Deficits, Debt & Disappointment
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Rt. Honourable Paul Martin by Tahreem Fatima
Rt. Honourable Paul Martin By Tahreem Fatima Former Prime Minister Paul Martin is optimistic about the role of indigenous youth in the future but says there is much work still to do on the indigenous file. Although 82 and retired from politics, Martin continues to play a significant role designed to provide indigenous people with opportunities and resources to succeed. "I created a foundation when I stepped down from government. The purpose of the (foundation) is to work with Canada's indigenous people in terms of the various matters that they face, primarily education but also, economic issues with the indigenous people." Martin played various political roles: he was a member of Parliament for 20 years, finance minister for a decade and was the 21st prime minister of Canada from 2003- 2006. After retiring from a full political career spread over nearly three decades, he is now busy with his foundation, Martin Family Initiative. It is a charity aimed at improving education, health and well-being outcomes for Indigenous children and youth in Canada. Looking back, Martin points to the Kelowna Accord as his most significant achievement as prime minister. The accord was a series of agreements between the Government of Canada, first ministers of the provinces, territorial leaders, and the leaders of five national Aboriginal organizations in the country. It was a 10-year plan, with a $5-billion agreement to close the social and economic gap within five years between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Canadians. The purpose of the accord was to improve Aboriginal peoples' education, employment, and living conditions with government funding and other programs. -
Understanding Stephen Harper
HARPER Edited by Teresa Healy www.policyalternatives.ca Photo: Hanson/THE Tom CANADIAN PRESS Understanding Stephen Harper The long view Steve Patten CANAdIANs Need to understand the political and ideological tem- perament of politicians like Stephen Harper — men and women who aspire to political leadership. While we can gain important insights by reviewing the Harper gov- ernment’s policies and record since the 2006 election, it is also essential that we step back and take a longer view, considering Stephen Harper’s two decades of political involvement prior to winning the country’s highest political office. What does Harper’s long record of engagement in conservative politics tell us about his political character? This chapter is organized around a series of questions about Stephen Harper’s political and ideological character. Is he really, as his support- ers claim, “the smartest guy in the room”? To what extent is he a con- servative ideologue versus being a political pragmatist? What type of conservatism does he embrace? What does the company he keeps tell us about his political character? I will argue that Stephen Harper is an economic conservative whose early political motivations were deeply ideological. While his keen sense of strategic pragmatism has allowed him to make peace with both conservative populism and the tradition- alism of social conservatism, he continues to marginalize red toryism within the Canadian conservative family. He surrounds himself with Governance 25 like-minded conservatives and retains a long-held desire to transform Canada in his conservative image. The smartest guy in the room, or the most strategic? When Stephen Harper first came to the attention of political observers, it was as one of the leading “thinkers” behind the fledgling Reform Party of Canada. -
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N° 3/2019 recherches & documents March 2019 Disarmament diplomacy Motivations and objectives of the main actors in nuclear disarmament EMMANUELLE MAITRE, research fellow, Fondation pour la recherche stratégique WWW . FRSTRATEGIE . ORG Édité et diffusé par la Fondation pour la Recherche Stratégique 4 bis rue des Pâtures – 75016 PARIS ISSN : 1966-5156 ISBN : 978-2-490100-19-4 EAN : 9782490100194 WWW.FRSTRATEGIE.ORG 4 BIS RUE DES PÂTURES 75 016 PARIS TÉL. 01 43 13 77 77 FAX 01 43 13 77 78 SIRET 394 095 533 00052 TVA FR74 394 095 533 CODE APE 7220Z FONDATION RECONNUE D'UTILITÉ PUBLIQUE – DÉCRET DU 26 FÉVRIER 1993 SOMMAIRE INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 5 1 – A CONVERGENCE OF PACIFIST AND HUMANITARIAN TRADITIONS ....................................... 8 1.1 – Neutrality, non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament .......................... 8 1.1.1 – Disarmament in the neutralist tradition .............................................................. 8 1.1.2 – Nuclear disarmament in a pacifist perspective .................................................. 9 1.1.1 – "Good international citizen" ..............................................................................11 1.2 – An emphasis on humanitarian issues ...............................................................13 1.2.1 – An example of policy in favor of humanitarian law ............................................13 1.2.2 – Moral, ethics and religion .................................................................................14 -
A Calculus of Interest Canadian Peacekeeping Diplomacy in Cyprus, 1963-1993
