Social Science Review Vol. 1 No. 1 July-Decmber 2020/ 76 - 86

Ethno-Religious Conflicts and the Efficacy of Peace Strategies in Kaduna State

JAMO Idris Ahmed Department of Public Administration, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria

This study examines the causes of ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna state and the efficacy of some peace strategies undertaken in the state. Both primary and secondary sources were utilized. Interviews were conducted with religious and traditional rulers in the state using Sample size was obtained using Yamane's (1967; 886) formula, Purposive sampling method. Questionnaires were administered to members of the public across the three Local Governments in the three senatorial districts in the state. Marxian theory was used as the theoretical framework for analysis. Descriptive statistics was used to analyse quantitative data. Findings of the study indicate that government responses to security challenges in Kaduna state have been effective and recommended that such strategies should be improved and maintained. Government should improve grazing reserves in the state and more collaboration with the members of the public in its fight against insecurity. Keywords: Conflicts, Ethnic, Religious, Peace Strategies.

Introduction Conflicts in most societies occur in form of antagonistic relationship between two or more parties who perceive each other as threat to their goals or interest. Conflicts have been with human societies since the beginning of creation, and are found in every society and stages of life. Individuals, groups, associations, cities, societies, national and even the world community have experienced one form of conflicts or the other. Conflicts are therefore a permanent, inevitable and perpetual feature of life, which need to be cautiously handled. Poorly managed conflicts may degenerate to violent or destruction which can destabilize societal peace, security and development. Where ever it occurs, conflict has devastating consequences. Since the return of the Nigeria to democratic rule in 1999, there have been recurring conflicts, indiscriminate killings; banditry and criminality of violent dimensions have become means of achieving interests of desperate nationals. Kaduna State has been one of the melting pot and theatre of such violent conflicts. Being a multi-ethnic state and a base of the northern elites, the state can be considered as a mini- Nigeria. This diversity has significant impact on socio-cultural, political, economic and religious existence of the people of the state. Thus, such diversity breeds conflicts and tensions among the nationalities that constitute the state. What mostly exists is mutual suspicion and lack of cordiality among various ethnic components (Fawole, 2011). Ethno-religious conflicts are part of issues that are of serious concern in Kaduna state. In response to that, various measures were proposed and implemented, yet conflicts continue to reincarnate in various dimensions. For instance the establishment of chiefdoms, village and district councils in the southern Kaduna state, establishment of customary and Outer Courts, the increase of employment opportunities to the southern Kaduna indigenes, appointment of the southern Kaduna indigenes to some key political positions, compensation of the aggrieved parsons and the establishment of military formations in Southern Kaduna etcetera. This called for reassessment of the causes and efficacy of strategies for curtailing of such conflicts. Previous studies have concentrated on the causes of conflicts in Nigeria. On the contrary this study concentrate on ethno-religious conflicts and previous peace and security strategies implemented in Kaduna. Emphasis on the present democratic dispensation was made due to recurring conflicts within the period of the study. The study assumes that (i) government has effectively managed ethno-religious conflicts in the Kaduna state (ii) security agencies have effectively managed ethno-religious conflicts in the Kaduna state(iii) religious leaders contributes to sustainable peace and security in Kaduna state. The paper is divided into four sections; the first is the introduction of the study, method of data collection of the study and finally the background to ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna state. Section two contains the literature and theoretical framework for the study. Section three present data of the study drawn from questionnaires and interviews conducted, while section four is presents findings of the study and drew conclusion and recommendations based on the research findings.

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Methodology of Data Collection and Analysis The study is empirical utilized both the primary and secondary sources. For the primary source, questionnaires were designed to generate responses from the members of the public.

Population of the Study Kaduna state has a population of 6.1 million (NPC, 2006) with over 60 ethnic groups. The population of the selected LGs is 1,090,467 as presented in table 1. Three Local Governments (LGs) (Zaria, Kaduna North and Zangon Kataf LGs) one from each senatorial district in Kaduna state were selected due to frequent ethno-religious conflicts in the LGs. The LGs also reflects multicultural diversities in the state. Interviews were conducted with traditional and religious leaders in the state. Quantitative data gathered were analysed using simple percentage and Descriptive statistics.

