The Cases of Podemos, SYRIZA and the Five Stars Movement
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Italie / Italy
ITALIE / ITALY LEGA (LIGUE – LEAGUE) Circonscription nord-ouest 1. Salvini Matteo 11. Molteni Laura 2. Andreina Heidi Monica 12. Panza Alessandro 3. Campomenosi Marco 13. Poggio Vittoria 4. Cappellari Alessandra 14. Porro Cristina 5. Casiraghi Marta 15. Racca Marco 6. Cattaneo Dante 16. Sammaritani Paolo 7. Ciocca Angelo 17. Sardone Silvia Serafina (eurodeputato uscente) 18. Tovaglieri Isabella 8. Gancia Gianna 19. Zambelli Stefania 9. Lancini Danilo Oscar 20. Zanni Marco (eurodeputato uscente) (eurodeputato uscente) 10. Marrapodi Pietro Antonio Circonscription nord-est 1. Salvini Matteo 8. Dreosto Marco 2. Basso Alessandra 9. Gazzini Matteo 3. Bizzotto Mara 10. Ghidoni Paola (eurodeputato uscente) 11. Ghilardelli Manuel 4. Borchia Paolo 12. Lizzi Elena 5. Cipriani Vallì 13. Occhi Emiliano 6. Conte Rosanna 14. Padovani Gabriele 7. Da Re Gianantonio detto Toni 15. Rento Ilenia Circonscription centre 1. Salvini Matteo 9. Pastorelli Stefano 2. Baldassarre Simona Renata 10. Pavoncello Angelo 3. Adinolfi Matteo 11. Peppucci Francesca 4. Alberti Jacopo 12. Regimenti Luisa 5. Bollettini Leo 13. Rinaldi Antonio Maria 6. Bonfrisco Anna detta Cinzia 14. Rossi Maria Veronica 7. Ceccardi Susanna 15. Vizzotto Elena 8. Lucentini Mauro Circonscription sud 1. Salvini Matteo 10. Lella Antonella 2. Antelmi Ilaria 11. Petroni Luigi Antonio 3. Calderano Daniela 12. Porpiglia Francesca Anastasia 4. Caroppo Andrea 13. Sapignoli Simona 5. Casanova Massimo 14. Sgro Nadia 6. Cerrelli Giancarlo 15. Sofo Vincenzo 7. D’Aloisio Antonello 16. Staine Emma 8. De Blasis Elisabetta 17. Tommasetti Aurelio 9. Grant Valentino 18. Vuolo Lucia Circonscription insulaire 1. Salvini Matteo 5. Hopps Maria Concetta detta Marico 2. Donato Francesca 6. Pilli Sonia 3. -
Section 75: Tories Try to Privatise by Back Door
So& Wloirkdersa’ Lirbeirtty y No 279 20 March 2013 30p/80p www.workersliberty.org For a workers’ government SWP: time to The threat from The origins of the rethink Golden Dawn ‘united front’ page 5 pages 6-7 pages 9-10 SECTION 75: TORIES TRY TO Se e PRIVATISE BY BACK DOOR page 3 Public health, not private profit! LOBBY : HOUSE OF LORDS, TUESDAY 26TH MARCH 2 NEWS What is the Alliance for Anti-cuts councillors meet Workers’ Liberty? By Tom Vickers The role of the unions has on the council are clearly so far been contradictory. agitated. It was agreed that Today one class, the working class, lives by selling its labour power to Around 60 activists and another, the capitalist class, which owns the means of On the one hand unions are the councillors should con - production. Society is shaped by the capitalists’ councillors met in Birm - helping to run local cam - tinue to share their experi - relentless drive to increase their wealth. Capitalism ingham on 16 March to paigns, but nationally their ences and work with local causes poverty, unemployment, the blighting of lives discuss the Councillors leaderships are advising campaigns. The conference by overwork, imperialism, the destruction of the Against Cuts campaign. union-backed counillors to also agreed on the impor - environment and much else. The event had four ses - vote for the cuts or failing to tance of not splitting local Against the accumulated wealth and power of the sions: defend them, other then for - anti-cuts campaigns by in - capitalists, the working class has one weapon: solidarity. -
The Role of Macro-Prudential Oversight and Monetary Policy in Preventing Financial Instability
Crisis in a Global Economy. Re-planning the Journey Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, Acta 16, 2011 www.pass.va/content/dam/scienzesociali/pdf/acta16/acta16-papademos.pdf THE ROLE OF MACRO-PRUDENTIAL OVERSIGHT AND MONETARY POLICY IN PREVENTING FINANCIAL INSTABILITY LUCAS PAPADEMOS I. INTRODUCTION Over the past three years, we have experienced a financial and econom- ic crisis of exceptional scope, severity and complexity. Since the summer of 2009, financial market conditions have broadly improved and the Euro- pean and other economies have been gradually recovering. Nevertheless, the crisis is not over yet. Financial market tensions persist and significant policy challenges remain, as developments in the sovereign debt markets in recent weeks have amply demonstrated. The ongoing adjustment in the banking system and the sizeable fiscal imbalances – largely but not entire- ly due to the crisis – still cast a shadow over the outlook for global econom- ic developments and financial stability. The experience with the crisis has triggered a comprehensive and far- reaching set of policy responses aimed at preventing the occurrence of similar episodes in the future, as well as better managing crisis situations and mitigating their effects. At the core of these actions and initiatives is the regulatory and supervisory reform agenda that is being pursued by the Financial Stability Board under the political guidance of the G20 lead- ers. This agenda aims primarily – though not exclusively – to reinforce the resilience of the financial system by various means, mainly by strength- ening the regulatory and supervisory framework of financial institutions and markets. At the same time, the crisis has clearly demonstrated the need to adopt a macro-prudential approach to the regulation and supervision of the financial system as a whole. -