Canadian Military History Volume 24 Issue 2 Article 8 2015 A Calculus of Interest Canadian Peacekeeping Diplomacy in Cyprus, 1963-1993 Greg Donaghy Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.wlu.ca/cmh Part of the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Greg Donaghy "A Calculus of Interest Canadian Peacekeeping Diplomacy in Cyprus, 1963-1993." Canadian Military History 24, 2 (2015) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Commons @ Laurier. It has been accepted for inclusion in Canadian Military History by an authorized editor of Scholars Commons @ Laurier. For more information, please contact [email protected]. : A Calculus of Interest Canadian Peacekeeping Diplomacy in Cyprus, 1963-1993 A Calculus of Interest Canadian Peacekeeping Diplomacy in Cyprus, 1963-1993 GREG DONAGHY Abstract: Fifty years ago, Canadian peacekeepers landed on the small Mediterranean island of Cyprus, where they stayed for thirty long years. This paper uses declassified cabinet papers and diplomatic records to tackle three key questions about this mission: why did Canadians ever go to distant Cyprus? Why did they stay for so long? And why did they leave when they did? The answers situate Canada’s commitment to Cypress against the country’s broader postwar project to preserve world order in an era marked by the collapse of the European empires and the brutal wars in Algeria and Vietnam. It argues that Canada stayed— through fifty-nine troop rotations, 29,000 troops, and twenty-eight dead— because peacekeeping worked. Admittedly there were critics, including Prime Ministers Pearson, Trudeau, and Mulroney, who complained about the failure of peacemaking in Cyprus itself. -
The Limits to Influence: the Club of Rome and Canada
THE LIMITS TO INFLUENCE: THE CLUB OF ROME AND CANADA, 1968 TO 1988 by JASON LEMOINE CHURCHILL A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2006 © Jason Lemoine Churchill, 2006 Declaration AUTHOR'S DECLARATION FOR ELECTRONIC SUBMISSION OF A THESIS I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract This dissertation is about influence which is defined as the ability to move ideas forward within, and in some cases across, organizations. More specifically it is about an extraordinary organization called the Club of Rome (COR), who became advocates of the idea of greater use of systems analysis in the development of policy. The systems approach to policy required rational, holistic and long-range thinking. It was an approach that attracted the attention of Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. Commonality of interests and concerns united the disparate members of the COR and allowed that organization to develop an influential presence within Canada during Trudeau’s time in office from 1968 to 1984. The story of the COR in Canada is extended beyond the end of the Trudeau era to explain how the key elements that had allowed the organization and its Canadian Association (CACOR) to develop an influential presence quickly dissipated in the post- 1984 era. The key reasons for decline were time and circumstance as the COR/CACOR membership aged, contacts were lost, and there was a political paradigm shift that was antithetical to COR/CACOR ideas. -
Canada and the Middle East Today: Electoral Politics and Foreign Policy
CANADA AND THE MIDDLE EAST TODAY: ELECTORAL POLITICS AND FOREIGN POLICY Donald Barry Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper came to power in 2006 with little experience in foreign affairs but with a well developed plan to transform his minority Conservative administration into a majority government replacing the Liberals as Canada’s “natural governing party.”1 Because his party’s core of Anglo-Protestant supporters was not large enough to achieve this goal, Harper appealed to non- traditional Conservatives, including Jews, on the basis of shared social values. His efforts were matched by those of Jewish leaders and the government of Israel to win the backing of the government and its followers in the face of declining domestic support for Israel and the rise of militant Islamic fundamentalism. These factors accelerated a change in Canada’s Middle East policy that began under Prime Minister Paul Martin, from a carefully balanced stance to one that overwhelm- ingly favors Israel. Harper’s “pro-Israel politics,” Michelle Collins observes, has “won the respect—and support—of a large segment of Canada’s organized Jewish community.”2 However, it has isolated Canada from significant shifts in Middle East diplomacy and marginalized its ability to play a constructive role in the region. Harper and the Jewish Vote When he became leader of the Canadian Alliance party, which merged with the Progressive Conservatives to form the Conservative Party of Canada in 2004, Tom Flanagan says that Harper realized “The traditional Conservative base of Anglophone Protestants [was] too narrow to win modern Canadian elections.”3 In a speech to the conservative organization Civitas, in 2003, Harper argued that the only way to achieve power was to focus not on the tired wish list of economic conservatives or “neo-cons,” as they’d become known, but on what he called “theo-cons”—those social conservatives who care passionately about hot-button issues that turn on family, crime, and defense. -