Table 1: Population of the study and the sample population per Local Government S/No. Local Governments Population Percentage % Percentage of the sample po p. % 1 Zaria 406,990 37.319 149.276 2 Kaduna North 364,575 33.430 133.720 3 Zangon Kataf 318,991 29.252 117.008 4 Total 1,090,467 100% 400 Sour ce: Researchers' computation, 2020. Table 1 shows number of population of the study area per each LG, the table indicate that Zaria Local Government has the highest population with 406,990 (37.312%) and sample population of (149.276%) followed by Kaduna North with 364,575 (33.430%) and sample population of (133.720%). Zangon Kataf has the least population of 318,991(117.008%) and sample population of (117.008%).

Table 2: Questionnaires Administered and Returned S/No. Local Questionnaires Questionnaires Governments ad ministered % returned % 1 Zaria 149(37.2) 143 (35.75) 2 Kaduna North 134 (33.5) 127 (31.75) 3 Zangon Kataf 117(29.2) 111 (27.75) 4 Total 400(100) 381 (95.25) Source: Researchers' computation, 2020 Table 2 shows the number of questionnaires administered and returned. The table indicates that out of total of 149 (37.2%) questionnaires administered to respondents in Zaria Local Government 143 (35.75%) questionnaires were dully filled and returned, while for Kaduna North LG. out of 117 questionnaires 127 (31.75%) were dully filled and returned, whereas Zangon Kataf LG. out of 117(29.2%) questionnaires, 111(27.75%) were returned. Sample size: Sample size was obtained using Yamane's (1967; 886) formula as expressed by Israel (1992:1) is used as follows: n = N/1+N(e)2,Where n= sample size,N = total population = 1,090,466,e= level of significance (95%).n= /1+1,090,556 (95%),= 1,090,467(0.0025),=2,726.1675, = 1,090,467 / 2,726.1675, = 400.0326.

Background to Major Ethno-religious Conflicts in Kaduna State The contemporary Kaduna state is a conglomeration of many ethnic groups. The area of the old Zaria emirate and is made up of two broad cultural segments. The first is the Muslim Hausa-Fulani group which constitute about 60 per cent of the emirate population, occupies mainly the northern part of the province and dominates the structure of traditional governance of the area. The second is the Christian minorities composing of about thirty tribes located in the southern and western half of the territory (Egiegba,