Dossier on Greens in Spain 2Nov2011
To the Council Delegates Copenhagen, 11-13 May 2012 Dear Delegates, We inform you by this separate letter that the EGP Committee proceeds with the proposal to the Copenhagen Council to withdraw the membership of the ‘Confederación de los Verdes de Espana’. We have sent you a separate mailing on the issue to avoid all confusion or running the risk that the issue will not be picked up from the mails with general information to the EGP Delegates. We know this is a delicate and sensitive issue and that is why we want you to be fully aware of all the facts. You have received in November 2011 and in February 2012 a full dossier (annex) stating the European Green Party repeatedly received information that the Confederación has not been functioning properly. Procedure at the Council We have scheduled a closed session in the Copenhagen programme, on Saturday from 9h00 to 10h00, for Delegates only, to discuss and give you the opportunity for questions and answers. Naturally we will give the representatives of the Confederación the floor as well to enable them to express their view on the matter. We bring the membership issue to the vote on Sunday morning at the beginning of the voting session, where we will proceed as in a normal voting session and give the floor to one speaker pro and one speaker contra before proceeding towards the vote. More information The Committee received, among others, complaints on the Confederación regarding the following points: no respect for their statutes and internal democratic rules, lack of clarity as regards the leadership, lack of transparency and doubts regarding the existence of the legal seat of the party. -
COMUNICATO STAMPA Emergenza Covid-19, Emanata Nuova Ordinanza Regionale Upi E Anci Raccomandano I Territori Alla Massima Collaborazione
COMUNICATO STAMPA Emergenza covid-19, emanata nuova ordinanza regionale Upi e Anci raccomandano i territori alla massima collaborazione UPI Emilia-Romagna e Anci, che hanno partecipato insieme ai presidenti di Provincia e i sindaci dei Comuni capiluogo della regione, giovedì 12 novembre al tavolo dell’Unità di crisi della Regione Emilia-Romagna per la stesura della nuova ordinanza regionale in vigore da sabato 14 novembre, sottolineano l’importanza del lavoro svolto dal tavolo per la definizione di nuove misure restrittive per il contenimento del contagio e della curva pandemica. In particolare evidenziano come la regione Emilia-Romagna stia affrontando con responsabilità e impegno questa fase, ma che nell’interesse collettivo si rende necessario attuare una serie di misure che abbiano il duplice obiettivo di ridurre gli assembramenti e di preservare la tenuta del tessuto sociale e produttivo dell’intero territorio. UPI e ANCI ribadiscono quanto ora più che mai, occorra essere responsabili e attenti. Le restrizioni che coinvolgeranno tutti noi, servono anzitutto a limitare i contagi, ma anche ad evitare il collasso del nostro sistema sanitario. I Comuni e le Province sono a piena disposizione dei cittadini e delle istituzioni per collaborare ad una sempre più efficace azione di contrasto al virus. UPI e ANCI sottolineano la necessità di prevedere ristori economici per le attività interessate dalle misure restrittive, in modo tale che si possa garantire la tenuta dell’intero tessuto socio-economico regionale. La Regione Emilia-Romagna è attualmente considerata in zona gialla, anche in ragione di un indice RT attestato sul valore di 1.4, come comunicato dal Presidente Bonaccini nel corso della riunione. -
Between the Local and the National: the Free Territory of Trieste, "Italianita," and the Politics of Identity from the Second World War to the Osimo Treaty
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2014 Between the Local and the National: The Free Territory of Trieste, "Italianita," and the Politics of Identity from the Second World War to the Osimo Treaty Fabio Capano Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Capano, Fabio, "Between the Local and the National: The Free Territory of Trieste, "Italianita," and the Politics of Identity from the Second World War to the Osimo Treaty" (2014). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 5312. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/5312 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Between the Local and the National: the Free Territory of Trieste, "Italianità," and the Politics of Identity from the Second World War to the Osimo Treaty Fabio Capano Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Modern Europe Joshua Arthurs, Ph.D., Co-Chair Robert Blobaum, Ph.D., Co-Chair Katherine Aaslestad, Ph.D. -
The Making of SYRIZA
