN DATE: September 9, 1972 SUBJECT: Journalist Argues that Unchecked SAVAK Power Constitutes Long Term Danger to Iranian Regime REF: Tehran 4789 SUMMARY Associated Press correspondent in Iran, Parviz Raein, cites the mistreatment by SAVAK (The Iranian Security and Information Organization) of a prominent Iranian citizen and SAVAK's mis- handling of student protests over increased bus fares in Tehran two years ago as examples of unchecked power by the Iranian security authorities that, in his view, create opposition rather than dispose of it. Raein charges that SAVAK Chief, General Nematollah Nassiri, has become extremely corrupt and that Iranian officials, even those very close to the Shah, are afraid to cross the Intelligence Organization. Raein professed to be personally worried, as were many of his friends, about what the future holds for Iran unless the power of Iran's security apparatus is checked. During a recent call by the reporting officer on Associated Press Iran representative, Parviz Raein (protect), the subject of urban terrorism came up. Whereupon Raein launched into a dissertation, the central theme of which was that SAVAK itself is primarily responsible for the phenomenon. Raein said he was not attempting to deny that there were basic tensions and strains in present day Iranian society on which terrorists might feed. Rather, he was arguing that over reaction and inflexibility by SAVAK constituted the critical spark that had led to violence. Raein continued that with a terrorist incident, such as a bombing or shooting, occurring almost every day in Tehran, it was hard to remember that there was no real terrorism in Iran before the summer of 1970. -
Reagan Follows Carter in Support for the Fundamentalist Mullahs of Iran
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 8, Number 37, September 22, 1981 Reagan follows Carter in support for the fundamentalist mullahs of Iran by Robert Dreyfuss. Middle East Editor At the beginning of the Carter administrati<?n in 1977, Iranian President Mohammed Ali Rajai and Prime Jimmy Carter, Zbigniew Brzezinski, and Cyrus Vance Minister Javad Bahonar, Soviet President Brezhnev decided to support "Islamic fundamentalism" as a "bul� telegraphed his personal condolences to the Ayatollah wark against Communism." Because of the overall U.S. Khomeini. Moscow had equitable relations with the late strategic weakness in what Brzezinski called the "arc of Shah's regime, and has no love for Khomeini's insane crisis," where the Soviet Union had the overwhelming mullahs. The Brezhnev telegram was a signal that the military superiority it would soon demonstrate in Af Soviet Union has substantial assets inside Iran that it ghanistan, the Carter administration deluded itself into will not easily give up. believing that a system of conservative regimes dominat The Soviet newspaper Trud reported on the same ed by the clergy of the Muslim Brotherhood Islamic cults day as Brezhnev's telegram that the U.S. CIA was in the region from North Africa to Pakistan would responsible for the bombing campaign against Iran's strengthen Anglo-American influence. mullahs. The assassination of Rajai and Bahonar, said Carter's policy has failed. But now, less than a year Trud, occurred "where it would be hard to stage the into the Reagan administration, the United States is bombing without the necessary equipment and prepa again trying to implement it. -
Egyptian Policy Toward Iran and the Challenges of Transition from Break up to Normalization
JOURNAL FOR IRANIAN STUDIES Specialized Studies A Peer-Reviewed Quarterly Periodical Journal Year 1. issue 4, Sep. 2017 ISSUED BY Arabian Gulf Centre for Iranian Studies Egyptian Policy toward Iran and the Challenges of Transition from Break Up to Normalization Mo’taz Salamah (Ph.D.) Head of the Arab and Regional Studies Unit and Director of the Arabian Gulf Program at the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies Mohammad Saied Alsayyad Intellectual and Ideological Studies Researcher in the Arabian Gulf Center for Iranian Studies espite the news and calls of some Egyptian and Iranian personalities to restore relations between the two Dcountries, no significant development has been noticed in Egypt-Iran ties for about four decades. Some observers expected that the Iranian nuclear deal in 2015 would enhance rapprochement between Cairo and Tehran, but so far, no changes have been made, nor do signs indicate a normalization of relations between the two countries.(1) Journal for Iranian Studies 41 Diplomatic ties between Egypt and Iran have been severed since the Iranian revolution in 1979, the Camp David Accords, and process of establishing peace between Egypt and Israel. These relations deteriorated primarily due to Egypt’s hosting of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi– Iran’s former monarch – despite the new Iranian leaders’ demands that Egypt hands him over for trial. In addition, the Iranian leadership adopted a hard line against Cairo by naming one of Tehran’s main streets after Khalid Islambouli, who assassinated President Sadat in 1981 – and hosting a number of Egyptian Islamic groups that escaped trial in Egypt and took refuge in Iran.(2) Iran’s practices also included inciting the Egyptian people against their regime and even hosting terrorist groups that, until recently, the Iranian media called Muslim Rebels.(3) Egypt and Iran are two key powers in the region. -
Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the Origins of Iranian Primacy in the Persian Gulf
Roham Alvandi Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the origins of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Alvandi, Roham (2012) Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the origins of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf. Diplomatic history, 36 (2). pp. 337-372. ISSN 1467-7709 DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-7709.2011.01025.x © 2012 The Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations (SHAFR) This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/32743/ Available in LSE Research Online: March 2012 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final manuscript accepted version of the journal article, incorporating any revisions agreed during the peer review process. Some differences between this version and the published version may remain. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. roham alvandi Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: The Origins of Iranian Primacy in the Persian Gulf* On the morning of May 31, 1972, the shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, received U.S. -
Authority, but at a Price. the Shah Effectively Broke the Power of Iran
authority, but at a price. The shah effectively broke the power of Iran‟s “thousand families” without going far enough to substantially improve the lot of the peasantry. The ulama objected to land reforms that infringed on religious holdings and, more important, the entrance of women into Iran‟s political life. The shah offered no political liberalization, however, to placate the middle class, intelligentsia, and disaffected students. In Washington, the White Revolution offered modernizers their “reform” program. The shah‟s initiative effectively erased the sense of urgency among the likes of Komer that empowered free speech modernists during 1961 and 1962. In the words of one historian, “The White Revolution had coopted the New Frontier.”114 While the National Front rejected the politics behind the White Revolution, it was not, in principle, against all aspects of the reform program. The Organization of Tehran University Students labeled the six points of the White Revolution “propaganda stunts” which aimed “to mask its [the shah‟s] oppressive regime with a reformist new look.” In an effort to make clear that not all opponents of the White Revolution were feudal landholders or religious conservatives, as many in the West claimed, the students in Tehran emphasized that the shah failed to address “the thorny question of freedom and democracy and the safeguarding of the constitution.”115 A group of Iranian students in Southern California highlighted the White Revolution‟s contradictions. They asserted that 114 Goode, “Reforming Iran during the Kennedy Years,” 25. The shah describes his reform program in Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, The White Revolution, 2nd ed. -
BEFORE the IRAN-UNITED STATES CLAIMS TRIBUNAL the Hague
BEFORE THE IRAN-UNITED STATES CLAIMS TRIBUNAL The Hague The Netherlands The Islamic Republic of Iran, Claimant, v. Claim No . A/30 United States of America, Full Tribunal Respondent. STATEMENT OF DEFENSE OF THE UNITED STATES Sean D . Murphy Agent of the United States Counsel: Michael J . Matheson Jeffrey D . Kovar BEFORE THE IRAN-UNITED STATES CLAIMS TRIBUNAL The Hague The Netherlands The Islamic Republic of Iran, Claimant, v. Claim No . A/30 United States of America, Full Tribunal Respondent. STATEMENT OF DEFENSE OF THE UNITED STATES On August 12, 1996, the Islamic Republic of Iran filed a Statement of Claim (Doc . 1) in a new interpretive dispute against the United States, Case No . A/30, alleging that the United States has violated its commitments under the Algiers Accords by interfering in Iran's internal affairs and implementing economic sanctions against Iran . Pursuant to the Tribunal's Order of August 21, 1996 (Doc . 3), and subsequent extension orders (Docs. 5, 9, and 12), the United States submits this Statement of 1 Defense. 1 In the event the Tribunal permits Iran to file further written statements or other materials in this case (Rules of Procedure, Art . 22-23), the United States requests that the Tribunal accord it the right to respond thereto . - 2 I . INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY The Government of Iran, which has a long record of using terrorism and lethal force as an instrument of state policy, is seeking a ruling from the Tribunal that the United States has violated the Algiers Accords by intervening in Iran's internal affairs and enacting economic sanctions against it . -