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2013).There are indeed political, cultural and religious cleavages between the majority Hausa-Fulani and minority ethnic groups of the southern Kaduna. These cleavages have been strengthened by the economic inequality between the two groups. Though the southern Kaduna is more blessed with heavier rainfall and denser woodland than northern Zaria, but the southern Kaduna people are generally relatively more underdeveloped and poorer than the northern part of Kaduna state. This perceived hegemony had led to political protest by the Kaje ethnic group in 1942 and the 1948 Zangon Katab riots (Egiegba, 2013: 3). These protests were a time reinforced by violence and marked the beginnings of what is considered as demand for political recognition and participation by the southern minority ethnic groups. Such protests were usually fuelled during periods of major political developments or tensions, such as the demise of the Emir or of a Fulani district head in southern Zaria. e.g. the protest organized after the crowning of the present emir of Jema'a. Among the demands of the southern Kaduna people include, substantial autonomy and control over local matters; the indigenization of all district head appointments in southern Kaduna; complete separation from Zazzau emirate and creation of new and independent chiefdoms for all the southern Zaria tribes; the establishment of a Customary Court of Appeal for non-Muslim groups to complement the existing Sharia Court of Appeal; and the creation of new state for the southern Kaduna people. In reaction to these, successive governments responded to these demands. However, despite of all the efforts, the crises tend to metamorphosed from one to the other; For instance, the Kasuwan Magani crisis in the then Kachia LGA of 1981 which emanated when some Adara people planned to uproot Hausa-Fulani traders whom were regarded as “settlers” over the Adara land. The conflicts led to the loss of lives and properties worth millions of naira. Many people (mostly Hausa/Fulani) were forced to migrate. Failure to effectively manage the conflict, another conflict reincarnated in Kafanchan in March 1987. The conflict started as a result of religious disagreements between Muslim and Christian students of the Kafanchan Teachers College of Jemaa LG.The crisis was instigated by one Rev. Bako who used provocative preaching and quoting the Qur'an out of context. The conflicts quickly spread into the Kafanchan town and rekindled the old hatred between the Muslim Hausa-Fulani and the Christian and/or pagan of the southern Zaria. This followed by the February 1992 Zangon Kataf conflict between the Hausa-Fulani of Zangon Kataf and the Kataf people of the area in the February 1992.The crisis can be linked to the January 1992 announcement of the relocation of the Zango weekly market from the Hausa-dominated town centre to a new site on the suburbs area of Zango town by the chairman of the Zangon Kataf LG, Juri Babang Ayok. This relocation of the proposed site to the part of the Muslim annual Eid praying ground was resisted by the Hausa community in Zango who sought for legal action by obtaining a court injunction, with accompanying police protection and restrained the relocation. This had led to clashes on the 6th of February 1992 which resulted to the death of more than 1200 persons, 252 others were injured, 133 houses and 26 farmlands were destroyed. As a response, the Kaduna State Government inaugurated a commission of inquiry headed by Justice Rahila Cudjoe with mandate to investigate into the February 1992 clashes in Zango. The failure of the police to arrest and prosecute those implicated in the February 1992 riots led to broke up of another crisis in May 1992 and spread to some LGs in the state. The crises led to the death of 421, 518 injured, 229 houses and 218 vehicles were destroyed. The Cudjoe Commission collated and submitted its reports to the Governor Alhaji Dabo Mohammed Lere, in June 1992.The committee recommended taking of appropriate disciplinary action against other persons implicated in the conflicts. Another crisis also exploded in 2000 following the attempt to introduce Shariah legal system in the state (Adebayo, 2010). Although the Sharia legal system has its legal justification in the 1999 Nigerian constitution, but was perceived by the Christian minorities in Kaduna state as an effort to Islamatized them. In reaction to that, demonstrations were mounted and escalated into violence between the Muslims mostly Hausa-Fulani and the Christian minorities within the state which led to the death of an estimated 3000 people (Sampson, 2012; Okpanachi, 2012). Another crisis erupted on the eve of Nigeria's hosting of the Miss World beauty pageant in November 2002, when This day newspaper published an article which was considered insulting remarks linking the Prophet Mohammed (SAW) to the event. Over 200 people were killed in subsequent rioting in Kaduna (Jamo, 2014).The 2011 post-election violence was another crisis that erupted in some parts of the northern Nigeria, the crisis precipitated in the southern Kaduna mainly in Zonkowa, Mitsirga, Kafanchan and Kwoi. The conflict according to SOKAMUDA claimed the lives of one thousands Muslims Hausa-Fulani in the southern

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Kaduna alone. However, there were several ethnically motivated attacks in the southern Kaduna state, such as attack on the Chief of Jere Dr. Sa'ad Usman on 3rd of January 2014, attacks on the Kachia urban community. Another ethno-religious conflict erupted on the October 2018 which led to the death of at least 55 people among both ethnic groups. It has been estimated that ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna state have claimed of about 20,000 lives (Hoffmann, 2017).Though conflict is inevitable in a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society like Kaduna state, it is paramount to understand the real causes of such skirmishes so as to develop strategic and sustainable peace. What makes conflicts reoccurring is that after the neutralization of each conflicts in the State, commissions of inquiry into the crises are set up with the view to investigate the causes and to bring lasting solution to the matter, however, another conflict will still reoccur which indicate that some critical elements that are yet to be addressed creates another favourable environment for its reoccurrence (Lamorde, 2018).

Literature Review and Theoretical Framework: Ethno-religious Conflicts in Kaduna State Analysis of the causes for ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna state indicates that there are multiple factors. These includes economic competitions related to quest for land resources, political competition including traditional authority and political office, clash of values among adherents of different religion and ethnicity perpetuated by religious manipulations. Thus, there is no universally acceptable definition of ethnicity; however, it may refer to as collection of people who share the same primordial characteristics such as common ancestry, language and culture. It also denotes the behaviour and feeling (about oneself and others) that supposedly emanate from membership of an ethnic group (Egwu, 1999:4).Hence, an ethnic group is not a mere aggregate of people but a self-conscious collection of people united, or closely related by shared experiences and a common history. Ethnic conflict therefore, mean cleavages between groups based on differentiations in ethnic identities (Khalid, 2012:4). While religion may be considered as a body of truths, laws and rites by which man is subordinated to the transcendent being. It involved a set of rules and regulations ordained by supernatural being to its believers or followers. Religion is therefore an important instrument that controls moral and the general lives of the people (Adeniyi, 1993: 3). Religion is an attempt by man to explain and comprehend issues related to the workings of the supernatural or a system of beliefs and practices by which a group of people interpret and respond to what they feel is supernatural and sacred (Gofwen, 2004 in Sule, 2015).