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3Kcnen~lHrn 3 . ~ ,_ CCCP r=nr.3685 ,,, ,{ -- r.104TA (-{, 001 diasporiana.org.ua CENTRE FOR RESEARCH ON CANADIAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS Unive~ty Partnership Centre I Georgian College, Barrie, ON Vol. 9 I Canada/Russia Series J.L. Black ef Andrew Donskov, general editors CRCR One-Way Ticket The Soviet Return-to-the-Homeland Campaign, 1955-1960 Glenna Roberts & Serge Cipko Penumbra Press I Manotick, ON I 2008 ,l(apyHoK OmmascbKozo siooiny KaHaOCbKozo Tosapucmsa npuHmeniB YKpai°HU Copyright © 2008 Library and Archives Canada SERGE CIPKO & GLENNA ROBERTS Cataloguing-in-Publication Data No part of this publication may be Roberts, Glenna, 1934- reproduced, stored in a retrieval system Cipko, Serge, 1961- or transmitted, in any1'0rm or by any means, without the prior written One-way ticket: the Soviet return-to consent of the publisher or a licence the-homeland campaign, 1955-1960 I from The Canadian Copyright Licensing Glenna Roberts & Serge Cipko. Agency (Access Copyright). (Canada/Russia series ; no. 9) PENUMBRA PRESS, publishers Co-published by Centre for Research Box 940 I Manotick, ON I Canada on Canadian-Russian Relations, K4M lAB I penumbrapress.ca Carleton University. Printed and bound by Custom Printers, Includes bibliographical references Renfrew, ON, Canada. and index. PENUMBRA PRESS gratefully acknowledges ISBN 978-1-897323-12-0 the financial support of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing L Canadians-Soviet Union Industry Development Program (BPIDP) History-2oth century. for our publishing activities. We also 2. Repatriation-Soviet Union acknowledge the Government of Ontario History-2oth century. through the Ontario Media Development 3. Canadians-Soviet Union Corporation's Ontario Book Initiative. -
The Liberals: a House Divided Introduction
The Liberals: A House Divided Introduction “I will fulfill my mandate and focus entirely on governing from now until February Focus 2004. At which time my work will be done and at which time my successor will be In an unprec- chosen. And then, at the age of 70, I will look back with great satisfaction as I take edented move against a sitting my rest with Aline, secure in the knowledge that the future of Canada is unlim- Canadian prime ited.” — Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, August 21, 2002 minister, a signifi- cant number of Struggle for Power media and political organizers, the buzz Liberal Party mem- The summer of 2002 will be remem- about his future grew louder and louder. bers appeared The Martin camp was particularly ready to vote bered for both the hot weather and the against Jean equally hot political battle waged within active in promoting their man for the Chrétien in a the ranks of the Liberal Party of next leadership campaign. They built a planned leadership Canada. Open political warfare raged powerful organization and raised sub- review next year. inside the heart of Canada’s most stantial funds. Incensed by this pressure The split in the to leave, Chrétien and Martin had a Liberal camp was successful political machine. A party highlighted this that traditionally rallied around its falling out, and Martin left cabinet. spring when Paul leader appeared ready to tear itself apart Liberals were increasingly divided Martin, one of the over the question of leadership. and feared an open battle at a planned main contenders to After the Liberal victory of 2000, convention to review Chrétien’s leader- replace the PM, attention was drawn to the question of ship in February 2003. -
Federal Ombudsman Would Reduce Democratic Deficit
FEDERAL OMBUDSMAN WOULD REDUCE DEMOCRATIC DEFICIT Donald C. Rowat Paul Martin has long been an advocate of reducing the democratic deficit, but one of the most effective means of doing so would be the appointment of a federal ombudsman as an independent officer of Parliament. A national ombudsman is now in place in some 65 democratic countries, including Australia, as well as in the Canadian provinces, but not as yet in Ottawa. It is now five years since provincial ombudsmen urged Ottawa to create such a position, “so far to no avail,” writes a longtime Canadian ombudsman scholar. “Why the federal government has so far failed to adopt a scheme to match the provincial ones is somewhat of a mystery,” writes Donald Rowat. “Now that he is leading the government, Prime Minister Martin has a golden opportunity to reduce the democratic deficit and to leave a permanent legacy by instituting this important democratic reform.” Paul Martin affirme depuis longtemps vouloir combler le déficit démocratique, et l’un des meilleurs moyens d’y parvenir serait de nommer un ombudsman fédéral agissant au Parlement comme fonctionnaire indépendant. Ce poste existe aujourd’hui dans quelques 65 pays, dont l’Australie, ainsi que dans plusieurs provinces canadiennes. Mais Ottawa fait toujours la sourde oreille cinq ans après que les ombudsmen provinciaux l’eurent exhorté à créer un tel poste. Pourquoi le gouvernement fédéral tarde-t-il tant à répondre à leur demande ? Le mystère reste entier, selon Donald Rowat, spécialiste de la question. Maintenant qu’il tient les rênes du pouvoir, Paul Martin dispose pourtant d’une occasion en or de tenir son engagement et de laisser un héritage politique signifiant en instituant cette fonction. -
H-Diplo ARTICLE REVIEW 957 18 June 2020
