Sei Shōnagon and "The Matsushima Diary" Author(S): Sei Shōnagon and R

Apocryphal Texts and Literary Identity: Sei Shōnagon and "The Matsushima Diary" Author(s): Sei Shōnagon and R. Keller Kimbrough Source: Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 57, No. 2 (Summer, 2002), pp. 133-171 Published by: Sophia University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3096710 . Accessed: 13/11/2014 12:40

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This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ApocryphalTexts and LiteraryIdentity Sei Shonagonand TheMatsushima Diary

R. KELLER KIMBROUGH

IN thetwelfth month of the year 1000,Fujiwara no Teishi HWS-f, first empressto EmperorIchijo -:, died in childbirthat theage of twenty-four. Less thana yearbefore, her cousin Shoshi -d--daughter of the ambitious Fujiwara no Michinaga 1i1i~~-had been appointedsecond empress,effec- tivelyreplacing Teishi and her milieu as recipientsof the emperor'sfavor.1 Teishi and hercircle had falleninto decline, and withher untimely passing, her many servantsand women attendantswere leftin difficultcircumstances. Sei ShonagonMin -3 , theoutspoken author of Makura no soshi it-IfF, "The Pillow Book," had servedas lady-in-waitingin Teishi's salon fromaround the year 993. Approximatelythirty-five years old at thetime of Teishi's death,2she was wit- ness to hermistress's (and herown) eclipse by Shoshi and thewomen who came to serve her,women of such laterliterary repute as Murasaki Shikibu MgA;, Izumi Shikibu~fiM t, and Akazome Emon ,~irEI. Sei Shonagon's Makura no soshi survivesas one of our mostvivid records of day-to-daylife in the Heian court.In it, Sei Shonagon chroniclesthe gloryof Empress Teishi and her salon, documenting,and perhaps exaggerating,the splendorand sophisticationof her life withthe empress,as well as displaying her own not insubstantialwit.3 In its diary-likepassages, Makura no soshi

THE AUTHORis assistantprofessor of East Asian Studiesat Colby College. He would like to thank theanonymous reviewers of thisarticle for their many helpful suggestions. An earlierversion was presentedfor the panel "Fakes and Mistakes" at the 1999 New England Regional Conferenceof theAssociation for Asian Studies. 1 Fujiwarano Shoshi,later known as Jotomon'in_t-BPE , was appointedchauga iP ("empress") on thetwenty-fifth day of the second monthof 1000. Teishi was simultaneouslypromoted from chaga to kogo kS (also translatableas "empress"). Ichiko 1990, p. 82. EmperorIchijo's conferenceof thetitles chaug and kogo on two differentwomen at thesame timewas unprecedented. 2 Kishigami 1984, p. 581. 3 The degreeto whichSei Shonagon shaped herwork according to politicalconsiderations- as a means of representingTeishi in the best possible light-is a subject of some debate. See Fukumori1997.

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 134 MonumentaNipponica 57:2 describesevents that occurred between the years 967 and 1000.The latestdat- able episode correspondsto thefifth month of 1000,4at least six monthsbefore Teishi'sdemise, and in its entirety the work contains only the most obscure allu- sionsto the trauma of the empress's political decline. Aside from what little can be deducedfrom a fewpoems and poetic headnotes, there is virtuallyno record ofSei Shonagonin the years following her completion of Makura no soshi,and it is perhapsfor this reason that her eventual fate became a sourceof curiosity andconcern for readers and storytellers in the medieval and early modem periods. Suchinterest led to thefabrication of quasi-historical, pseudobiographical accountsof Sei Shonagon'slatter years-the decades she spent after serving in theempress's salon-and theseaccounts, manipulated and reproducedfor a numberof secular and religious purposes, contributed tothe formation of a vari- etyof images and impressions of Sei Shonagonand her work. In thesecond month of 1784,the noted antiquarian Ise Teijo {-A0 came uponone such account: a shortmanuscript, approximately six pages in a modern typesetedition, bearing the title Matsushima nikki ift%SP, "The Matsushima Diary."5Composed in a first-personnarrative voice, the work chronicles the suf- feringsof an unnamedcourt lady as shetravels, destitute and forlorn, from the Heian capitalin centralJapan to thebay of Matsushimain thefar northeast. Althoughunsigned, the text contains a poemattributed to Sei Shonagonin the poeticanthologies Gyokuyo wakashau ETfi i (completedin 1313) and Sei Shonagonshait ~'Fll? t (dateunknown). Based uponthis and other evidence, includingapparent references to Teishi,Fujiwara no Michinaga,and others, Teijo concludedthat the work was a heretoforelost diary of Sei Shonagon,writtenby thelonely court lady as shewandered through the provinces of Japan as a wretchednun in theyears before her death. Teijo was notthe first reader to identifySei Shonagonwith Matsushima nikki, but he was probablythe most famous,and he set in motiona debateover the originsand significanceof Matsushimanikki (and other similarly suspect, supposedly biographical or auto- biographicalworks) that has continuedto the present.

EarlyAccounts of Sei Shonagon'sFall ThatMatsushima nikki describes Sei Shonagon'slatter years as havingbeen markedby adversitycomes as no greatsurprise. Murasaki Shikibu, Sei Shonagon'scontemporary, predicted in her diary that her rival's conceit would lead to a bad end,6and setsuwa accounts suggest that Sei Shonagon'sfinal cir- cumstanceswere indeed unfortunate. Scholars have long wondered what became of Sei Shonagonafter Teishi's death, but because almost no relevantinforma- tionsurvives from the Heian period, little, if anything, can be determinedwith

4 Accordingto KishigamiShinji's _?1--- "Makurano soshi nenpyo"ti-*f_ , in Matsuo and Nagai 1974, pp. 484-95. 5 Ise Teijo (1717-1784) is listedin mostbiographical dictionaries under the alternate (formal) readingof his name,Ise Sadatake. 6 Fujioka 1971, p. 238; Bowring 1996, p. 54.

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions KIMBROUGH: Apocryphal Texts and LiteraryIdentity 135 certainty.Theories, nevertheless, have been (and continueto be) raised. In his commentaryMakura no soshi shunshosho-tgf D4-zF (1674), KitamuraKigin 1LRtMI, forexample, speculatedthat after Teishi's death,Sei Shonagon took up service under the Shigeisha Consort Genshi M.&i 1gr~ f (Fujiwara no Michitaka's ONlEi second daughterand Teishi's youngersister), and thatshe continuedin thisposition until Genshi's deathin theeighth month of 1002.7The twentieth-centuryscholar Kishigami Shinji _[Lg- has exploredthis and other possibilities,including those that Sei Shonagoncame to serveunder Michitaka' s fourthdaughter (Mikushige-dono Aid[B) or underEmpress Shoshi,8 but there is virtuallyno evidenceto supportany of theseconjectures. Withinthe last decade, MitamuraMasako -EIMtlF has proposedthat after Teishi's death,Sei Shonagonreturned to herhusband, Fujiwara no Muneyo i /,tt~, who had been appointedgovernor of Settsuprovince in 999 and with whom Sei Shonagon is said to have had a daughter.9A headnoteto a poem in Sei Shonagon sha thatrefers to "a time when [Sei Shonagon] was in Settsu province"'0likely alludes, Mitamura argues, to a periodafter Teishi's deathand duringthe years of Muneyo's gubernatorialappointment. On thebasis of a referencein theprivate poetic anthology of Sei Shonagon's contemporaryFujiwara no Kinto Ni/LI, to "a time when Sei Shonagon had returnedto live at Tsukinowa q tSE,"Mitamura holds that Sei Shonagonlater returned from Settsu to Muneyo's mountainvilla (namedTsukinowa) on theoutskirts of the capital.11 Akazome Emon sha 4$ItPiWcontains a referenceto "a time when Sei Shonagonwas livingbeside thehouse in which [herfather] Motosuke -ta had lived in thepast," and thisresidence in thecapital, Mitamura suggests, was likely to have been Sei Shonagon's finalabode followingthe death of herhusband.12 The few earlysetsuwa accounts of Sei Shonagon's latteryears tell a different story. The setsuwa anthologyKojidan A~,p, compiled by Minamoto no Akikane 'g,* between 1212 and 1215 (more than two hundredyears after Teishi's death),contains two accountsof Sei Shonagon's life afterher service in the palace. Accordingto bothof these,Sei Shonagonlived on as an impov- erished nun, sufferinghardship and humiliation.The firstKojidan account relates: Ata timeafter Sei Shonagonhad been reduced to poverty, several young courtiers oncepassed before her residence in a carriage.Seeing the dilapidated condition of

7 Quoted in Kishigami 1958, p. 378. 8 Kishigami 1958, pp. 377-96. 9 Mitamuraargues that Sei Shonagonand Fujiwarano Muneyowere probably married between 982 and 984, and almostcertainly between 982 and 986. Muneyowould have been approximately thirtyyears older thanSei Sh6nagon.Mitamura 1995, pp. 369-70. 10 This and thefollowing two poem headnotesare quoted in Kishigami 1958, pp. 405-407. 1l Kishigamisupposed thatthe Tsukinowa mountainvilla belonged to Sei Shonagon's father, Kiyoharano MotosukeiSJEti, butMitamura makes a strongcase thatit belongedto Muneyo, who may or may not have been dead at thetime of Sei Shonagon's return.Mitamura 1995. 12 Mitamura1995, pp. 373-74.

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herdwelling, one of them said, "Shonagon has certainly gone to ruin." Sei Shonagon hadbeen standing at her window, and overhearing the man's words, she pulled up thereed blind, thrust out her ghoulish nun's face, and asked, "Won't you buy the bonesof a fasthorse? Someone else did."13 The exact period when thisepisode is held to have occurredis unclear.Sei Shonagon is describedas havingbecome old and unattractive,but herperson- alityis strikinglyfamiliar. Consistent with the quick wit and knowledgeof the Chinese classics thatshe displaysin Makurano soshi,she turnsthe tables on the youngmen by makingthem a sudden,seemingly sexual proposition. She alludes to a famousstory cited in Hanfeizi ftF and Zhanguo ce 'AM of a Chinese emperorwhose subordinateonce purchasedthe bones of a fasthorse forfive hundredpieces of gold in orderto provethat his masterwas in themarket for a finelive steed.14 Withher clever retort, Sei Shonagonasserts that although she may be decrepit,she is not withoutvalue. Her quick-wittedresponse is so reminiscentof several Makura no soshi episodes thatat least one scholar- KishigamiShinji-has attemptedto correlateit with an accountof Sei Shonagon fromher own time.15 The second, shorterKojidan accountrelates: Sei Shonagonwas stayingwith Master Kiyohara when Lord Yorimitsu sent his FourGuardian Kings to strikehim down. The men wanted to kill her because she lookedlike a priest."I'm a nun,"she said, and immediately showed them her pri- vates.16

The formerlyproud Sei Shonagonis humiliated,reduced to exposingherself to thesmall band of samurai-Minamotono Yorimitsu's ,*tYLshitenno ViYE, or Four Guardian Kings-in orderto prove thatshe is not a man. Accordingto entriesin Fujiwarano Michinaga's diary,Mido kanpakuki aPsNt P2, and Fuso ryakki AIMPE2, Sei Shonagon's olderbrother Kiyohara no MunenobuMlPJfl~i was killedin thethird month of 1017 byretainers of Yorimitsu's younger brother Yorichika Aid, and it is to thisincident that the Kojidan accountpresumably refers,although it mistakenlyidentifies Yorichika as Yorimitsu.17Whether or notSei Shonagonwas presentat thetime of herbrother's death is unknown;she would have been aroundfifty-two years old. Unlikethe two Kojidan accounts,Mumyozoshi ,?1-;F, a workof literary crit- icismcomposed in or between1198 and 1202-also approximatelytwo hundred

13 Kobayashi 1981, vol. 1, pp. 169-70. 14 Hanfeizi dates fromthe third century B.C.E., and Zhanguo ce was compiledby Liu Xiang ]l F[ in or before8 B.C.E. The Zhanguo ce accountis translatedin 1970, 524. 15 Crump p. Kishigamispeculates as to a connectionbetween the Kojidan accountand a poeticexchange betweenSei Shonagonand Izumi Shikiburecorded as IzumiShikibu seishiu $flASEa 495 and 496. Kishigami 1967, pp. 60-61. 16 Kobayashi 1981, vol. 1, p. 171. 17 Mido kanpakuki, entryfor Kannin t{7 1.3.11; and Fuso ryakki,Kannin 1.3.8. Yamanaka 1985, p. 54; Kuroita 1932, p. 272.