Conflict may also be perceived as: “…the pursuit of incompatible interests and goals by different groups…armed conflict is the resort to the use of force and armed violence in the pursuit of incompatible interests and goals”. Ethnic conflict is therefore “an armed conflict between ethnic groups often as a result of nationalism”. Whereas Religious Conflict can be perceived religious if the cause for the conflict is built on religious disagreement (Sule, 2015). It usually occurs when people believed that their religion is superior to other religions. Ethno-religious conflict is a conflict that caused by both religion and ethnicity. In plural states like Nigeria, there is a very strong connection or overlap between ethnic and religious boundaries. There are hardly having demarcations between the two. Emeka (2001) study using Marxian outlook related the incidents of ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria to socio-economic and political management of post- colonial Nigeria which engendered political and economic struggles among the different ethnic and religious groups. This was occasioned by the pervasive poverty in the country which was utilized as a tool for ethnic and religious manipulation by the political elites. Supporting this view Egwu (2001) argued that, economic difficulties are the main bases for ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria since 1980s with the introduction of Structural Adjustment Program (SAP). But Adamu (2001) in the study of ethno-religious crises in Kaduna and Jos discovered that religion is being misused and manipulated by the elites to achieve social, political and economic advantages. This is in line with Usman ( 1981) view which he discovered that, most of the perceived ethno-religious crises in Kaduna and other parts of the country are in actual fact nothing but manipulation of religion and ethnicity by the ruling elites for their economic advantages (Sule, 2015). This coincides with Osaghae (1994) and Usman (1986) studies which observed that the emergence and particularly, the persistence of ethnic antagonism in Kaduna state to the manipulation of ethnicity and

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religious by elites in their competition for economic resources and political power. Also, Osaghae (1994) further emphasized that, ethnic violence gets exacerbated during the process of democratization. This is because people's attention becomes focused on whom controls state power and the distribution of resources (Jamo, 2014).An act of what is considered as insult to other religion contributes to ethno religious conflicts in Kaduna state as evidenced in the Kafanchan conflict of March 1987 and the Miss World beauty pageant in November 2002 (Background to conflicts, 2010). Similarly, Ugwu (2009) observed that conflicts in Kaduna state were mainly engendered by ethnicity and supported by religious factors, further added that, long outstanding disagreement, rumours, ethnicity and poverty are parts of the reasons for intense ethno- religious conflicts in the state. But Lukman (2008) observed that, conflicts generally arise out of mistrust, hostility and polarization of relations among groups, a time in a competitive setting. Plural societies like Kaduna State are bound to have experienced one form of conflict or the other. Such conflicts are being coloured in ethnic or religious colours irrespective of its genesis. But, Sule (2015) observed that, mass media contributes immensely to the increasing conflicts in northern Nigeria where reports of conflicts reflects the interests of the reporters, editors, geographical localities, ethnic and religious attachments of the owners or editors. But Lake (2019) related the recurring conflicts in Kaduna to the non-implementation of the recommendations made by the numerous reports of the committees set up to do so. While Shehu (2014) observed that occupational differences among the people of Kaduna state have over the years intensified conflicts in recent years. Thus the Fulani migration a time generates conflicts due to land encroachment which lead to reprisal attacks by farmers (Shehu, 2014).This shows that most of the ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna state are economic rather but turn to ethnic or religious.

Theoretical Framework Marxian (18181883)Theory: The Marxian perspective is based on the premise that, the material condition is what shaped the ideas or determine the form of religion of the people. i.e. religious beliefs evolved out of the material condition of people's existence. He contends that the material world shaped the peoples' beliefs. This means that the economic system basically determined the peoples' beliefs (Acton,1967). Thus, the mode of production determined the type of religion that is dominant in any society. Therefore, the change in the base of the society leads to change in the superstructure such as religion. Marx regarded religion as an integrative force, a means of generating feelings of togetherness, shared values and common bonds. Marx perceived religion as mere tool and social control mechanism held by the ruling class to enforce their ideological domination over weaker classes so as to maintain and perpetuate their own interests within the society. This is term as manipulative role of religion.