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Panos Petrou The making of SYRIZA Published: June 11, 2012. http://socialistworker.org/print/2012/06/11/the-making-of-syriza Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. June 11, 2012 -- Socialist Worker (USA) -- Greece's Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA, has a chance of winning parliamentary elections in Greece on June 17, which would give it an opportunity to form a government of the left that would reject the drastic austerity measures imposed on Greece as a condition of the European Union's bailout of the country's financial elite. SYRIZA rose from small-party status to a second-place finish in elections on May 6, 2012, finishing ahead of the PASOK party, which has ruled Greece for most of the past four decades, and close behind the main conservative party New Democracy. When none of the three top finishers were able to form a government with a majority in parliament, a date for a new election was set -- and SYRIZA has been neck-and-neck with New Democracy ever since. Where did SYRIZA, an alliance of numerous left-wing organisations and unaffiliated individuals, come from? Panos Petrou, a leading member of Internationalist Workers Left (DEA, by its initials in Greek), a revolutionary socialist organisation that co-founded SYRIZA in 2004, explains how the coalition rose to the prominence it has today. -
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland a Cultural History of the Socialist Discourse, 1970-1991
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland A cultural history of the socialist discourse, 1970-1991 by Jan Kubik Assistant Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University American Society of Learned Societies Fellow, 1990-91 Program on Central and Eastem Europe Working Paper Series #20 January 1992 2 The relative weakness of social democracy in postcommunist Eastern Europe and the poor showing of social democratic parties in the 1990-91 Polish and Hungarian elections are intriguing phenom ena. In countries where economic reforms have resulted in increasing poverty, job loss, and nagging insecurity, it could be expected that social democrats would have a considerable follOwing. Also, the presence of relatively large working class populations and a tradition of left-inclined intellec tual opposition movements would suggest that the social democratic option should be popular. Yet, in the March-April 1990 Hungarian parliamentary elections, "the political forces ready to use the 'socialist' or the 'social democratic' label in the elections received less than 16 percent of the popular vote, although the class-analytic approach predicted that at least 20-30 percent of the working population ... could have voted for them" (Szelenyi and Szelenyi 1992:120). Simi larly, in the October 1991 Polish parliamentary elections, the Democratic Left Alliance (an elec toral coalition of reformed communists) received almost 12% of the vote. Social democratic parties (explicitly using this label) that emerged from Solidarity won less than 3% of the popular vote. The Szelenyis concluded in their study of social democracy in postcommunist Hungary that, "the major opposition parties all posited themselves on the political Right (in the Western sense of the term), but public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of social democratic measures" (1992:125). -
Cartelization As Institutional Drift in Romania and the Czech Republic Daniel J
Hamline University DigitalCommons@Hamline Departmental Honors Projects College of Liberal Arts Spring 2015 Stabilization or Exploitation? Cartelization as Institutional Drift in Romania and the Czech Republic Daniel J. Muck Hamline University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.hamline.edu/dhp Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, Eastern European Studies Commons, and the Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Commons Recommended Citation Muck, Daniel J., "Stabilization or Exploitation? Cartelization as Institutional Drift in Romania and the Czech Republic" (2015). Departmental Honors Projects. 29. https://digitalcommons.hamline.edu/dhp/29 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts at DigitalCommons@Hamline. It has been accepted for inclusion in Departmental Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Hamline. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Stabilization or Exploitation? Cartelization as Institutional Drift in Romania and the Czech Republic Daniel James Muck An Honors Thesis Submitted for partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with honors in Political Science from Hamline University April 22, 2015 Abstract To prevent private interests from distorting the democratic process, most European countries have implemented public funding schemes to guarantee fair competition among political parties. However, very little research has explored the possibility of institutional corruption in conjunction with state political party funding. Katz and Mair’s cartel party thesis argues state support strengthens ties between political parties and the state at the expense of civil society. Oliveira uses organizational theory to point to institutional corruption as a design problem. This paper serves as a preliminary exploration of whether Oliveira’s institutional corruption model and the cartel party theory can be applied to the European context. -