Human Rights in Iran Under the Shah
Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 12 Issue 1 Article 7 1980 Human Rights in Iran under the Shah Richard W. Cottam Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Richard W. Cottam, Human Rights in Iran under the Shah, 12 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 121 (1980) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol12/iss1/7 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Volume 12, Number 1, Winter 1980 COMMENT Human Rights in Iran Under the Shah by Professor Richard W. Cottam* I. INTRODUCTION FOR ANY ADVOCATE of human rights, the events surrounding the Iranian revolution must be a source of continuing agony. But for any- one interested in gaining a sharper understanding of some of the basic issues concerning human rights, the dramatic developments in Iran should be highly instructive. The early summary executions in Iran and the later public trials conducted by revolutionary Islamic courts were properly condemned by western human rights advocates as failing to ap- proach the requirements of due process. Yet the great majority of those who were tried and executed were charged with terrible violations of the most elemental human rights; and the testimony of the accused, so rich in detail and so internally consistent as to be credible,1 tends to confirm the worst charges against the Shah's regime. -
Khomeinism, the Islamic Revolution and Anti Americanism
Khomeinism, the Islamic Revolution and Anti Americanism Mohammad Rezaie Yazdi A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Political Science and International Studies University of Birmingham March 2016 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract The 1979 Islamic Revolution of Iran was based and formed upon the concept of Khomeinism, the religious, political, and social ideas of Ayatullah Ruhollah Khomeini. While the Iranian revolution was carried out with the slogans of independence, freedom, and Islamic Republic, Khomeini's framework gave it a specific impetus for the unity of people, religious culture, and leadership. Khomeinism was not just an effort, on a religious basis, to alter a national system. It included and was dependent upon the projection of a clash beyond a “national” struggle, including was a clash of ideology with that associated with the United States. Analysing the Iran-US relationship over the past century and Khomeini’s interpretation of it, this thesis attempts to show how the Ayatullah projected "America" versus Iranian national freedom and religious pride. -
Iran Hostage Crisis
Iran Hostage Crisis Presentation by Robert Martinez Images as cited. http://www.conservapedia.com/images/7/7d/US_Iran.gif In February 1979, less than a year before the hostage crisis, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the Shah of Iran, had been overthrown in an Islamist, nationalist revolution. http://img.timeinc.net/time/magazine/archive/covers/1978/1101780918_400.jpg For decades following WWII, the U.S. had been an ally and backer of the Shah. http://content.answers.com/main/content/img/webpics/mohammadrezashahpahlavi.jpg In the early 1950s, America helped the Shah regain power in a struggle against the democratically elected Prime Minister, Mohammed Mosaddeq. Mosaddeq had nationalized (took back) Iran’s foreign-owned oil fields. http://www.mideastweb.org/iran-mosaddeq.jpg In 1953, the CIA and British intelligence organized a coup to overthrow the elected prime minister with the Shah. These actions would cause bitterness among Iranians. http://www.thememoryhole.org/espionage_den/pic_45_0001.html After WWII and during the Cold War, Iran allied itself with the U.S. against the Soviet Union, Iran’s neighbor, and America provided the Shah with military and economic aid. http://www.nepalnews.com/archive/2007/pic/Shah-Reza-Pahlavi-Last-Shah-Iran.JPG Shortly before the Islamic revolution in 1978, President Jimmy Carter angered anti- Shah Iranians with a televised toast to the Shah, declaring how beloved the Shah was by his people. http://www.iranian.com/History/Feb98/Revolution/Images/shah-carter2.jpg Next, on October 22, 1979, the U.S. permitted the exiled Shah, who was ill with cancer, to attend the Mayo Clinic for medical treatment, which angered the anti-Shah Iranians. -
US Covert Operations Toward Iran, February-November 1979
This article was downloaded by: [Tulane University] On: 05 January 2015, At: 09:36 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Middle Eastern Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmes20 US Covert Operations toward Iran, February–November 1979: Was the CIA Trying to Overthrow the Islamic Regime? Mark Gasiorowski Published online: 01 Aug 2014. Click for updates To cite this article: Mark Gasiorowski (2015) US Covert Operations toward Iran, February–November 1979: Was the CIA Trying to Overthrow the Islamic Regime?, Middle Eastern Studies, 51:1, 115-135, DOI: 10.1080/00263206.2014.938643 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2014.938643 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.