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions KIMBROUGH: Apocryphal Texts and LiteraryIdentity 137 years afterTeishi's death-reportsthat in her latteryears Sei Shonagon abandoned thecapital fora home in theprovinces: Perhapsbecause she had no oneto rely upon, Sei Shonagonwent off with the child ofa wetnurse to live in the distant countryside. "How they all usedto look in their courtrobes-now that I can'tforget," she was once heard to say as shestepped out- sideto drysome vegetables known as "greens."She was wearinga shabbyrobe, andher hood was a patchworkof rags-most moving indeed. Truly, how she must havelonged for the past!18 Sei Shonagon's destitutionis severe,but the description of heras a ruinof her formerself is nothingif not conventional. Heian, Kamakura,and Muromachilit- eratureabounds in tales of proud and beautifulHeian courtwomen fallen to povertyand shame.Whether the figure is Ono no Komachi /J\f?/JT,who in the manysetsuwa, otogizoshi f;oDgiT, and nohplays about her is reducedto an ema- ciated,filthy old hag,19Izumi Shikibu,who in the otogizoshiKoshikibu /J\lx wandersthe countryside on a seeminglyhopeless searchfor her lost daughter,20 or Kenreimon'inALRfi, whose latterdays are describedin Genpeijosuiki i, FSdli and theEnkyo-bon IMt* textof Heike monogatari-F~$iI as thoseof an animal,21Heian and medieval Japaneseliterature display a fetishisticfasci- nationwith the plightof aristocraticwomen in distress.Sei Shonagon in the Kojidan and Mumyozoshiaccounts (as well as in Matsushimanikki) is yetone morecourt lady cast intothis familiar role. The Mumyozoshistory of Sei Shonagon's ruinwas laterincorporated into the epilogue of theNoin-bon AIt* textof Makura no soshi, theearliest surviving manuscriptof whichdates fromaround the late fifteenthor earlysixteenth century.22According to thisepilogue, Sei Shonagonbecame a nun in her old age andtraveled to Awa provincein Shikoku,where-as inthe Mumyozoshi account- she was once seen hangingout "greens" and mumblingabout the past. The anonymousauthor of theepilogue concludesby stating,"Thus it seems thatthe thingsone would thinkabout a personat the end of her life are not the things one would expectfrom the glory of her youth,"23 contrasting the splendor of Sei

18 0 Kuwabara 1976, pp. 110-11. The phraseaona to iu mono* &

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Shonagon'slife at court, described in such vivid detail in Makura no soshi,with thesupposed wretchedness of her old age. The additionof the Mumyozoshi episode to theNoin-bon text of Makura no soshilent a newdimension to Sei Shonagon'scomposition. In effectit extended thetemporal boundary of thenarrative beyond the months preceding Teishi's death-theconclusion of Makura no soshiproper-to a momentin the unfortu- natefuture of its elegant, arrogant author. By providingreaders with a glimpse of thefuture (or, rather, by placingreaders in thatfuture and causing them to lookback on Sei Shonagon'spast), the epilogue transformed Makura no soshi intoa kindof medieval morality play-a workof Heian literature with an anachronistic,Heike monogatari-likemessage that the proud are sureto fall.By informingreaders of Sei Shonagon'ssupposedly sad fate,the epilogue also con- tributedto themedieval reshaping of Sei Shonagon'spersona, recreating her (withinthe context of Makura no soshi) as a haughtywoman author who blithely passesjudgment on otherswhile unaware of her own approaching destiny. Apocryphalaccounts of Sei Shonagon'slatter years have continued to affect scholars'readings of Makurano soshiin themodem period as well. Naomi Fukumori,for example, has pointed out the ominous implications of the "Hitachi no suke" Q?ftepisode, in whicha destituteold nun(ignominiously dubbed "Hitachino suke"by Sei Shonagonand hercohorts) visits Empress Teishi's lodgingsto beg forfood.24 Fukumori notes that "the portrait of the nun in this passagein theNoinbon text closely resembles descriptions of Sei Shonagonat theend of her life" as presentedin works like Mumyozoshi. "One wonders," she writes,"whether, in [Sei Shonagon'sand the other women' s] mockingrejection of 'Hitachino Suke,' theyare notalso instinctivelyrejecting an imagewhich theyuneasily recognize as reflectingtheir own bleak futures."25 It is precisely thesimilarity between the Noin-bon description of Hitachi no sukeand the representationof Sei Shonagonin Mumyozoshi-orFukumori's awareness of the similarity,one mightsay-that invites her insightful reading of the "Hitachi no suke"episode as foreboding. Howeverdubious in termsof historical veracity, accounts of Sei Shonagon's latteryears have thus played a significantrole in thedevelopment of medieval, earlymodern, and modern interpretations ofSei Shonagonand her work. In no case is thisinfluence more apparent than in thatof Sei Shonagon'senigmatic "lostdiary," Matsushima nikki, a considerationof which is essentialto a fuller understandingof boththe trope of thefallen court lady and itsimpact on Sei Sh6nagon'sreception in premodernJapan.

24 The "Hitachino suke" episode is includedin dan 83 of theSankan-bon E*: textand dan 91 of theNoin-bon text (Shiki no mizoshini owashimasukoro, nishi no hisashi ni I OSNl X- - 4ftML A T 5, -iND?E , "Once When Her Majesty Was Residing . ."). Watanabe 1991, pp. 102-12 (Sankan-bon);Matsuo and Nagai 1974,pp. 185-98 (Noin-bon);Morris 1991, 99-109. 25 pp. Fukumori 1997, p. 28.

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Early Modem Approaches to MatsushimaNikki Upon discoveringMatsushima nikki in 1784, morethan five hundred and fifty years afterthe appearanceof theKojidan and Mumyozoshiaccounts, Ise Teijo set about producingan annotatedversion of thework, a recensionlater known as Matsushimanikki chau ?j [-H 3, or"Annotated Matsushima Diary." Matsushima nikkisurvives today in numeroushand-copied manuscripts,26 and upon which of theseTeijo based his own recensionis unknown.As withmost extant copies of the work,Teijo's annotatedtext contains an undatedand anonymouscolophon: This three-scrolldiary is called Matsushima nikki. The illustrationsare by MitsutoshiAt, governorof Tosa ?i, and werepainted at theemperor's request in theNinji {hI era [1240-1242].I am nowborrowing Prince Docho's i-1 text, fromwhich I havemade this copy. Spurious colophons were oftenappended to pseudoancientworks to legiti- mateand enhancetheir value. For thisreason they should be read withcaution. If authentic,this colophon would indicatethat in an earlierform Matsushima nikkicomprised three illustrated scrolls painted in thereign of EmperorShijo Pl ~.27 Thereare no recordsof a governorof Tosa bythe name of Mitsutoshi, however, nor are thereany of a painternamed Tosa Mitsutoshi.28Prince Docho (1378-1446), a son of Emperor Go-EnyauiFqS and a youngerbrother of EmperorGo-Komatsu fik/J\, was a priestand intendantof Jojoin?1t temple in the easternfoothills of Kyoto. The referenceto him impliesthat the anonymous colophonauthor's alleged transcription of the illustrated Matsushima nikki took place sometimeduring the first half of thefifteenth century. Ise Teijo was intriguedby thetext he had found,and, concluding that the work was authoredby Sei Shonagon,he appendedhis own colophonto theend of his annotatedrecension, dated a merefourteen weeks beforehis death in the fifth monthof 1784: ThisMatsushima Diary was writtenby Sei Shonagon.Her service to Teishi,con- sortof Emperor Ichijo, is describedin Makura no soshi.Although we knewfrom Kojidanthat she grewold andbecame a nun,what became of herafter that was unclear.From this diary, however, we can see thatshe laterleft the capital for Michinokuat theinvitation of a nun,the daughter of AkitadaYW,, governor of Shimotsuke.She caughtup withthe nun in Miyakojima 4S, andthey lived there

26 NakanishiKenji's listof Matsushimanikki manuscripts (thirty-eight in all) is themost com- prehensiveto date. Nakanishi 1997b, pp. 166-67. 27 AmongMatsushima nikki manuscripts available in modemtypeset editions (see thelist at the end of thisarticle), the one held by SakakibaraKunihiko Ml~q~i5 containsthe colophon in a vari- antform that explicitly identifies "this scroll/these scrolls" (numberunstated) as Sei Shonagon's Matsushimanikki. Sakakibara 1991, p. 277. 28 Yamagishi Tokuhei tll xJt notesthat there are no apparentreferences to a Tosa Mitsutoshi in the traditionalhistories of painters,including Honcho gashi ra]it (1678), Zoku honcho gashi ~*i~ i (1818), Zugako 'Mid (1808), or Yume no tadachi 5(DQtci / (1850). Yamagishi 1927, p. 449.

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togetherin the nun's simple dwelling. At the end of the diary Sei Shonagonis ina mostdecrepit and weakenedstate, so it seemsthat she diedthere without once returningto thecapital. While the splendorand haughtinessof heryouth are recordedin Makurano soshi,from the diary we can sadlysee thather later cir- cumstanceswere most wretched and forlorn. Few peopleown copies of this diary. Fortunately, I was ableto borrow and tran- scribea manuscriptthat belonged to Fujiwara no Masamitsu WMAR. I keepit hid- denaway at thebottom of a chest. Fifteenthday of the second month, 1784.29 The identityof Fujiwara no Masamitsu,whose copy of Matsushima nikki Teijo claims to have borrowed,is unknown.Judging from Teij6's colophon,however, the scholarOgawa Hisaichi /1J\Jl!-proposed in 1934 thatTeijo transcribeda manuscriptthat was lateracquired by Ogawa forhis own privatecollection. The Ogawa recension,formerly in the possession of the late-Edo-period Kokugakusha KishimotoYuzuru JiWt_ AL,contains an additionalcolophon signed Shobo A I, "the priestSho," a name thatmay be interpretedas derivingfrom the first characterof Masamitsu. Dated 1697 (eighty-sevenyears beforeTeijo's postscript),Shobo' s colophonrefers to Matsushima nikki as Sei ShonagonMatsushima no nikki.30If Ogawa is correctand Teijo made his copy fromthis manuscript, bothShobo's colophonand thetitle of themanuscript itself, Matsushima nikki Sei Shonagon (with"Sei Shonagon"written in smallercharacters), would have alertedTeijo to theseeming identity of theauthor. The Teijo recensiondoes not includeShobo' s colophon,however, and givenhis attributionof thework to Sei Shonagon, it seems unlikelythat Teijo would not have transcribedShobo's colophon in additionto theearlier, unsigned one.31 Regardlessof whetheror notTeijo was familiarwith the Ogawa manuscript (or some otherrecension containing an overtattribution to Sei Shonagon),what most likely led him to the conclusion thatSei Shonagon was the authorof Matsushimanikki was the narrator'sassertion, toward the end of the "diary," thatshe composed a poem traditionallyattributed to Sei Shonagon.The poem, whichTeijo identifiesin an interlinearnote as containedin Gyokuyowakashu,32 incorporatesthe place-name Matsushima, the final home of the Matsushima nikki protagonist.The Matsushimanikki narrator recounts: Hearingthat Lady Dainagon cf 0 I:t t L was a relativeof the former governor ofthis island, I thoughtto sendher a message: e ^ JRt Is,< rTLS^& _L L DZ C ta

29 Hanawa and Ota 1972, p. 143. 30 Ogawa 1934, p. 6. 31 The Zokugunsho ruija editionofMatsushima nikki (in theTeijo textualline) containsShobo's colophon,but includes it afterTeijo's postscript.A parentheticalnote indicates that it is notorig- inal to thetext; rather, it was copied (presumablyby theZoku gunshoruija editors)from the for- merKishimoto Yuzuru manuscript (i.e., thatlater held by Ogawa Hisaichi). Hanawa and Ota 1972, p. 143. 32 Murai 1966, p. 133. Teijo's annotationsare reproducedas headnotesin Murai 1966.