H-Diplo ARTICLE REVIEW 957 18 June 2020 Luc-André Brunet. “Unhelpful Fixer? Canada, the Euromissile Crisis, and Pierre Trudeau’s Peace Initiative, 1983–1984.” The International History Review 41:6 (2019): 1145-1167. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2018.1472623. https://hdiplo.org/to/AR957 Editor: Diane Labrosse | Commissioning Editor: Cindy Ewing | Production Editor: George Fujii Review by Greg Donaghy, University of Toronto here are very few episodes in Canada’s diplomatic history—and none so unsuccessful—that that have attracted the scholarly ink reserved for Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau’s controversial peace initiative at the height of the second T Cold War in the fall of 1983.1 The latest entry is Luc-André Brunet’s award-winning article, “Unhelpful Fixer? Canada, the Euromissile Crisis, and Pierre Trudeau’s Peace Initiative, 1983-1984.” Superbly researched in seven national archives, carefully argued, and presented with verve and spirit, “Unhelpful Fixer” will quite probably remain the last word on the subject for some time to come. For Brunet, the story starts in the summer of 1983, when Trudeau, already fifteen years in power, cast about for a dramatic foreign policy initiative that would restore his cratering poll numbers. Horrified by Moscow’s decision to shoot-down an errant Korean airliner over Soviet airspace on 1 September 1983, Trudeau leapt into action. Sidelining the foreign and defence policy establishment, he assembled a Task Force of mid-level officials, and asked it to cobble together a series of arms control and disarmament measures to “change the trend line” (1148) in East-West relations and reduce the brittle tensions between the United States and the USSR. -
Insight Trudeau Without Cheers Assessing 10 Years of Intergovernmental Relations
IRPP Harper without Jeers, Insight Trudeau without Cheers Assessing 10 Years of Intergovernmental Relations September 2016 | No. 8 Christopher Dunn Summary ■■ Stephen Harper’s approach to intergovernmental relations shifted somewhat from the “open federalism” that informed his initial years as prime minister toward greater multilateral engagement with provincial governments and certain unilateral moves. ■■ Harper left a legacy of smaller government and greater provincial self-reliance. ■■ Justin Trudeau focuses on collaboration and partnership, including with Indigenous peoples, but it is too early to assess results. Sommaire ■■ En matière de relations intergouvernementales, l’approche de Stephen Harper s’est progressivement éloignée du « fédéralisme ouvert » de ses premières années au pouvoir au profit d’un plus fort engagement multilatéral auprès des provinces, ponctué ici et là de poussées d’unilatéralisme. ■■ Gouvernement réduit et autonomie provinciale accrue sont deux éléments clés de l’héritage de Stephen Harper. ■■ Justin Trudeau privilégie la collaboration et les partenariats, y compris avec les peuples autochtones, mais il est encore trop tôt pour mesurer les résultats de sa démarche. WHAT HAS HAPPENED TO INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS IN CANADA? Surprises. In October 2015, we had an election with a surprise ending. The Liberal Party, which had been third in the polls for months, won a clear majority. The new prime minister, Justin Trudeau, provided more surprises, engaging in a whirl- wind of talks with first ministers as a group and with social partners that the previous government, led by Stephen Harper, had largely ignored. He promised a new covenant with Indigenous peoples, the extent of which surprised even them. Change was in the air. -
What Has He Really Done Wrong?
The Chrétien legacy Canada was in such a state that it WHAT HAS HE REALLY elected Brian Mulroney. By this stan- dard, William Lyon Mackenzie King DONE WRONG? easily turned out to be our best prime minister. In 1921, he inherited a Desmond Morton deeply divided country, a treasury near ruin because of over-expansion of rail- ways, and an economy gripped by a brutal depression. By 1948, Canada had emerged unscathed, enriched and almost undivided from the war into spent last summer’s dismal August Canadian Pension Commission. In a the durable prosperity that bred our revising a book called A Short few days of nimble invention, Bennett Baby Boom generation. Who cared if I History of Canada and staring rescued veterans’ benefits from 15 King had halitosis and a professorial across Lake Memphrémagog at the years of political logrolling and talent for boring audiences? astonishing architecture of the Abbaye launched a half century of relatively St-Benoît. Brief as it is, the Short History just and generous dealing. Did anyone ll of which is a lengthy prelude to tries to cover the whole 12,000 years of notice? Do similar achievements lie to A passing premature and imperfect Canadian history but, since most buy- the credit of Jean Chrétien or, for that judgement on Jean Chrétien. Using ers prefer their own life’s history to a matter, Brian Mulroney or Pierre Elliott the same criteria that put King first more extensive past, Jean Chrétien’s Trudeau? Dependent on the media, and Trudeau deep in the pack, where last seven years will get about as much the Opposition and government prop- does Chrétien stand? In 1993, most space as the First Nations’ first dozen aganda, what do I know? Do I refuse to Canadians were still caught in the millennia.