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In the National Interest: Canadian Foreign Policy and the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 1909–2009 University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository University of Calgary Press University of Calgary Press Open Access Books 2011 In the National Interest: Canadian Foreign Policy and the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 1909–2009 University of Calgary Press Donaghy, G., & Carroll, M. (Eds.). (2011). In the National Interest: Canadian Foreign Policy and the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 1909-2009. Calgary, Alberta, Canada: University of Calgary Press. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/48549 book http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ Attribution Non-Commercial No Derivatives 3.0 Unported Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca University of Calgary Press www.uofcpress.com IN THE NATIONAL INTEREST Canadian Foreign Policy and the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 1909–2009 Greg Donaghy and Michael K. Carroll, Editors ISBN 978-1-55238-561-6 THIS BOOK IS AN OPEN ACCESS E-BOOK. It is an electronic version of a book that can be purchased in physical form through any bookseller or on-line retailer, or from our distributors. Please support this open access publication by requesting that your university purchase a print copy of this book, or by purchasing a copy yourself. If you have any questions, please contact us at [email protected] Cover Art: The artwork on the cover of this book is not open access and falls under traditional copyright provisions; it cannot be reproduced in any way without written permission of the artists and their agents. The cover can be displayed as a complete cover image for the purposes of publicizing this work, but the artwork cannot be extracted from the context of the cover of this specific work without breaching the artist’s copyright. COPYRIGHT NOTICE: This open-access work is published under a Creative Commons licence. This means that you are free to copy, distribute, display or perform the work as long as you clearly attribute the work to its authors and publisher, that you do not use this work for any commercial gain in any form, and that you in no way alter, transform, or build on the work outside of its use in normal academic scholarship without our express permission. If you want to reuse or distribute the work, you must inform its new audience of the licence terms of this work. For more information, see details of the Creative Commons licence at: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ UNDER THE CREATIVE UNDER THE CREATIVE COMMONS LICENCE YOU COMMONS LICENCE YOU MAY: MAY NOT: • read and store this document • gain financially from the work in any way; free of charge; • sell the work or seek monies in relation to the distribution • distribute it for personal use of the work; free of charge; • use the work in any commercial activity of any kind; • print sections of the work for • profit a third party indirectly via use or distribution of the work; personal use; • distribute in or through a commercial body (with the exception • read or perform parts of the of academic usage within educational institutions such as work in a context where no schools and universities); financial transactions take • reproduce, distribute, or store the cover image outside of its place. function as a cover of this work; • alter or build on the work outside of normal academic scholarship. Acknowledgement: We acknowledge the wording around open access used by Australian publisher, re.press, and thank them for giving us permission to adapt their wording to our policy http://www.re-press.org/content/view/17/33/ 10 Setting the Canadian Foreign Policy Agenda, 1984–2009: Prime Ministers as Prime Actors? Nelson Michaud In Canada, the prime minister is traditionally very involved in the shap- ing of the country’s foreign policy. Promoting and defending the national interest, the prime minister plays a vital role as one of its managers, at times in tandem with the minister of foreign affairs, at times as the key actor. This is due, in large part, to the parliamentary system in which Canadian policies are set. The principle of responsible government, which is at the heart of the Canadian system, solidly anchors the leadership and the au- thority that the prime minister exercises, especially in the realm of foreign relations.1 In addition, some observers may argue that foreign policy offers prime ministers glamour and exposure, but they overlook the fact that, un- like the United States where a foreign affairs role has an important impact on domestic perception of the leader, politics in Canada is essentially “lo- cal.” What is of importance is that these relations are conducted with the prime ministers’ counterparts around the world, which helps to explain why foreign affairs fall more easily under the leaders’ purview, a phenom- enon accentuated by summit diplomacy.2 This prominent role is reinforced by a bureaucratic and political framework that feeds the prime minister with international issues to which attention should be paid.3 There is also a historic factor that comes into play. From 1909, when the Department of External Affairs was first formed, until after the Second World War, foreign affairs fell, for the most part, under the purview of the prime minister. It was not until 1946, when Louis St. Laurent took the reigns of the department from an ageing Prime Minister W.L. Mackenzie King, that the position of secretary of state for external affairs was solid- ified as a separate entity. For a time in the late 1950s, John Diefenbaker acted as both prime minister and his own foreign minister, but by this time a dual command system had already evolved, and he soon returned the portfolio to a minister, with whom he nevertheless worked closely. The last quarter of the twentieth century presented unique challen- ges to foreign policy-making as Canada’s national interests were reshaped. Geopolitics were redefined with unprecedented changes in the internation- al context; new actors emerged from civil society and stateless advocates of extremism increasingly resorted to violence in attempts to impose their agenda; conflicts often involved factions within a country rather than two belligerents across a disputed border; and new issues emerged at the inter- national level from economic globalization to environmental threats to the obligation to protect vulnerable populations from the abuses of their own government. Do these factors challenge the influence the prime minister has over Canadian foreign policy and the answers the country offers in line with its national interest? Or is foreign policy “governed from the center” as is the case in so many other policy fields?4 This analysis belongs to a body of literature that aims at understanding the role of individuals in policy-making processes,5 the control of individ- uals over “uncertainties,”6 and how personal characteristics influence the content of foreign policy stances.7 The first section offers a closer look at how the international and domestic contexts were reshaped between 1984 and 2009. It will subsequently explore how prime ministers Brian Mulro- ney, Jean Chrétien, Paul Martin, and Stephen Harper answered this chal- lenge.8 182 Nelson Michaud A Context Redefined Not so long ago, foreign policy was the absolute expression of regalia pow- ers. As late as 1985, Canada’s minister of national defence, Erik Nielsen, strongly opposed issuing a defence green paper – to which Canadians could react – on the sole basis that foreign and defence policies were not matters to be discussed with the general public.9 Today, with the democratization of foreign policy, public diplomacy, and the internet, it is hard to conceive of such a stance. In itself, this bears witness to a new era in foreign policy- making. The transformation is even starker when evaluated in the longer term. When Louis St. Laurent was sworn in as secretary of state for external affairs in 1946, the Cold War had just ushered in a new environment char- acterized by the emergence of multilateral institutions. In Canada, the postwar economy was flourishing and foreign policy-making was in the hands of people who would leave a lasting imprint, a practice today known as Pearsonian internationalism. The last twenty-five years has seen the collapse of a Manichean world and the redefinition of international values as the Berlin Wall collapsed, the eastern block imploded, new countries emerged, and political uncer- tainty undermined global stability. United States president George H.W. Bush hoped to redefine a “New World Order” in the early 1990s where a hyperpower would dominate and provide guidance and stability for world affairs.10 Although this geopolitical realignment ended the possibility of a multi-polar world, it was soon followed by the recognition of new emer- ging players: Brazil, Russia, India, and China. Their suddenly perceived strength forced many countries to re-evaluate policies on several accounts, taking into consideration the foursome as new producers, new markets, and as new potential security threats. At the start the new millennium another American president, George W. Bush, called for a war on terror as security dominated the foreign policy agenda. As part of the United States’ security perimeter, however, Canada had very few options at hand to deal with these weighty matters. The Canadian government nevertheless does its best to ensure that neither at home nor abroad is the country perceived as Uncle Sam’s puppet. 10: Setting the Canadian Foreign Policy Agenda, 1984–2009 183 One strategy Canada has often used to differentiate, without com- pletely dissociating, itself from the United States is through its increasing involvement in multilateral institutions. Interestingly, most of these inter- national forums are characterized by a regional component, allowing Can- ada to position itself alongside the United States, rather than behind.
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