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tayoriaru Won'tthe wind kazemo yafuku to blow sometidings Matsushimani to thiswaiting nun? yosetehisashiki So longdo theyawait the breeze- ama no tsuribune thesefishing boats at Matsushima.33 The textdoes not indicatewho Lady Dainagon was. Structurallythe verse dependsfor its effectupon theword "Matsushima,"a kakekotobaWt-F signify- ing "to wait" (matsu) and the place name Matsushima,and upon the double meaningof ama as "fisherman"and "nun." These meaningsare presentin the poem as it appears in Gyokuyowakashi and Sei Shonagon shi, but by provid- ing context-locatingthe poem's compositionin Matsushimaand identifying its authoras an aged nun-Matsushima nikkiclarifies and particularizesthe poet's use of thewords. It altersthe poem's nuanceby makingconcrete an utamakura Wkt("poem pillow") abstraction(Matsushima) and by impartingsig- nificanceto a formerlymeaningless pun (ama).34 In its Matsushima nikki context,the poem suggeststhat the nun (Sei Shonagon)awaited tidings from the capitallike thefishermen's boats awaita breeze.It seems to have been sufficient prooffor Ise Teijo (and some others)that the mysteriousnarrative was composed by Sei Shonagon. Having concludedthat Matsushima nikki was a late, lost workby the famed Makura no soshi author,Ise Teijo was facedwith resolving several problems in thetext. Perhaps the greatestof thesewas the inclusionof a seeminglyimpos- sible date. The Matsushimanikki narrator explains that"a certainpriest" was said to have come to Matsushimain or aroundthe fifth year of Kowa djli (1103). EmpressTeishi died in 1000, and ifSei Shonagonwas approximatelythirty-five yearsold at thetime, she would have been close to 140 years old in 1103, and several years older than that when she completed her diary. In a lengthy annotation,Teijo arguesthat the fifth year of Kowa is a mistakefor the fifth year of Chowa slM(1016).35 As the variousMatsushima nikki manuscripts contain

33 The poem is Gyokuyowakashu 1251/1252(compiled in 1312-1313). It is also containedin thetwo textuallines of Sei Shonagonsha: no. 26 in therufubon fiAi* text,and no. 22 in theihon -A* text.The Gyokuyowakasha and Sei Shonagonsha headnotessimply read, "Sent outto someone," and "Firstsent out to someone."Neither mentions Sei Shonagon's presencein Matsushima, or thatshe wrotethe poem in her old age. In place of tsuribune,"fishing boats," most Gyokuyo wakashu and Sei Shonagon shi versionsof thepoem give hashifunet U )*, a generalterm for a small boat. (Some Sei Shonagon sha manuscriptsin the rufubonline, however, cite thepoem as it appears in Matsushima nikki.See Inaga 1980, p. 290.) Hagitani Boku V$t; argues that hashifuneis correctbecause Sei Shonagonuses it in Makura no soshi. Hagitani 1986, pp. 69-72. 34 The termutamakura originally referred to handbooksof special phrasesand place-namesthat were usefulto poets in composingpoems. By thetwelfth century, however, the term had come to designate,in itsmost usual sense,meisho utamakura 1 ifitt, famousplace-names used in poems and listedas such in utamakurahandbooks. Kamens 1997, pp. 5 and 28-30. See also thediscussion below, pp. 149-50. 35 Murai 1966, pp. 132-33; Nakanishi 1998, p. 211. Teijo arguesthat Sei Shonagon made her journeyto the farnorth at a timebetween the death of Fujiwara no Michinaga in 1027 and the outbreakof fightingin Michinokubetween the armiesof Abe no Yoritoki {fgiIf (also known as Abe no Yoriyoshi tMSiA) and Minamotono YoriyoshiiSMii in 1051.

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 142 MonumentaNipponica 57:2 numerouscorruptions, the argument that a copyist,working from a cursivetext, accidentallymistranscribed the character A as ) is notimplausible. It is also possible,of course, that Kowa is nota mistake,or that a medievalor early modem author,writing in thepersona of Sei Shonagon,simply chose a Heianreign datewithout giving it close consideration. In additionto the problematic date, Teijo triedto accountfor the identities of severalindividuals mentioned in the text. He thusidentified the woman referred to by thehonorific "Her Majesty" as EmpressTeishi, and the "former minister ofthe left" as Fujiwarano Michinaga.Others required more effort. Teijo iden- tifiedthe "governor of Shimotsuke,"described as a relativeof thenarrator, as Kiyoharano AkitadaMUti,,, and his daughter,whom the narrator sets out to find,as thesister of Sei Shonagon'sfather, Kiyohara no Motosuke.To support thisargument, Teijo provideda diagramof the Kiyoharafamily tree with Fukayabui"?Z, Akitada'sfather, at thetop, and Sei Shonagon,Fukayabu's great-granddaughter,at the bottom.36 The scholaror thecollector sees whathe wantsto see,and in attemptingtoreconcile Matsushima nikki with existing his- toricalaccounts, Teijo wentfurther than some are preparedto accept.In the 1920sthe literary scholar Yamagishi Tokuhei [limr J{ questionedTeijo's iden- tificationof Sei Shonagon'saunt, as well as theveracity of his genealogy as a whole.Teijo evidentlyconstructed it, Yamagishi argued, by alteringprevious recordsaccording to his reading of Matsushima nikki.37 MarkJones has observedthat "each society, each generation, fakes the thing it covets most."38In the case of medieval and early modem Japaneseanti- quarians,one of thesethings seems to have been theunknown story of Sei Shonagon'slatter years. Like thepurportedly missing chapters of Genji monogatari ("Kumogakure" 2,.. in particular),39the mystery of Sei Shonagon's life afterEmpress Teishi's deathconstituted a distressinggap in earlymodem scholars' knowledgeof theHeian past. For Teijo, reachingthe end of a lifedevoted to studyof thepast, the possibility of fillingthis gap-uncovering the mystery- may have provedenough of a temptationto compromisehis objectivity.Some

36 Teijo's diagramis reproducedin Murai 1966, p. 130; and in Nakanishi1998, p. 218. 37 Yamagishi 1927, pp. 447-48. Yamagishi was also skepticalof Teij6's conclusion,based on his readingof Matsushimanikki, that after Teishi's death Sei Shonagon came to relyupon the wife of Fujiwara no Michinaga (pp. 445-46). Michinaga was the fatherof EmpressShoshi and theman responsiblefor Teishi's politicaldecline. In Teijo's defense,however, it shouldbe noted thatSei Sh6nagon was accused in herown lifetimeof partialitytoward Michinaga, as she reports in two Makura no soshi episodes (123 and 136 in theSankan-bon textual line; Watanabe 1991, pp. 167 and 187). Moreover,according to the spuriousMurasaki nikki E H E, which Katsura Taizo jAi dates to the Kamakuraperiod (see note 42 below), "the nun Sei Shonagon" once joined Murasaki Shikibu and Empress Shoshi-presumably afterTeishi's death-on a third- monthexcursion to Kitashirakawa1Lt)ll to view cherryblossoms (Katsura 1933, pp. 125 and 131). Despite Yamagishi's objections,Teijo's views thusare neitherinconsistent with the expec- tationsof some of Sei Shonagon's contemporaries(as Sei Shonagon herselfreports), nor with thoseof the Kamakura-periodauthor of Murasaki nikki. 38 Jones1990, p. 13. I am gratefulto Thomas Harperfor introducing me to thisbook. 39 Ii 1976, pp. 101-49.

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions KIMBROUGH:Apocryphal Texts and LiteraryIdentity 143 fifteenyears afterTeijo's seeminglyremarkable find, the eminentscholar MotooriNorinaga * 'fF suggestedas muchby dismissingMatsushima nikki as an obvious fake. In TamakatsumaTsIB, datingfrom between 1793 and 1801,Norinaga writes: Thereis a single-volumework by the name of Matsushima no nikki,purportedly a diaryof Sei Shonagon'sjourney in herold age to Matsushimain thefar north. It seemsextraordinary, but upon examination one can tellthat it is in facta flagrant forgery,a clumsy, utterly worthless composition. It readsas ifit werewritten by an antiquitiesscholar of recentyears. Of late therehave been any numberof instancesof forgeries like this. What kind of troubled mind would spend so much timeand effort in sucha uselesspursuit as attemptingto misleadothers?40 Norinagadescribes Matsushima nikki as an itsuwaribumi{iA, a "lyingtext," or, as I have translatedit, a "forgery."One mightsay thatthe textitself does not lie-its overtattributions to Sei Shonagonoccur only in thetitles and colophons of supposedlylater copyists. But, fromNorinaga's perspective,as a workof a laterage presentedas if it were by Sei Shonagon,Matsushima nikki constituted an egregiousfraud. As Mark Jonesexplains, the problem with fakes and forgeries is thatthey "loosen our hold on reality,deform and falsifyour understandingof thepast,"41 and it was thisthat drew Norinaga's ire. If authentic,a worklike Matsushimanikki would be valuable in thatit would bringus closer to thepast. As a laterfabrication, it succeeds onlyin leading us fartheraway. Severalforgeries had indeedcome to lightin orbefore Norinaga's time. These include Murasaki nikki A B WE,a diary purportedlykept by Murasaki Shikibu duringthe year in whichshe wroteGenji monogatari,42Suma no ki mo?Dj3,a diarysaid to have been writtenby Sugawara no MichizaneJ AU ,,43and Shiki monogatariVPLY$ , a miscellanytraditionally attributed to Kamo no Chomei rlXE:.44In whatmay have been an attackon thelate Ise Teijo himself,Norinaga castigatedthose who accepted such worksas authentic: Thosewho are truly perceptive can easily distinguish between the real and the fake, butsuch persons are few. Rather, the world is fullof those who cannot tell the one fromthe other, and so theyare taken in by complete forgeries, and they revere and extolthem in a mannerthat is mostpathetic and painful to watch. These days there aremany who seek rare and valuable texts, but one shouldbe sureto choose care- fully,keeping in mindthat much of what is extraordinaryis not genuine.45 40 Yoshikawa 1978, pp. 64-65. 41 Jones 1990, p. 16. 42 Murasaki nikki,also known as Beppon Murasaki Shikibunikki Jl]*VAft5 EH ", chronicles one year in the life of Murasaki Shikibu between 1001 and 1006. Katsura Taizo argues thatit dates fromthe Kamakura period. See Katsura 1933. 43 In a laterpart of the Tamakatsuma passage, Norinaganames Suma no ki,also knownas Kanke Suma no ki lWOAR, as anotherexample of a "flagrantforgery," an imijikiitsuwaribumi ai- U~~. 44 Shikimonogatari survives in two textuallines, the first of whichcontains an epilogue dated 1368 and thesecond of whichwas publishedin 1686. Yanase 1984. 45 Yoshikawa 1978, p. 65.

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Teijo was himselfnot unaware of the presence of forgeries, or of the need to distinguishthe fake from the authentic. In Teijozakki At JtCE, for example, com- piledbetween 1763 and his death in 1784,he writes: Thereare written works that contain the truth, there are those that contain lies, and thereare also thosethat contain mistakes. As fordistinguishing among them, if a personlacks the wisdom that comes from being widely read, such works will be difficultto tellapart. It is observedin Mencius that "to believe all thatone reads is worsethan not reading at all,"so itis ofno use ifone's judgment is notacute. It is difficultfor people without innate wisdom to makesuch distinctions, but should thosepeople read many works, then they should, on thewhole, be able to make distinctionsbased upon their acquired abilities.46 Whetheror notTeijo wouldhave includedhimself among those possessing "innatewisdom" is unknown.His tone,however, is self-assured,and he seems unlikelyto havequestioned his own powers of appraisal. DespiteTeij' s certaintyas to the authenticity ofMatsushima nikki, twentieth- centuryscholars have agreedwith Norinaga that it was not writtenby Sei Shonagon.Teijo's annotationsand postscript-acts of legitimate restoration, as he musthave seen them-are now regarded as contributionstothe perpetuation ofa fake.Yet not all have agreed with Norinaga' s confident dismissal ofMatsushima nikkias beingof recentorigin. Others have arguedthat even if notby Sei Shonagon,it maybe substantiallyolder than Norinaga surmised. The poetand authorBan Kokei {#XtZ,a close contemporaryofNorinaga, took up theissue in his miscellanyKanden kohitsu ftBMi (completedin thewinter of 1799). Providinga differenttheory for the work, Kokei writes: Thereis a textby the name of Matsushima no ki,said to have been written by Sei Shonagonas shetraveled to Michinoku after falling on hard times. There is noreal evidenceof this, however, and although it is wellwritten, itprobably concerns the wanderingsof someother court lady who became a nun.This has happenedwith countlessother people. For example, there is a workby the name of Kaidoki Ui_ d2.Its author is unknown,but because it is datedthe second year of Joo A [ 1223], it is mistakenlyattributed to [Kamono] Chomei.Also, the woodblock edition of Minamotono Chikayuki'sNWi5f travel journal of Ninji {Izt 3 [1242]-some say itwas byhis father, Mitsuyuki YTi--is attributedto Chomeias well.47 Matsushimanikki was nota forgeryat all, Kokei supposed, nor was itwritten in thepersona of Sei Shonagon.It was simplya misattributedtext-a work comparableto themedieval poetic travel journals Kaidoki and Tokankiko tf ,fr,,both of whichportray the wistful journeys of agingand anonymouspro- tagonistsfrom the capital in Kyototo Kamakurain theeast.48 Kokei's theory