Political Crisis in Greece and Italy: a Comparative Analysis of SYRIZA and 5 Stars Movement
Political Crisis in Greece and Italy: a comparative analysis of SYRIZA and 5 Stars Movement Raffaele Borreca PhD Candidate University of Peloponnese Department of Political Science and International Relations 1 Abstract The spaces opened by the economic and political crisis offered many rooms for manoeuvre to those opposition forces able to canalise in electoral terms the protest and translate its claims in specific demands or a coherent political narrative. Strong of their electoral results, the Greek SYRIZA and the Italian Five Stars Movement (M5S) assumed soon a pivotal role in their political systems. However, although the demands and the objectives of both SYRIZA and the M5S are, to a certain extent, similar, the two parties differ in terms of political background, ideology and internal organization. The success of the M5S trace its roots in the context of deep distrust against the political system reigning in Italy since the 1990s. In the M5S problematically coexist a grassroots direct democracy approach and the charismatic and substantially unchallenged leadership of the founder Beppe Grillo. The capability of the radical left SYRIZA to convey the anti–Memorandum contestation and its constitution in an unitarian party following the 2012 elections reaffirmed the centrality of the traditional mass party in the Greek democratic representation. However, its electoral drive towards the centre poses major ideological challenges. Finally, the scepticism towards the European governance of both parties cannot be mistaken for anti-europeism. SYRIZA and the M5S canalized the protest from the streets to the national Parliament giving democratic representation to the contestation and contributing in the politicisation of the European polity. -
How to Cite Complete Issue More Information About This Article
Colombia Internacional ISSN: 0121-5612 Departamento de Ciencia Política y Centro de Estudios Internacionales. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes Castañeda, Néstor Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia Colombia Internacional, no. 95, 2018, July-September, pp. 3-24 Departamento de Ciencia Política y Centro de Estudios Internacionales. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes DOI: https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=81256886001 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Journal's webpage in redalyc.org Portugal Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia Néstor Castañeda University College London (England) HOW TO CITE: Castañeda, Néstor. 2018. “Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia”. Colombia Internacional (95): 3-24. https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 RECEIVED: May 4th, 2018 ACCEPTED: May 21st, 2018 REVISED: June 15th, 2018 https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 ABSTRACT: This article examines the relationship between electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia. The author argues that recent political finance reforms in this country (e.g. changes in regulation of campaign donations, campaign spending, and public funding -
5195E05d4.Pdf
ILGA-Europe in brief ILGA-Europe is the European Region of the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans & Intersex Association. ILGA-Europe works for equality and human rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans & intersex (LGBTI) people at European level. ILGA-Europe is an international non-governmental umbrella organisation bringing together 408 organisations from 45 out of 49 European countries. ILGA-Europe was established as a separate region of ILGA and an independent legal entity in 1996. ILGA was established in 1978. ILGA-Europe advocates for human rights and equality for LGBTI people at European level organisations such as the European Union (EU), the Council of Europe (CoE) and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). ILGA-Europe strengthens the European LGBTI movement by providing trainings and support to its member organisations and other LGBTI groups on advocacy, fundraising, organisational development and communications. ILGA-Europe has its office in Brussels and employs 12 people. Since 1997 ILGA-Europe enjoys participative status at the Council of Europe. Since 2001 ILGA-Europe receives its largest funding from the European Commission. Since 2006 ILGA-Europe enjoys consultative status at the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations (ECOSOC) and advocates for equality and human rights of LGBTI people also at the UN level. ILGA-Europe Annual Review of the Human Rights Situation of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex People in Europe 2013 This Review covers the period of January