Strategies taken to reduce Ethno Religious Crises in the Southern Kaduna (i)There was effort to prohibit discriminatory acts by Native Authority officials against the people of the southern Kaduna. This was aimed at surmounting all forms of discrimination against non-Hausa Fulani communities of the southern Kaduna. (ii)Deliberate effort was made to promote political decentralization through the establishment of village and district councils in the southern Kaduna. This was aimed at giving the southern Kaduna communities sense of belonging and closer to their leaders.(iii) Establishment of customary and Outer Courts so as to facilitate participation of the southern Kaduna communities in Zazzau emirate affairs and to complement Shari'a courts in the Northern Nigeria. (iv) Efforts were made to increase employment opportunities to the indigenes of the southern Kaduna in the Zazzau emirate and Native Authority council. This was in reaction to non-inclusion of the southern Kaduna indigenes in the administration of the Native Authority councils. (v) Efforts were made to establish new Native Authority departments and increase welfare projects in the southern Kaduna. This was made to improve standard of living of the southern Kaduna communities.(vi) Creation of additional new chiefdoms, villages, districts and wards in the southern Kaduna by the previous state governments. New chiefs/Kings, village, district and ward heads were installed among the tribal men of the area. Efforts were made to establish new chiefdoms for the southern Kaduna communities and transfer of independent districts of Kwai, Kagarko and Moroa from Zaria to Jema'a Province. (vii) Appointment of the southern Kaduna indigenes to some key political positions including deputy governors, ministerial positions, commissioners, director general and

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board members of the parastartals. This effort has been due to agitation of marginalization of the southern Kaduna indigenes in the administration of the state and the country (Suberu, 1996).(viii) Part of the efforts made by the present administration was the inaugurating of a committee headed by Gen. Martin Lurther Agwai (rtd) in 2015 to review the reports of previous panels of enquiries into the crisis in the state with the view of recommending the lasting measures that would stem the reoccurrences. The report also observed that the attacks by some herdsmen in some parts of southern Kaduna in 2016 were raids to avenge the loss of their cattle in the areas during the post-election violence. In reaction to that, several parsons have been apprehended by the security agencies and are now facing trials. (ix) The present Kaduna state governor also embarked on compensation of the aggrieved parsons who have lost their relations during the previous crises (This day, 01, 04, 2017). To this end, as part of the appeasement process and to stop counter attacks, the governor traced the aggrieved Fulani herdsmen to Cameroon and Niger Republic and paid them compensation (Daily trust, December, 29 2016). (iix) Establishment of military formations in Southern Kaduna; one in Fadan Karshi in Sanga and the second one in Kauru Local Government area. The presence of these two military formations assists in securing lives and properties. It also provides quick response to any act of criminality and the maintenance of law and order. Data Presentation: This section presents data gathered from the respondents contacted in Zaria, Kaduna North and Zangon Kataf LGs. Questionnaires were administered to respondents, information collected were presented as follows:

Table 3: Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents Gender Frequency Percentage % Male 238 62

Female 143 38 Total 381 100 Age Frequ ency Percentag e % 17-30 175 45.9 31-40 93 24.4 41-50 57 14.9 51-60 34 8.9 60 and above 22 5.7

Total 381 100 Education attended Arabic education 22 5.77 Pri ma ry 43 11.05 Secondary 187 49.08 Tertiary 129 33.85 Total 381 100 Religion

Islam 259 61 Christia nity 122 39 T rad itio nal Ni l Nil Total 381 100

Source: Researchers' Survey , 2020 Table 3 presents demographic characteristics of the respondents; the table indicates that out of 381(100%) respondents contacted, 238 (62%) are male while 143 (38%) are female. The table also indicates that, 175 (45.9%) and 93 (24.4%) of the respondents are between 17-30 and 31-40years respectively. 57 (14.9%) and 34 (8.9%) of the respondents are within 41-50 and 51-60 years respectively. Finally 22 (5.77%) of the respondents are above 60 years old. The table also shows that 65 (16.82%) of the respondents possess either primary or Arabic educational certificates, while 187 (49.08%) of the respondents attended Secondary school and tertiary institutions. The table finally indicates that 259(61%) of the respondents are Muslims,

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while 122 (39%) are Christians. This shows that majority of the respondents contacted in the three LGs are Muslims. This may likely due to distributions of Muslims in those areas contacted.