46 Shimada 1986, vol. 4, p. 250. 47 Nihon ZuihitsuTaisei Henshubu1976b, p. 167. 48 Ironically,although Kokei correctlyrejects the argument that Kamo no Ch6meiwas theauthor of Tokan kiko (which Kokei refersto as the traveljournal of Minamoto no Chikayuki),his

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions KIMBROUGH:Apocryphal Texts and LiteraryIdentity 145 has its adherentseven today,49although it overlooksthe problems posed by the Matsushimanikki narrator's claim to have composedthe "Tayori aru" poem traditionallyattributed to Sei Shonagon. In themodem period, Yamagishi Tokuhei argued that Matsushima nikki com- prisesthe written, textual portions of a lost medievalpicture scroll by thename of Sei Shonagon ekotoba =f1filyti .50 There are recordsthat such a picture scrolldid once exist,and in the years since Yamagishi put forwardhis theory, additional evidence has come to light linking Matsushima nikki with Sei Shonagon ekotoba, includinga referencein a Zoku gunsho ruija Onffit inventoryin the Seikado Bunko !PAti- archives that equates the two.51 Yamagishi doubtedthat the workwas paintedas earlyas the Ninji era (1240- 1242), as the anonymouscolophon claims, but he concluded,on the basis of internallinguistic evidence, that it probablydates fromaround the early Muro- machi period:the mid-fourteenth through mid-fifteenth centuries.52 Yamagishi furthermorespeculated that Sei Shonagon ekotobamay itselfhave been based upon an older, more substantialnarrative of Sei Shonagon's journey-now lost-that was abridgedwhen the work was illustrated. In 1961, Tanaka JutaroFB41r*iJ publishedan articlein whichhe described one of fourunillustrated Matsushima nikki manuscripts in his possession.A second colophonaffixed to thismanuscript indicates that the work was transcribed in thethird month of 1462 by a certainMinamoto no Noritomo 1~A: Thirdyear of Kansho LIE [1462], latterthird of thetenth month. Matsushimanikki, in threevolumes, transcribed by Minamotono Noritomo.There were once illustrations,but theywere lateromitted. The textis providedin full. The illustrationsare said to have depictedSei Shonagon'sjourney and herdwelling in theprovinces. She came to live in Matsushima,where she composed thepoem, "To Matsushimasend yourtidings."53 It was because of this verse thatshe was knownas the"Nun of Matsushima."She was also called MatsushimaEnkau 4fi1 A; thiswas Sei Shonagon's Buddhistname in herold age.54 In additionto thiscolophon, Noritomo's manuscript-hereafter referred to as theNoritomo recension-contains brief descriptions, recorded in its page margins,

attributionof thework to Chikayukiis now discreditedas well. Like Matsushimanikki, Kaidoki and Tokan kikocontain brief prefaces, accounts of theirnarrators' travels (including references to utamakuravisited along theway), and shortdescriptions of timepassed at thenarrators' eventual destinations. 49 Niels Guelbergof Waseda Universityonce expressedto me a similaropinion that later readers may simplyhave misattributedMatsushima nikki to Sei Shonagon. 50 Yamagishi 1927. 51 Manaka 1962. 52 Yamagishi 1927, pp. 449-50. In datingthe workto thistime, Yamagishi points,in particular,to theuse of wordssuch as amaze J-lf (nun) and tsurenai DWtt7r,(accompany). 53 Noritomoquotes thethird and fourthsegments of theMatsushima nikki "Tayori aru" poem, traditionallyattributed to Sei Shonagon (Gyokuyowakasha 1251/1252). The two segments, Matsushimani yosete hisashiki, are writtenin Chinesecharacters in a man'yogana formatto main- tainthe stylisticconsistency of thecolophon, which is writtenin kanbun. 54 Tanaka 1961, pp. 53 and 481-82.

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 146 MonumentaNipponica 57:2 of each of the formerillustrations, as well as explanationsof theirprecise locationswithin the text.55 Ifgenuine, Noritomo' s colophon validates Yamagishi' s suppositionthat Matsushima nikki was composedas earlyas theMuromachi period,and it dates Noritomo's transcription ofthe manuscript to less thansev- enteenyears after the death of Prince Docho, from whose manuscript the earlier, anonymouscolophon author claimed to have made his copy. If Matsushimanikki indeed represents the surviving portions of a medieval, illustrated,fictive biography (or spuriousautobiography), can itstill be calleda "forgery"?Given his concernfor recovering the authentic character of Heian and earlierworks, Norinaga may have beenjustified in his use of theterm. Alternatively,however, Matsushima nikki might be identifiedas a fragmentof a creativework from the medieval literary and artistictraditions-an aestheti- cized,imaginative recomposition ofearlier setsuwa accounts of Sei Shonagon's exile and sufferingin herfinal years, inspired, in part,by the"Tayori aru" Matsushimapoem, and castin a first-personnarrative voice. Numerous illus- tratedbiographies-both factual and largely fictional-survive from the medie- valperiod, and it is perhapsas oneof these that the original Sei Shonagonekotoba oughtto be judged.56 Based bothon YamagishiTokuhei's linguistic analysis and on theevidence of Noritomo'scolophon (dated 1462) and the earlieranonymous colophon (whichdates its author's transcription ofMatsushima nikki to aroundthe first half of the fifteenthcentury), we can concludewith relative certainty that MatsushimanikkilSei Shonagon ekotoba dates from the thirteenth, fourteenth, or earlyfifteenth centuries: the mid-Kamakurato mid-Muromachiperiods. ManakaFujiko NlPSO?t-T notes that if the original, anonymous colophon is in factcorrect, the illustrated Matsushima nikki was commissionedbetween 1240 and1242, and thus dates from around the same time as Kaidoki(1223) and Tokan kiko(1242), the two other works in the medieval literary travel-journal genre to whichBan Kokei comparedit in thelate eighteenth century.57 If Matsushima

55 The illustrationdescriptions are listedin Tanaka 1961, pp. 53-54 and 482-83. They are pro- vided in bracketsin thefollowing translation of Matsushima nikki. According to NakanishiKenji (1997a, p. 2), seven of thethirty-eight extant Matsushima nikki manuscripts contain these illustrationdescriptions. There is an illustratedMatsushima nikki manuscript in theJingu Bunko 1gg Jt archives,but accordingto its colophon,the pictures were drawnin 1719 by a priestnamed Ninkai ,M, who composed themon the basis of a set of descriptionsidentical to those in the Noritomorecension (Tanaka 1961, pp. 54-55 and 484). Nakanishireproduces two of theseillus- trationsand discusses them,along withsimilar illustrations from the Tohoku Daigaku :L&tA and KakitaniYuzo 4iS-_H Matsushimanikki manuscripts, in Nakanishi1997a. The illustrations in theTohoku Daigaku manuscriptare also reproducedin Suzuki and Kureha 1981. A photograph of two pages fromthe Noritomorecension (including a descriptionof the illustrationof Sei Shonagon at Mt. Utsu -i [I ) servesas the second frontispieceto Tanaka 1971. 56 These worksinclude Ippen Shonineden --Af,^E, MatsuzakiTenjin engi ?&0ttSX* , and Saigyo monogatariemaki fif -rfa, all of which date fromthe Kamakuraperiod and which address respectivelythe lives of Ippen, Sugawara no Michizane, and Saigyo. Okudaira 1973. 57 Manaka 1962, p. 10. In termsof contentand format,Matsushima nikki might be compared to anyof thefifteen travel diaries in Fukuda 1990, as well as to the"Kaido kudari" a-IVT section

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions KIMBROUGH: ApocryphalTexts and LiteraryIdentity 147 nikkiis not simplya giko monogatariMiAtC , an earlymoder textwritten in an intentionallyancient style (in whichcase boththe Noritomo and anonymous colophons,as well as a colophondated 1530 in theInaga Keiji owas- recen- sion,58would have to be consideredfabrications), then perhaps it is amongthese earliersimilar works that it shouldbe classified.

MatsushimaNikki and thePoetic Path to Salvation As it survivestoday, Matsushima nikki is incomplete.Not only does it lack its formerillustrations, the text is rife with corruptionsand apparentelisions. Narrative transitionsare abrupt and awkward, lending an impression,as Yamagishi Tokuhei noted,that the workwas at some pointabridged.59 There are variousreferences to unknownpeople, places, and poems,including the two women-Shosho no Ama ,14yc)b t andJiju no Tsubone{f4t) -t~a-mentionedz in theopening passage as havingcome to miserableends, and theLady Dainagon said to have been theintended recipient of the"Tayori aru" Matsushimapoem. Despite thework's manyobscurities, however, with the aid of Ise Teijo's simple annotationsand Minamotono Noritomo'sdescriptions of themissing illustrations,it is possible to reconstructthe character of whatseems to have been an earlier,more completeMatsushima nikkilSei Shonagon ekotoba than is pre- servedtoday. Several of theextant Matsushima nikki manuscripts are dividedinto three sec- tions,presumably corresponding to the threescrolls of Sei Shonagon ekotoba. If we followIse Teijo' s explanationof thetext, the first of thesebegins at a time some monthsor years afterEmpress Teishi's death. Having lost her mistress, Sei Shonagon is left withoutsupport, and she sets out for the province of Michinokuin thefar north in searchof heraunt.60 Although somewhat extreme, heract is notwithout precedent in Heian fiction.In the"Minori" WSP chapter of Genji monogatari,for example, several of the women of Murasaki's salon choose to abandonthe capital at thedeath of their mistress, going off to thecoun- trysideto live in "remotemountain nunneries."61 In Matsushimanikki, describ- ingher intent, Sei Shonagonalludes to Ono no Komachi's famous"Wabinureba" poem.62She therebycalls forthan image of theunfortunate Heian woman poet

of Heike monogatari (episode 10:6 in the Kakuichi-bon at * text) concerningTaira no Shigehira's AFI journeyto Kamakurain 1184. For thelast, see Kajihara and Yamashita 1993, vol. 2, pp. 215-18; McCullough 1988, pp. 335-38. 58 Inaga 1980, p. 289. 59 Yamagishi 1927, p. 449. 60 For the sake of convenience(and in accordance withtradition), I referthroughout this sec- tionto theMatsushima nikki narrator and protagonistas Sei Shonagon. 61 Translationby Edward Seidensticker.Abe 1974, vol. 4, p. 502; Yamagishi 1962, vol. 4, p. 190; Seidensticker1976, p. 721. 62 Kokin wakasha 938, attributedto Ono no Komachi. Togetherwith its headnote,the poem reads, Composed in replyto Fun'ya no Yasuhide's ~fi4lA invitationto visithim at his post when he was made a third-rankingofficial of Mikawa province: b'hZE 6Va ti g J;g^^ - V) trL AT' ZotJ 6 -Atest Lj'ElSZ

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Ono no Komachi,who also is reportedin variousapocryphal sources to have wanderedthe countryside in herold age,abandoned and forlorn. In a largersense, Sei Shonagon'sMatsushima nikki journey is itselfa kindof literaryallusion because, for much of the narrative, she retraces the route of the tenth-centuryIse monogatariI{ ^NSfprotagonist (traditionally identified as Ariwarano NarihiraTEi1Z) as he traveledin apparentexile from the Heian capitalto thefar northeast.63 Early in hertrip, passing through the Koka FW regionof Omi province, Sei Shonagonrecalls Narihira by name: "Narihira, 'how I envy... ,'" shemurmurs, alluding to a poemcontained in Ise monogatariand attributedto Narihirain Gosen wakasha WiPItif .64 Ise monogataristates that "a man"composed the verse as he gazedupon the white waves of the ocean at theborder of Ise andOwari provinces, a border through which Sei Shonagonis soonto pass. In alludingto the poem, Sei Shonagonexpresses her own longing forthe place shehas leftbehind, seemingly identifying her circumstances with thoseof Narihira before her. Like theprotagonist in Ise monogatari,Sei Shonagonundertakes an arduous trekfrom the cultural center of Japan-the seat of imperial power-to the per- ilous periphery.Her journey is metaphoricof hersocial marginalizationafter EmpressTeishi's death,and in thisway it is similarto the Kojidan and Mumyozoshitales of Sei Shonagon'sremoval from the capital. Dressed in rags andreduced to beggingfrom strangers for her food, clothing, and lodging, she comesto occupy a positionon both the physical and social margins of the society

wabinureba Soaked withmisery- mi o ukikusano like thefloating grass ne o taete I would cut myroots sasou mizuaraba and floataway, inamuto zo omou shouldthe water invite - In Utatane PfIt:_ (ca. 1240), the nun Abutsu IPJ/SLrefers to thispoem in regardto her own travels.She alludes to it again in Izayoi nikkit-A/ HE (1279-1280), but thistime by saying thather journey is "not at the invitationof Fun'ya no Yasuhide"; it is promptedby a lawsuit instead.Fukuda 1990,pp. 171 and 183,respectively; Wallace 1988,p.410 (Utatane); McCullough 1990, p. 341 (Izayoi nikki). 63 In Ise monogatari,dan 7-9 concernthe man's journey east, dan 10-13, his residencein Musashi province,and dan 14, 15, 115, and 116, his residencein Michinoku.Exactly whythe man feltit necessaryto travelis unclear.Ise monogatarisimply explains that "it had become difficultfor him to remainin the capital,so he set out forthe east" (Katagiri 1972, p. 139). Later commentatorssupposed that the man (Narihira)fled the city because of a scandalin whichhe had eloped withFujiwara no Koshi Jqi6T, soon to be an imperialconsort. This is theapparent subject ofIse monogatari,dan 3-6. For an explanationof the affair, see McCullough 1968,pp. 45-49. 64 Ise monogatari,dan 7 (Katagiri 1972, p. 139). The poem is Gosen wakashu 1352, attributed to Ariwarano Narihira:

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions KIMBROUGH:Apocryphal Texts and LiteraryIdentity 149 in which she once numberedamong the elite. The lost Matsushimanikki ISei Shonagon ekotobaillustrations must have reinforcedthis point. At Mt. Utsu ! J0 LU,for example, she is said to have been depictedas a nunin a strawhat and raincoat,seated upon a rock. Her rainclotheshad "rottedthrough," as she her- self explains in an adjacentprose passage. Anotherillustration is said to have showna groupof mountainpeasants (yamagatsu Stiem)) climbing Mt. Ashigara JIMLLjwith the nun on theirbacks. The disparitybetween the youngerSei Shonagon in Makura no soshi, in which she deridesa throngof commonersat Hase KG templeas minomushiat, or "basket-worms,"65and herpresent state, whereshe mustrely on such people to carryher over themountain, is extreme. Despite her obvious degradation,in the course of herjourney Sei Shonagon does not abandon the aestheticand culturalconventions of the class thathas seeminglyrejected her. As a Heian courtpoet par excellence (or as a medieval recreationof one, at least) she visitsseveral utamakuraalong her way, and at fourof these-Yatsuhashi /A in Mikawa province,Mt. Utsu in Suruga province, the Shirakawa 6MJbarrier, and her finaldestination, Matsushima-she composes poems of her own. In this way she places herselfwithin the larger poetic traditionand findscamaraderie, it would seem, with the poets of old. Althoughher exile is self-imposed,her situation vis-a-vis the court is notentirely unlikethat of hercontemporary Fujiwara no Sanekata igr, (d. 998), who is reportedin Kojidan to have been exiled by EmperorIchijo withthe advice to "go offand see all thoseutamakura."66 Accordingto its mostcommon definition, an utamakurais a place or place- name made famous by its associationswith the poems and poets of the past. Haruo Shiranewrites that "for Heian courtpoets, who had no need to visitthe physicalutamakura, there was onlythe utamakura of thepoetic tradition:com- posingon utamakurameant travel without traveling."67 This mayhave been true forthe majority of Heian courtpoets, including even theeminent Noin tH11(b. 988), compilerof theearliest surviving utamakura handbook, who was rumored to have composed his famousverse aboutthe Shirakawabarrier while at home in thecapital.68 Utamakura took on a moreconcrete significance, however, for thoseassigned to distantposts or facingexile. As establishedsites in thecollec- tivepoetic imagination, utamakura represented islands of culturalfamiliarity in

65 Matsuo and Nagai 1974,p. 451; Watanabe 1991,p. 346; Morris1991, p. 254. "Basket-worms" is Morris's translation. 66 Kobayashi 1981, vol. 1, p. 144. Accordingto Kojidan, Sanekata upset the emperorby seiz- ing Fujiwara no Yukinari's IjiFfA cap and throwingit intoa gardenduring an argumentin the palace. 67 Shirane 1998, p. 235. 68 Accordingto theheadnote to Noin sha fitlJ 101,Noin composedhis verseon theShirakawa barrierwhile visitingit in the springof 1025 (Inukai 1994, p. 410). The setsuwa anthology Jikkinsho+tMII|' (dated 1252), however,reports that Noin wrotehis poem while in the capital. He hid at home and sat out in the sun to acquire a tan,after which he lied thathe had composed his versewhile traveling in thefar northeast. Asami 1997, pp. 397-98; Kamens 1997, pp. 151-54. Noin's Shirakawabarrier poem is also Goshai wakasha ft-MiVatt 518.

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 150 MonumentaNipponica 57:2 a sea ofregional unknowns. They were outposts of culture at oncebeyond and withinthe Heian culturalsphere. Reflecting this circumstance, in utamakura poesy,Edward Kamens has noted, one often finds "some rather desperate expres- sionsof the desire to defy time and change, efforts to ignore history, or to rewrite it,by emphasizingsameness-improbable samenesses, or unities,of visionor ofexperience, spanning disparate times."69 One mightthus suppose that for Sei Shonagonin Matsushimanikki, the act ofvisiting utamakura would be a meansof maintaining a connection to the traditionsof herformer life-a wayof remaining linked to thecourt, despite her physicalseparation from it, through her knowledge of geography and the poetic tradition.But referencesto utamakurain Matsushimanikki seldom confirm continuitywith the past. Passing through Mikawa province, for example, Sei Shonagoncomes to Yatsuhashi(Eight Bridges), a place whereeight plank bridges,splayed like the legs of a spider(kumode AFT), once spanned the eight branchesof a river.According to Ise monogatari,it was herethat the Ise pro- tagonistsat with his traveling companions in theshade of a treeand composed an acrostictravel poem expressing longing for his wife.Each segmentof his poem began witha syllableof theword kakitsubata, "iris," thus indicating the presenceof irises at the scene.70 For subsequent generations, the Ise monogatari episodehelped to define the essential characteristics ofYatsuhashi in both liter- atureand art.71 Whatcatches Sei Shonagon's attention,however, are the changes wrought in thesite. Arriving in lateautumn, she finds neither irises (according to the illus- trationdescription), nor shade, nor bridges. Observing the transformation, she composesa poemof her own: b At t ZI3M^+@ET t 0 5 ffiZ,55g3-?3 t0P 43Zb5t c3Up Z 7fSU monoomou Witheredwillow branches kumodeno mizuni provideno shade- chiriukabu theirscattered leaves floatupon

69 Kamens 1997, p. 38. 70 Ise monogatari,dan 9 (Katagiri 1972, p. 140): ffib tSA -L- s 72S `ttj: tl '-S;'t b 7 t hs7 7 b karagoromo A wifeI have at home kitsutsunarenishi as familiaras thehem tsumashi areba of a well-wornCathay robe- harubarukinuru so bitterthe journey, tabi o shi zo omou so manymiles have I come. The poem is also Kokinwakasha 410, whereit is attributedto Ariwarano Narihira. 71 Heike monogatari,for example, alludes to thepoem in connectionwith Taira no Shigehira's passage throughMikawa province(10:6 in theKakuichi-bon text; Kajihara and Yamashita 1993, vol. 2, p. 216; and McCullough 1988,p. 336). It is citedin Noin utamakuratRfltft (Sasaki 1957, p. 93), and discussed (along withtwo otherYatsuhashi poems) in the poetic treatiseToshiyori zuino {MfOWiiN(ca. 1115), by Minamotono Toshiyori(Shunrai) AdM. Hashimoto 1975, pp. 133-34. In art,Yatsuhashi has been associatedwith the Ise irisessince theHeian period.

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kare-eno yanagi thebrooding waters omokagemo nashi ofthe eight-channel spider legs. The Eight Bridges have rottedthrough, and in the desolation of autumn- suggestive of both Sei Shonagon's advancing years and her own internal gloom-the once-greenwillow providesno shade. In her role as a courtpoet, Sei Shonagon fails to confirmthe unchangingabstraction of the utamakura Yatsuhashi;rather, in hernewfound, essentially medieval identity as a Buddhist nun,she calls attentionto theimpermanence that the changing seasons imply.72 As Sei Shonagon travels,she endurescontinual deprivation and hardship. While notunexpected, these difficulties are significantto thereligious implica- tionsof her trek.The firstMatsushima nikkilSei Shonagon ekotobaillustration reportedlyshowed Sei Shonagon settingout on her quest as a solitarynun. In takingto theroad, she takesto thepath of theBuddha. Herjourney is a spiritual as well as a physical one, as she herselfnotes of her passage throughOmi province:"The yellowgrasses I takeat nightfor my pillow," she says, speaking of thepains of sleepingin theopen fields,"all forthe sake of futureenlightenment."As Hamanaka Osamu 'MrP4has observed,in theHeian and medievallit- eraryconvention of thefallen court lady, the suffering that a woman enduresis oftenrepresented not only as a karmicresult of thedecadence of heryouth, but also as a kindof asceticBuddhist practice.73 This is how Sei Shonagonsees her own plight,and she accepts it as a means of purification,exorcising her of the accumulatedexcesses of herpast. On herjourney from the capital, a symbolof thedelusion of herformer life, Sei Shonagonexperiences visions suggesting her own futureenlightenment. As proofof theefficacy of hertravails, Amida Buddha appears to her as she stays in a lodginghouse in the village of Tomaya Tto- ) in Izu province,and he assuresher that she will be rebornin theEastern Pure Land of Yakushi Nyorai gl0ff0ia.Although one mightexpect Amida to promise rebirthin his own WesternPure Land, thereference to a PureLand inthe east gives special meaning to Sei Shonagon's journey:as she travelseastward, away fromthe capital,she drawsincreasingly near her final, spiritual destination. Later, at Matsushima,she reportsthat "whether waking in theearly morning or sleepingin thenight," she hears"an incessantvoice" foretellingher enlightenment. Although riddled with doubtsuntil the end, she is presumablyassured salvationby these miraculous revelations. As Matsushimanikki approaches its conclusion,Sei Shonagonfinds her aunt (accordingto Ise Teij' s interpretation)on a smallisland, Miyakojima Sga, near Matsushima. The name Miyakojima, literally"Capital Island," most likely

72 Sei Shonagon's poetic representationof the desolate severityof Yatsuhashiin wintermay also reflectthe influence of an anachronistic,thirteenth-century Shinkokin ~&l aesthetic.In referenceto Yatsuhashi,the authors of Utataneand Tokankiko similarly noted the absence of irises. Fukuda 1990, pp. 173 and 135, respectively;Wallace 1988, p. 412 (Utatane); McCullough 1990, p. 428 (Tokan kiko). 73 Hamanaka 1996, pp. 60 and 235.