Table 4: Respondents’ Period of Residence in Kaduna State. Question Period/Years Frequency Percentage % How long 0-5 22 5.77 have you 6-10 48 12.59 been in 11 -15 53 13.91 Kaduna 16 -20 105 27.55 State? 21 -25 102 26.77 26 and above 51 13.38 Total 381 100 Source: Researchers' Survey, 2020 Table 4 shows that 22 (5.77%) and 48 (12.59%) of the respondents resided in Kaduna between 0-5 and 6-10 years respectively. 53 (13.91%) and 105(27.55%) resided between 11-15 and 16-20 years respectively. While 102 (26.77%) of the respondents are within 21-25 years, 51 (13.38%) of the respondents are 26 years and above.

Table 5: Number of Violent Conflicts Witnessed by the Respondents in Kaduna State Question No. of Frequency Percentage conflicts % witnessed How many 0 16 4.19 conflicts 1 44 11.54 have you 2 54 11.54 witnessed 3 98 25.75 in Kaduna 4 117 30.70 State? 5 and above 52 13.64 Total 381 100

Source: Researchers' Survey, 2020 Respondents were asked to identify the number of violent conflicts they witnessed during the period of their residence in Kaduna State, 16 (4.19%) of the respondents did not witnessed any violent conflicts, 44(11.54%) and 54 (11.54%) witnessed at least 1 and 2 conflicts respectively, 98 (25.75%) and 117 (30.70%) have witnessed at least 3 and 4 conflicts respectively, while 52 (13.64%) respondents testified that they have witnessed at least 5 and above conflicts in the state. This shows that majority of the respondents contacted have witnessed at least one conflicts or the other in the state.

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Table 6: Responses on Performance of Security Agencies

Question Responses Frequency Percentage % How would Very 107 28.08 you rate effective performance Effective 102 26.77 of security Moderate 84 22.04 agencies in Ineffective 32 8.39 Kaduna Strongly 34 8.92 State? ineffective Cannot say 22 5.77 Total 381 100

Source: Researchers' Survey, 2020

Table 6 shows responses on performance of security agencies in curtailing conflicts in Kaduna State. It indicates that 107 (28.08%) and 102 (26.77%) respondents rated security agencies very effective and effective, while 84 (22.04%) of the respondents rated security agencies moderate. 34 (8.92%) and 22 (5.77%) of the respondents rated security agencies Ineffective and Strongly Ineffective. Remaining 22 (5.77%) of the respondents were undecided in their responses.

Table 7: Security intervention before, during and after the conflicts Question Responses Frequency Percentage % How would Very 117 30.70 you rate effective performance Effective 137 35.95 of Kaduna Moderate 81 21.25 State Ineffective 22 5.77 government Strongly 11 2.88 in term of ineffective security Cannot say 13 3.41 intervention? Total 381 100

Source: Researchers' Survey, 2020

Respondents in table 7 were asked to express their views on the performance of Kaduna State government on the security intervention before, during and after the conflicts, 117 (30.70%) and 137 (35.95%) of the respondents rated government efforts very effective and effective, 81(21.25%) respondents rated government moderate, while 22 (5.77%) and 11(2.88%) of the respondents rated government performance ineffective and strongly ineffective. 13 (3.41%)were undecided in their views.

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Table 8: Responses on Performance of Religious and Traditional Leaders Question Responses Frequency Percentage % How would Very 87 22.83 you rate effective performance Effective 67 17.58 of religious and Moderate 97 25.45 traditional Ineffective 42 11.02 leaders in Strongly 47 12.33 t heir efforts ineffective to promotion Cannot say 41 10.76 of peace and Total 381 100 security in Kaduna state? +

Source: Researchers' Survey, 2020. Table 8 show the responses on performance of religious and traditional leaders, the results indicates that 87 (22.83%) and 67 (17.58%) of the respondents rated religious and traditional leaders very effective and effective respectively, 42 (11.02%) and 47 (12.33%) rated religious and traditional leaders ineffective and strongly ineffective respectively. 97 (26.45%) of the respondents rated religious and traditional leaders moderate, while 41 (10.76%) were undecided in their responses.