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 152 MonumentaNipponica 57:2 derivesfrom an episode in Ise monogatariin which the protagonist tells a woman withwhom he has been livingin Michinokuthat he intendsto returnto the capital.The womanserves him sake at a placecalled Okinoite Miyakojima -4 0 X T -l, whereshe recites a partingpoem containing the name of the island.74 For Sei Shonagon,having traced the Ise protagonist'spath to thefar northeast ona seemingpilgrimage from utamakura to utamakura, Miyakojima is anappro- priatedestination. While for the Ise protagonistitmarked the point from which he woulddepart once again for the capital, Miyakojima is Sei Shonagon'sfinal abode in theprovinces, her "capital" in thenorth, a place of bothliterary sig- nificanceand austere spiritual possibility. Sei Shonagon's aunteventually passes away, and Matsushima nikki concludes in a mannersimilar to how it begins:with Sei Shonagonthinking back on EmpressTeishi and Fujiwara no Michinaga,the Mido lordXI*S. Despiteher religiousdevotion and two miraculous revelations, she remains conflicted until theend. Like thefictional Genji at Sumaand Akashi WJE, she is tornbetween herdesire for spiritual release and her lingering attachment to theworld; like Kamono Chomeiin Hojoki?itcE, she passes her final recorded moments in a stateof uncertainty.75 Her ambivalence reflects Heian and medieval literary con- vention,and thus,at theinvented end of herlife, she is castonce againin an establishedrole suitable to herstatus in themedieval cultural imagination.

Sei Shonagon,Seiganji, and a MedievalProselytizing Tradition Matsushimanikki's strong Pure Land Buddhist orientation, revealed in Amida's miraculousappearance and Sei Shonagon'sdevotion to the nenbutsu (the practiceof chanting Amida' s name),may be a clueto its origins. In accordancewith theprinciple of hoben yff5(expedient means), Heian and medievalpreacher- entertainers,known variously as shodoshiPgHh4, sekkyoshi ifiSTl, etoki hoshi ,i^S gS,biwa hoshi Mitgi, andKumano bikuni fitrLE/TE, frequently illus- tratedtheir sermons with poems and accounts of famous literary figures. Stories ofSei Shonagon,Izumi Shikibu, Ono no Komachi,Murasaki Shikibu, and other Heianwomen authors served as a meansto attract and entertain audiences while

74 Ise monogatari,dan 115 (Katagiri 1972, p. 229). The poem is also Kokin wakasha 1104, attributedto Ono no Komachi. The Kokin wakashi headnote reads, "[Composed at] Okinoi Miyakojimaa - ) XA U I ": -t a) ( -Cr4;e t< a tzb7Z fSa> U 7gI < h7f fS) o Okinoite Sadder than mi o yakuyori mo to be seared kanashikiwa by thecoals of Okinoite- Miyakoshimabe no thisparting wakare narikeri at the shoresof Miyakojima. There is actuallya small uninhabitedisland by thename of Miyakojimain Matsushimabay, but whetheror not it is the island describedin Ise monogatariis unknown.It comprisesa mere5.6 square meters.Nichigai Associates 1991, p. 499. 75 The authorof Kaidoki expressesa similarspiritual anxiety, despite having become a monk. See, forexample, Fukuda 1990, pp. 117-18 (discussed in Keene 1989, p. 117).

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions KIMBROUGH: Apocryphal Texts and LiteraryIdentity 153 propagatingBuddhist teachings and collectingdonations. Matsushima nikki may have evolved,in part,out ofjust such a tradition. There is reason to believe thatthe medieval monks (and possibly nuns) of Seiganji NiN temple,in centralKyoto, employed in theirpreaching a fictional storyof Sei Shonagonand herachievement of rebirthin Amida' s WesternPara- dise.76A Kamakura-periodhandwritten masugatabon t$fff (a small square bookletof thekind carried by itinerantmonks and nunsas theypreached) suggests as much.Carrying the double titleIzumi Shikibu ojo no kotof[1nngt ' (An Accountof Izumi Shikibu's Rebirthin thePure Land) and SeiganjiAmida no koto l04sSSIr il (A Story of the Seiganji Amida), thisbooklet-apparently thetext or outlineof a Seiganji sermon-relateshow Izumi Shikibucame to rely upon the statue of Amida Buddha at Seiganji. It also refersbriefly to Sei Shonagon's own affiliationwith the temple.77 Of herit states: Sei Shonagon,daughter of thegovernor of Higo, [Kiyoharano] Motosuke,was lady-in-waitingtoEmpress Teishi. Her appearance was enticingly lovely, her mind subtleand profound. She, too, achieved rebirth in thePure Land whileshe was at thistemple. Once whenshe was appointedlady chamberlain and received a summonsfrom the empress, [she recited,] 7+-'7 -/-?t0 ~ )I,,[V] J 0 ~ $-t asamashiya Whatcan I say? kakaru[hachisu] no The dew has cometo rest tsuyuo oki,unnun uponthe [lotus], etc.78 The account is spare and the poem, abbreviated.The characterfor hachisu (lotus) in theverse's second segmentis illegible,but it can be interpolatedfrom a more elaboraterendition of the storyin RakuyoSeiganji engi i~MAilOVir (firsttextual line), a Seiganji-sponsoredhistory of the temple that Yoshida Koichi TiE~H- suggestswas composed in a fund-raisingcampaign for temple reconstructionafter a firein 1467.79According to this temple history, Sei Shonagon became a nun at Seiganji, builtherself a hutbeside the main templehall, and devotedher remaining years to the sole practiceof the nenbutsu.Upon receiv- ing a summonsfrom the court, she is said to have replied: ant Lb 4xV D f3-a-C-5-T tXtD 0t ti^7 b /

76 On theissue of nunsat Seiganji, see Kimbrough2001. 77 IzumiShikibu ojo no kotolSeiganjiAmida no kotois preservedin theKanazawa Bunko lR 3~ archives.It is photographicallyreproduced and typesetin a Kanazawa Bunko expositioncat- alogue, Kanagawa KenritsuKanazawa Bunko 1997, pp. 27-29. The Izumi Shikibuportion of the account is also typesetin Tsukudo 1976, pp. 319-20; it is translatedin Kimbrough1999, pp. 116-18. 78 Asamashi ya is an exclamationof surprise.Sei Sh6nagonimplies that the summonshas left her speechless. 79 Yoshida has tracedthe firsttextual line of RakuyoSeiganji engi to ca. 1477, but the single extantmanuscript, the Sonkeikaku Bunko tI43Z* recension,dates from ca. 1680, whenit was transcribedfrom a copy of a copy of theoriginal Seiganji manuscript.Yoshida 1966, pp. 6b-8b. The Sei Shonagonaccount is typesetin Yoshida 1966,pp. 4-5; and translatedin Kimbrough1999, pp. 123-24.

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asamashiya Whatcan I say? kakaruhachisu no The dew has cometo rest tsuyuo okite uponthe lotus. ukiyono chirini How thencould I soil myself ikagakegaren in thedust of this world of sorrow? The poem and its surroundingstory are based upon a similarpoem-story in theSankan-bon, Noin-bon, and Maeda-ke-bon ~1m B1 t* textsof Makura no soshi; the poem-storyis also included in Senzai wakashui fDf TJiu and in Sei Shonagon sha.80According to theseworks, Sei Shonagoncomposed her verse whenshe was visitinga temple"named Bodai 45 ." The Bodai (or Bodaiji) temple to which Sei Shonagonrefers is unknown,and althoughit has been a subject of controversy,81there is no reason to thinkthat it was Seiganji. Rather, Seiganji proselytizersappear to have appropriatedthe Makura no soshi episode as a meansof promoting their own templein theKamakura and Muromachi periods. In effectthey transformed the earlier poem-story, which Ikeda Kikan AfiF M, proposeswas suggestiveof a desireon Sei Shonagon's partto takereligious vows, intoa fictionalaccount of a decadentcourt lady who gave up herwicked ways at Seiganji.82 That the monksand nuns of Seiganji made creativeuse of an existingstory comes as no greatsurprise. For theproselytizer-entertainers of Heian and medieval Japan,historical accuracy was farless importantthan actual spiritualand financialresults. Tenporin hiden (seppo hijo) 6XVI~ (iMt?V,), a twelfth- centurydiscourse on theprinciples and practicesof preaching (shodo Pim), actu- ally advises proselytizersagainst employing old poems and anecdoteswithout adaptingthem first.83 As itsauthor explains, if one can inspiredevotion, "it does

80 Watanabe 1991, p. 42 (Sankan-bon);Matsuo and Nagai 1974,pp. 115-16 (Noin-bon);Morris 1991, p. 55. The poem and itsaccount are absentfrom the Sakai-bon t* textof Makura no soshi. See Senzai wakashu 1206, attributedto Sei Shonagon; and Sei Shonagonshu 18:

motometemo Althoughyou beckon, kakaruhachisu no thedew has come to rest tsuyuo okite upon thelotus. ukiyoni mata wa How thencould I return kaeru monoka wa to thisworld of sorrow? In the second textualline of RakuyoSeiganji engi (ca. 1574-1591, accordingto Yoshida 1966), Sei Shonagon's poem is nearlyidentical to the originalMakura no soshi verse upon whichthe "Asamashi ya" poem is based. Hanawa 1929, 218b. 81 Tanaka 1972, vol. 4, pp. 316b-17b. 82 Ikeda notesthat Sei Shonagoncould onlyhave stayedon at thetemple by taking vows. Quoted in Tanaka 1972, vol. 4, p. 316a. Thereis additionalevidence of Seiganji's use ofthe Sei Sh6nagon storyin medievalproselytizing and fund-raising:a Kamakura-period Seiganji engihanging scroll in the Kyoto National Museum incorporatesthe Sei Sh6nagonaccount in its paintedrepresenta- tion of Seiganji history.Records indicatethat it was used in etoki(picture-explaining) perfor- mancesfor Emperor Go-Tsuchimikado ?t?rPW (in theeighth month of 1477) and forthe courtier NakamikadoNobutane qPiPlWJI (in thefourth month of 1502). 1999, 126-31. 83 Kimbrough pp. Kiyamaforthcoming; Mabuchi and Taguchi2000, p. 12. Tenporinhiden (seppo hijo), "Secret

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions KIMBROUGH: Apocryphal Texts and LiteraryIdentity 155 not mattermuch what you preach."84This was thenature of hoben,introduced by theBuddha himself:the notion that an untruthcould servethe ultimate pur- pose ofbringing people to theTruth. It was willingnessof this sort to alterpoems and biographicalaccounts that led to the spreadin thelate Heian and medieval periods of diverse,overlapping, and oftenconflicting tales of Sei Shonagon, Izumi Shikibu,Ono no Komachi,and otherwomen poets. In additionto Matsushimanikki and the Seiganji-relatedaccounts, dubious tales of Sei Shonagon wanderingthe island of Shikokuin her old age prolifer- ated in the seventeenthand eighteenthcenturies as well. Sei Shonagon's earli- est associationwith Shikoku is containedin theepilogue to theNoin-bon text of Makura no soshi mentionedabove (p. 137), accordingto which she was once seen in Awa provincehanging out greens and mumblingabout the past. In Kanden kohitsu,Ban Kokei recountsa storyof Sei Shonagon's ghostreciting a poem in someone's dreamwhen her grave marker was to be moved,and he lists threedifferent places in Shikoku-two in Sanuki provinceand one in Awa-in which she was said to be buried.85The storyof Sei Shonagon in Shikokuwas apparentlyso well-knownin the seventeenth century that the historian Kurokawa DoyiuM)JlSIi reportedin his voluminousEnpekiken ki aFRBd (completedin 1675) thatSaigyo iST himselfonce soughtout Sei Shonagon's gravethere.86 In the 1930s Yanagita Kunio OJEPBHI}1argued thatthe various tales of Sei Shonagon in Shikokuwere spreadby itinerant,storytelling nuns. Because the storytellerstended to be identifiedwith the women in theirstories, he suggested, the nuns' graves came to be confusedwith those of Ono no Komachi, Izumi Shikibu,and Sei Shonagon.87Yanagita' s theoryis intriguing,particularly in light of itsimplications for the shaping of Heian literaryidentity in medievaland early modem Japan. Matsushima nikki may itself have roots in the storytelling

Transmissionson Turningthe Dharma Wheel, or SecretArticles on Expoundingthe Dharma," is translatedin full in Lorinda Kiyama's forthcomingdissertation, "Performative Preaching: The Artand Politicsof Persuasionin Medieval Japan"(Stanford University). I am gratefulto Kiyama forintroducing me to thistext, and forsharing her translation with me priorto thecompletion of her dissertation.Translation of the titleis by Kiyama. On the basis of internalevidence, Abe Yasuro P-In[R1 has suggestedthat the Tenporin hiden author was a monkat theTendai complex on Mt. Hiei (Mabuchi and Taguchi 2000, p. 4). The varioussurviving Tendai Lotus Sutra com- mentaries(compiled at Tendai dangishoA^ fi, or seminaries,in thefifteenth and sixteenthcen- turies)contain further evidence of the Tendai school's use of poems and fictionalaccounts of Heian women authors(Izumi Shikibuin particular)in medievalproselytizing. Kimbrough 1999, pp. 94-114; Kimbrough2001. 84 Translationtaken from Kiyama forthcoming;Mabuchi and Taguchi 2000, p. 12. 85 Nihon ZuihitsuTaisei Henshabu 1976b, p. 167. Similarstories of Sei Shonagon's ghostare cited in Ichiwa ichigen 4i-I- (1775-1822), Shoso zatsuji /I\, t (Edo period), Kitoku hyakkasen f14tf{tW1(1851), and Konpira-gaki *tPggE (mid-to-lateEdo period). Kishigami 1958, pp. 413-16; Tanaka 1964; Ishihara1975. Awa meishozue gfISfi ' (1811) containsan illustrationof Sei Shonagon's tombwithin its woodblock-printedillustration of theIsozaki 0^ shore (Matsubara 1981, pp. 499 and 544, note 35). Accordingto Kyo warabe ,,c (1658), Sei Shonagonis buriedat Seiganji. Takemura1979, p. 9b. 86 Nihon ZuihitsuTaisei Henshabu 1976a, p. 171. 87 Yanagita 1931, pp. 285-86; Yanagita 1932, p. 356.

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 156 MonumentaNipponica 57:2 traditionsof womensuch as these.It is clear,in anycase, that consideration of Heianliterary personae, whether those of such seemingly secular figures as Sei Shonagonand her peers, or those of specifically Buddhist figures, such as Kukai 9By andHonen Mi, mustinclude the proselytizing activities of the groups and institutionsengaged in disseminatingtheir tales in thepremodern period. Sincethe time of Motoori Norinaga scholars have agreed that Matsushima nikki was notwritten by Sei Shonagon,and they have largely ignored it as a result.If notby her, the reasoning seems to have been, then Matsushima nikki can shed no lighton Sei Shonagon's life, poems, or Pillow Book. Generally speaking, however, readers'perceptions of an author tend to affect their interpretations ofthe author' s work.Understanding such perceptions, whether based in factor fiction,is thus essentialto comprehending thehistorical reception of a work.Because contempo- raryevaluations tend to be influencedby the opinions of audiences past, such an understandingis also necessaryto grasp our own inherited partialities and biases. In thecase of Sei Shonagonand her oeuvre, the various apocryphal accounts ofher life in the years after Teishi's death have exerted an undeniableinfluence. This is perhapsmost apparent in Ise Teijo's Matsushimanikki postscript, in whichhe bringshis discoveryof Matsushimanikki to bearon his readingof Makurano soshiby contrasting the "wretched and forlorn" circumstances ofthe courtlady's latteryears with the "splendorand haughtiness"of her youth. Anotherexample is theepilogue to theNoin-bon text of Makurano soshi,in whichthe account of Sei Shonagon's poverty in Shikoku is incorporatedinto the manuscriptitself. It was exactlythese types of misguided,ahistorical associ- ationsthat were at theheart of Norinaga'sanger over the misattribution of Matsushimanikki. Despite its artificiality, byreinforcing the stereotypes of ear- lierSei Shonagonsetsuwa, Matsushima nikki posed a threatto theintegrity of readers'understandings ofthe true nature of Sei Shonagonand her work. Sei Shonagonand other prominent poets of the Heian court, including Izumi Shikibu,Ono no Komachi,Ariwara no Narihira,and Saigyo,are most widely knowntoday for the "authentic" works that they themselves composed. In ear- liercenturies, however, these and other authors were known both for their own accomplishmentsand for the variety of accounts that either purported todescribe or werespuriously attributed to them.As one of these,Matsushima nikki is rememberedtoday primarily as a curiosity,an exampleof a premodernliterary fraud.But, it is also an intriguingtext in itsown right, and it merits consideration,both as a fragmentof an earlierfictional, illustrated biography-Sei Shonagonekotoba-and for the role that it has played,along with the various otherapocryphal accounts, in the reception of Sei Shonagonand her work in the medievaland early modern periods.

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SECTIONI

As forHer Majesty's passing,the departedgrow ever more distant,and even memoryfades to oblivion.Surely the world has seen manya sad end-Shosho no Ama and Jijuno Tsubone lived on in dreadfullydiminished circumstances, sufferingmore humiliationthan dogs in a commonhouse in the capital. How difficultit must have been forthem to hide theirdecrepit selves as theyears took theirtoll. Still,ours is notthe fate of thethousand-year pine, so would theyhave tiredof calling upon the greatAmida to receive them?As forme, mightI not feel an anxious attachmentfor even such a dwellingas theirs,once I had grown accustomedto it? Who would criticizean old womanfor her journey, even thoughshe be absent fromthe "Palace of Logs"?88The despairin my heartthese severalyears goes withoutsaying, but thanksto the guidance of an old acquaintance,the wife of the formerminister of the left,I have lived withoutgreat hardship. Although knowingthat on thisday I will take my finalleave, I am notfrightened now of even thearea aroundKiyomizu CfTi, where warriors have tauntedme in recent weeks.89The governorof Shimotsukeis a relativeof mine,and so, relyingon his daughterto be the eventualweir to catch me as I floatout on the "inviting water,"90I setmy heart on Michinoku,leaving the capital today in theseason of late-autumnrains.91

THIS TRANSLATIONis based on the Zoku gunsho ruija manuscriptof Ise Teijo's annotatedtext, typesetwith the double titleSei Shonagon ekotoba and Matsushimanikki, in Hanawa and Ota 1972, pp. 138-43 and 211. The illustrationdescriptions (listed in Tanaka 1961, pp. 53-54 and 482-83) are translatedfrom the Noritomo recension of thework. 88 The "Palace of Logs" (ki no marodono)referred originally to a simple,makeshift palace, as in thekagura "Asakura" OIt (Tsuchihashiand Konishi 1957, pp. 350-51), or in therelated poem attributedto EmperorTenji 7W (r. 668-671) in Toshiyorizuino MOWNfif'~(ca. 1115), Waka domosho 1[iki[ (ca. 1118-1127), Ogisho ai1 (ca. 1135-1144), and Shinkokinwakasha 1689. Here it indicatessimply the court.The Shinkokinwakasha versionof thepoem attributed to Tenji reads: b* ODANOSR-.b S1 ' O 0 ; Ub- f-T< I!t7V-f Asakura ya As I sit in the ki no marodononi AsakuraPalace of Logs, waga oreba whose childrenare these nanori o shitsutsu who announcethemselves yukuwa ta ga ko zo and thenwithdraw? 89 This maybe an oblique referenceto themurder of Sei Shonagon's olderbrother Kiyohara no Munenobunear Kiyomizutemple in thethird month of 1017. Suzuki and Kureha 1983, pp. 4-5. See also p. 136 above. 90 This is an allusion to Kokinwakasha 938, attributedto Ono no Komachi. See note 62. 91 As notedabove, Ise Teijo identifies"Her Majesty" as EmpressTeishi, the "formerminister

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M atsushima "bS Konoya

0 Shirakawabarrier

/ Koga crossing

aQ ( Mt. Ashigara Kiyomibarrier ^ K6kaokan Mt. Utsu,*r is^himagahara

Heian' T- /Ise coast Sayo no Nakayama Yatsuhashi so Narumi

0 Sei Shnagons jouney accoding to Matsushima nikki Sei Shonagon'sjourney according to Matsushima nikki.

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[Illustration:a nun settingout fromthe capital on a journey,with the palace com- pound paintedin thebackground.] My second nightfrom the capital I lodge in the districtof Koka near the Ise road. Hearingthat this is in theprovince of Omi, I pass a nightand a day watch- ing clouds driftin the directionof Ishiyama 5EL and Mii temple _iz, mur- muringto myself,"Ah, Narihira,'how I envy ...'"92 The yellow grassesI take at nightfor my pillow-all forthe sake of futureenlightenment. Waking in the night,and in theearly mornings when day is slow to break,I watchthe lingering bits of cloud vanishin thelight of dawn as if ashamed. On thisroad I need nothurry. "I don't know about a nun undertakinga journeyof ascetic practice.. ." the innkeeperfrets. "And you're travelingalone." The sun has risenhigh when rain clouds gather.Suffering on withouta straw hator raincoat,I borrowan old pairfrom an utterstranger on theroad. We travel on together,and as thatperson knows the area well, I followunafraid. I've lost countof thedays since leavingthe capital. Today-can itbe myfifth day out?- I look over theblue expanse of theIse sea. The wavingsleeves of thosedancers who came to live in thepalace so long ago ... enchantingthoughts such as these springto mind. I pass a lodge-townby the name of Narumi ngit,and continueon well past the post stationsbeyond. AlthoughI have long heard of Mikawa ("Three Rivers") province,the name belies thetruth. Distressingly, the Eight Bridges at Yatsuhashihave all rottedthrough.93 The shade of thegreen willow is no more, and masses of dried,fallen leaves floatstrangely in the water.As I ponderthe sight,my heart aches withpain. mono omou Witheredwillow branches kumodeno mizu ni provide no shade- chiriukabu theirscattered leaves floatupon kare-e no yanagi the broodingwaters omokage mo nashi of the eight-channelspider legs. [Illustration:a nuncomposing a poem. Thereare no irises-only theEight Bridges. Willow trees,withered by thewinter, are drawnbeside theriver.] I continueon past Sayo no Nakayama ~ a 09 P LUand entermountains so deep

of theleft" as Fujiwara no Michinaga,the "governorof Shimotsuke[province]" as Kiyoharano Akitada,and his daughteras Sei Shonagon's aunt,the sisterof Sei Shonagon's fatherKiyohara no Motosuke. 92 Sei Shonagonalludes to a poem containedin Ise monogatari,dan 7, and attributedto Ariwara no Narihirain Gosen wakasha 1352. See note 64 and p. 148 above. While forNarihira it is the sightof "the lapping,returning waves" thatarouses feelingsof longingfor the place he has left behind,for Sei Shonagon it is theclouds driftingback to thecapital. 93 For the associationsof thisutamakura, see pp. 150-51.

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 160 Monumenta Nipponica 57:2 thatI cannotdistinguish between up, down,and straightahead.94 As I climbMt. Utsu in Surugaprovince, my fellow travelers are few.My strawhat and raincoat have rottedthrough, and I situpon a rockbeside theroad to rest. [Illustration:a nun wearing a strawhat and raincoat, sitting on a rockat Mt. Utsu.]