Table 10: Factors That Contributes to Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Kaduna State Question Responses Frequency Percentage % In your Religion 32 8.39 own opinion, Ethnic 26 6.82 which of the Politics 46 12.07 following Ruling Elites 27 7.08 factors Poverty 58 15.22 contributes Occupational 192 50.39 most to factors such ethno - as Markets, religious Land/Farms, conflicts in grazing area, Kaduna Total 381 100 state? Source: Researchers' Survey, 2020. Respondents were asked to express their opinions on the most contributing factor to ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna state, 192 (50.39%) of the respondents said occupational factors such as Markets, Land/Farms, grazing area, while 58 (15.22%) and 27 (7.08%) of the respondents said poverty and ruling elites are the main factors responsible for ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna state, whereas 32 (8.39%), 26 (6.82%) and 46 (12.07%) of the respondents related recurring ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna state to religious, ethnic and politics respectively. This indicates that economic factors are the main causal factors of recurring ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna State.

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Table 11: Descriptive Statistics Analysis Mean 63. 5 Standard Error 26.19128354 Median 3 9 Mode #N/A Standard Deviation 64.15528038 Sample Variance 4115.9 Kurtosis 5.215939174

Skewness 2.253698764

Range 166

Minimum 26

Maximum 192

Sum 38 1 Count 6 Largest(1) 19 2 Smallest(1) 26 Confidence Level(95.0%) 67.32683771

Source: Researchers' computation, 2020. The result of the descriptive statistics in Table 11 shows that the mean or average value is 63.5, while the median value is 39. Also the standard deviation is 64.15. The range which is the difference between the highest and the lowest value is 166. This indicates that all the independent variables contribute high to the ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna state. Findings: Findings of the study reveals that actions and the responses taken by the security agencies during and after the crises can largely be described as effective and commendable as indicated on table 6. This means that, measures taken by the security operatives have been commendable. Although there is need to improve as indicated by the public in table 6.The study also reveals that, government efforts on managing ethno-religious conflicts in the state is effective considering the number of respondents on table 7 commended the government. This indicates the need to maintain and improve on the existing security strategies taken by the state government. The study also found that, in general, religious leaders perform up to expectations in terms of their contributions to sustainable peace and security in the state as indicated in Table 8. However, this is not to say that, there are no feelings of discomfort on religious and traditional leaders as indicated in Table 8. Other respondents indicate their discomfort on the role of religious and traditional leaders particularly as they instigate their followers especially during or close to periods of elections. The study also revealed that religious and ethnic divide has aggravated socio-cultural differences between the majority and minority ethnic groups within the state. These differences were strengthened by uneven development, economic disparity and political dominance of Muslim majority over Christian minorities. This is due to democratic form of governance which intensify majority rule.

Conclusion Ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna state have become more frequent than ever before. The conflicts are purely ethnic, economic and sometime political but turns to ethno-religious because of the multi-ethnic nationalities of the state. Kaduna state has since 1987 remained the theatre of communal violence. The violence has resulted in widespread destructions, thousands of deaths, and loss of enormous properties. These violent conflicts are considered ethno-religious because what are normally called religious conflicts has ethnic, political and economic under tones. The so-called ethnic conflicts are complicated by religious

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and political considerations. Thus failure of the previous governments to decisively tackle the ethno- religious crises in the state when they happened is what leads to re-emergence of another conflict.

Recommendations Government should involve responsible community leaders and elder statesmen from the religious and ethnic groups in the conflict prone areas of the state so as to ensure representation in the process of mediation and consensus. Government should also prosecute any body found guilty of instigating the conflict or directly or indirectly involved in the conflicts. Government should improve the livelihood of the peoplethrough poverty reduction, infrastructural development and increase employment opportunities in the state.Government should improve grazing reserves in the state so as to reduce headers/ farmers clashes in the state.There is need to improve collaboration with members of the public at the local level so as to ensure quick and first-hand information on security threats. Emphases should also be given on secrete security personnel so as to improve and expand varieties of sources of information to security agencies. Emphasis should also be made on the mass media, traditional and religious leaders in sensitizing the public.

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