Utsuno yama MountUtsu: utsutsumo yume mo realityand dream onaji yo ni in thissame world. tsuino wakareya My finalparting- itsuto sadamen whenis itto come?95 I cross Kiyomibarrier "i~..96 Fromplace to place I am struckwith the lone- liness of myjourney. There is a womanreturning from gathering seaweed, and to ease myheart, I ask herto give me some. "You don't speak thelocal dialect," thewoman says,marveling that I am fromthe capital. A coat of frostwill serve to ward offthe dew, I think,and I decide to resthere for a day or two. Gazing intothe distance, I see clouds gatheredaround the peak of Mt. Ashigara itiLU. These old legs are notlikely to make it thatfar. A travelerhelps me on to Ukishimagahara Sg rJ. My journeycannot take me ever onward,for it snows and sleetstoday, and my strawsandals are heavy. Holy men performobservances in a place called Tomayanosatoe I2e? , and it is herethat I stayto see in theNew Year.97

94 Sayo no Nakayama (also Saya no Nakayama) in Totomiprovince was knownas a difficult stretchof the Tokaido *i4M, or EasternSea Road. The name appears in the poems of Ki no Tomonori,2rdIJ and Saigyo (Kokinwakasha 594 and Shinkokinwakasha 987), amongothers. 95 Mt. Utsu is famousas theplace at whichthe man of Ise monogatari(dan 9) encounteredan acquaintancefrom the capital and entrustedhim with a message. The authorsof Tokankiko and Izayoi nikkiboth refer the storywhen theycome to Mt. Utsu (Fukuda 1990, p. 143 and p. 192; McCullough 1990, p. 435 and p. 355). In thesame sectionthe Ise protagonistcomposes a poem playing on the words utsu, the name of the mountain,and utsutsu,"reality" (also Shinkokin wakasha 904):

Suruga naru By MountUtsu Utsu no yamabe no in Suruga, utsutsuni mo neitherawake yumeni mo hitoni norin dreams awanu narikeri do I see you at all. The medieval Saigyo monogatarirelates that the twelfth-century poet-priest Saigyo, upon visit- ing Mt. Utsu,recalled Narihira's composition of thisverse. Yokoyama and Matsumoto1977, pp. 246b-47a; Heldt 1997, p. 502; and McKinney1998, p. 50. Sei Shonagon'spoem similarlyalludes to it witha play on thewords utsu and utsutsu. 96 An importantutamakura, Kiyomi barrier is thesubject of numerouspoems, including one by Saigyo (Sankasha W*l1 324). Sei Shonagonincludes it in herown listof barriersin Makura no soshi (dan 114 in theNoin-bon and dan 107 in theSankan-bon textual line; Matsuo and Nagai 1974, pp. 245-46; and Watanabe 1991, pp. 150-51). 97 Tomayanosato is unknown,but the names Ukishimagaharaand Mt. Ashigara are both preservedin poetry.In Saigyo monogatari,Saigyo composes a verse incorporatingthe name

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SECTIONII

As forthe winter, I spendit in theholy men's lodginghouse.98 [Illustration:a group of old menand women gathered before a Buddhaat theholy men'slodging-house; an old mandrinking sake off to theside.] With the firewoodgone and no means of collectingwater, there is no way to wash myhair. Tomorrow will be New Year's Day, so an aged lay devotee and severalwomen devotees gather at theholy men's lodginghouse and make offer- ingsof shikimi and pineto celebratethe Spirit Festival.9 Tonightthe ocean rages and a wind howls along thebeach, blowingup sand like whiteflurries of winter.Actual snow falls as well,and we bur torchesof pine to illuminatethe night. Withthe wind blowing through his stragglybeard, the aged lay devotee drinks down a bottleof warmsake. Late at night,a firesuddenly breaks out in a village at thefoot of the mountain.Before our veryeyes all thehouses are reducedto ash. The holy men and the old man are not the least taken aback; withouta thoughtfor tomorrow's obligations, they chant the nenbutsu until dawn. [Illustration:a burning village at thefoot of Mt. Ashigara.] Althoughby thecalendar it is now spring,few come and go, and no men are to be seen settingout to travel.It snows so hardthat we cannoteven go outside. Somehow we get throughthe second month,and even here the thirdmonth arrives,but the blossoms and the chirpingcries of birds minglingin the mist weigh myheart with sin. On thetwentieth night of the third month, Amida and his awesome hostappear beforeme as I doze. "You shall be rebornin theJeweled Land to theEast,"100 I

Ukishimagahara(Sankasha 1307), and he alludes to a poem, whichhe attributesto Fujiwara no Sanekata OYYA:), containingthe name Mt. Ashigara(Yokoyama and Matsumoto1977, p. 247b; Heldt 1997, p. 503; McKinney 1998, p. 51). The Ashigarabarrier is included at the end of Sei Shonagon's list of barriersin theNoin-bon text of Makura no soshi, dan 114. 98 Sei Shonagon's choice of dwellingsis a naturalone, especially in thatshe is a nun. Amino Yoshihiko f =lfi explainsthat sobo fftS,lodging houses formonks and nuns,were prevalent in themedieval period, and forwomen traveling alone, theytended to be saferthan inns operated by laymen(Amino 1994, pp. 239-40). In Towazugatari & ftT7c 0 (ca. 1307), Lady Nijo-+ explainsto EmperorGo-Fukakusa 13t- thatshe oftenstayed in sobo when she traveledalone. On one occasion when she did not (in Wachi fSia in Bingo province),the master of thehouse in whichshe was a guestsought to keep heragainst her will as his servant.Misumi 1994, pp. 209-10 and 219-21; and Brazell 1973, pp. 223 and 233-36. Brazell translatessobo as "cloisters." 99 In his annotationof thispassage, Ise Teijo quotes a passage fromMakura no soshi concern- ing theyuzuriha MA tree(Daphniphyllum macropodum) and the use of its leaves in the Spirit Festival (TamamatsuriAd) held on thelast day of thetwelfth month. Murai 1966, p. 131. Both yuzurihaand shikimiti (Illicium anisatum) are evergreensand were used as offerings.The Makura no soshi passage is in Watanabe 1991, p. 57; Matsuo and Nagai 1974, p. 133; Morris 1991, pp. 66-67. 100The JeweledLand to the East (tohojoruri sekai kt~S1tt ) is the home of Yakushi Nyorai.Matsushima nikki refers to thisas higashi rurino kuni~TSMCD

This content downloaded from 150.210.226.99 on Thu, 13 Nov 2014 12:40:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 162 MonumentaNipponica 57:2 sensethat I am told.Upon awaking, I takeleave ofthe leader of the holy men andprepare to setout again for Michinoku. Amusingly, of the lay devotees jos- tledtogether there, ten of them, including a young man by the name of Taro and hisyounger brother Jir6, as boorishas wildboars, wake from their slumber and proposeto carryme on theirbacks over the mountain ridge. Their offer is difficultto refuse, and I ascendthe mountain as theyhave invited. As we climb,my heartfeels as if it willburst, but this is no place to escapemy sins, and I am helpedon overthe ridge. [Illustration:a group of mountain peasants (yamagatsu) climbing Mt. Ashigara witha nunon their backs.] Wanderingon forten more days, I cometo a placecalled Koga iMiIcrossing atthe edge of the Musashi plain.101 I ask a passingtraveler about the way ahead, and concerningShirakawa i1 barrier,102the person tells me, "The border guardstreat women-even old ones-withcontempt. I suppose you'll run into somepretty serious trouble." I am frightened, but continue on. When I reachthe barrier,I pass throughwithout incident. The guard is a kind-heartedperson-he dividesup hisprovisions of parched rice to sharewith me. I walkon, chanting a poemin myheart:

na o sae mo Even in name isa Shirakawano theShirakawa barrier guard sekimorino is misunderstood. ikani magaete Howdid he mistake them, kakurunamida zo thesetears that I shed?103 [Illustration:a Shirakawa barrier guard giving parched rice to a nun.] I sufferon fortwenty more days, and come to a placecalled Konoya IE?Jo in theMiyagi region of Michinoku.104I hearthat the Shimotsukegovernor 101 Koga no watari(Koga crossing),which lies at thewestern edge of present-dayIbaraki pre- fecture,is mentionedin Man'yoshi 3577/3555. 102 The Shirakawabarrier, gateway to Michinoku,the far northeast, is a majorutamakura. Noin places it second in his list of fourbarriers "about whichone oughtto compose,if one is to compose on barriers"(Sasaki 1957, p. 75). The otherthree barriers in Noin's list are theOsaka jik barrieron theTokaido nearOtsu, the Koromo A barrierin thefar northeast beyond Hiraizumi l A, and the Fuwa T*f barrieron the Tokaido at SekigaharaPA -rW. Sei Shonagon includesthe Shirakawabarrier in herMakura no soshi list of barriers.Matsuo and Nagai 1974, pp. 245-46; Watanabe 1991, pp. 150-51. 103 Isa Shirakawaworks as a kindof kakekotoba,suggesting the phrase isa shirazu,"completely unknown(or misunderstood),"and signifyingthe place name Shirakawa(White River) barrier. Accordingto his name,the Shirakawa barrier guard (Shirakawa no sekimori)ought to block (seku) theShirakawa river, in thiscase a metaphorfor Sei Shonagon's own "riverof tears."Rather than dryingher eyes, however,by his extraordinarygenerosity he causes herto weep, demonstrating the inappropriatenessof his name. More freelytranslated, the last two lines of the poem might read, "Did he mistakethem for the river, / these tears that I shed?" 104 Tagajo 1St1J,the fortress erected in theNara period,was also knownas K6, as theprovin- cial headquarterswas establishedthere.

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Akitada's daughterresides further on at theKiriya estate I r)- itE,but when I seek herout, I am surprisedto learnthat she has leftthere to live in Matsushima- the charminginlet, I am told,of whichone hears even in the capital.105Upon arriving,however, I can findno one who knows anythingabout her. Some people build me a shack by a nearbymonks' dormitory,and I settledown here to live. [Illustration:the scenery of Matsushimabay; a nunliving in a lean-tobeside a monks'dormitory.]

SECTION III

THIS year,too, has now come to an end.106As forwhere the years have gone, we have herea certainpriest-a veryholy man-who is theson of a noble in the capital. Hearingthat he had come here aroundthe fifth year of Kowa [1103], I asked himabout Lord Akitada's daughter,the nun. He toldme thatshe was liv- ing on an island called Miyakojimaand had devotedherself to the way of the Buddha.107 I immediatelywent to see her. [Illustration:two nuns' tearful reunion at a thatchedhut on an island.] Withtears to markour reunion,there was nothingthat either of us needed to say or explain. "What betterplace thanthis to pass the sad monthsand years chantingthe Buddha's holyname? We will notleave," we vowed, and made our home here. The nun passed away in thefollowing year. She was six yearsyounger than I-how sad to die first!It is writtenin a certainsutra that "the Buddhas abhor theinversion of therites," and althoughthis may be true,one may notpostpone theend simplyby accumulatinggoodness and avoidingsin. Hearing thatLady Dainagon was a relativeof the formergovernor of this island,I thoughtto send hera message: tayoriaru Won't the wind kaze mo ya fuku to blow some tidings Matsushima ni to thiswaiting nun? yosetehisashiki So longdo theyawait the breeze- ama no tsuribune thesefishing boats at Matsushima.108

105 Matsushimais one of themost important utamakura in thenortheast. Its prominenceresults fromits inclusionin an unusuallylarge numberof poems. In waka, it is commonlyassociated withfishermen (ama 6?) and theautumn moon. Noin listsMatsushima in his Noin utamakura (Sasaki 1957, p. 96). 106The thirdsection of thework begins with a curiouschange in tone.Sei Shonagonis suddenly older,and now writingof thepast, she tells of how she came to be reunitedwith the daughter of thegovernor of Shimotsukeseveral years before. 107 For theimplications of thename Miyakojima,see pp. 151-52 and note 74. 108 For thediscussion of thispoem, see pp. 140-41 and note 33.

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I composedthis and sent it to her. From that time on, whether waking in the early morningor sleepingin thenight, I cameto hearan incessantvoice foretelling myimmediate enlightenment. Thesesix years until today-"such a hardroad," they say-and thoughI, too, mightthink to "go home,"to leavethis world behind,109 who, without permis- sion,would make such a resolve?By whatkarmic bond from the past is itso difficultfor me to entrustmyself to mypractice as thesepriests here do?ll0 [Illustration:a single nun in a thatchedhut reading a sutrabefore a statueof the Buddha.] Fruitlesslythe waves drift out to sea, their destination none other than the briny sleevesof the fisherman-this nun-weary from bitterly gathering seaweed.

tachinurete Standingdrenched, shiohino katani exhaustingherself mio tsukusu on thesalty shore- ama no uramio to whommight this fisherwoman tareni harukemu expressher bitter heart? Theserecent years my heart is troubledmore than usual. I am unsteadyon my feet,and greetingsfrom the capital have grown few. Her Majesty's visage, or eventhe crowning glory of the Mido lord-are they any more real than a dream? How mightthey be judgedin thesacred heart of the Buddha?

109 Ise Teijo identifiesthis as an allusionto Kokinwakasha 388, attributedto Minamotono Sane fi , d. 900 (Murai 1966, p. 133). Togetherwith its headnote,the poem reads: Composed when thepeople seeing him offfrom Yamasaki LLWOto the Kannabi tr7. forest were reluctantto turnback, loatheto part:

ADS0 ODct M t6 G is, < X:;- i4 t O 1 La() OTC rYt 7 T hitoyarino No one compels us michinaranaku ni on ourjourney, okata wa and such a hardroad, ikiushito iite mostwould say- iza kaerinamu so, let's turnback home! Ikiushimeans "difficult/painfulto proceed" ("hardroad"), but also suggests"difficult/painful to live," and it is thissense to whichSei Shonagonalludes. 110 -C U Ise Teijo glosses the word translated as "practice," joshitsu '3, as At, literally "med- itationroom." In Yamagishi Tokuhei's renderingof the text(1927, p. 455), theword is glossed yiL. As thefollowing illustration caption suggests, it mightalso referto an ascetic's hut,3t.

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