Social Science Review Vol. 1 No. 1 July-Decmber 2020/ 76 - 86 Ethno-Religious Conflicts and the Efficacy of Peace Strategies in Kaduna State JAMO Idris Ahmed Department of Public Administration, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria This study examines the causes of ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna state and the efficacy of some peace strategies undertaken in the state. Both primary and secondary sources were utilized. Interviews were conducted with religious and traditional rulers in the state using Sample size was obtained using Yamane's (1967; 886) formula, Purposive sampling method. Questionnaires were administered to members of the public across the three Local Governments in the three senatorial districts in the state. Marxian theory was used as the theoretical framework for analysis. Descriptive statistics was used to analyse quantitative data. Findings of the study indicate that government responses to security challenges in Kaduna state have been effective and recommended that such strategies should be improved and maintained. Government should improve grazing reserves in the state and more collaboration with the members of the public in its fight against insecurity. Keywords: Conflicts, Ethnic, Religious, Peace Strategies. Introduction Conflicts in most societies occur in form of antagonistic relationship between two or more parties who perceive each other as threat to their goals or interest. Conflicts have been with human societies since the beginning of creation, and are found in every society and stages of life. Individuals, groups, associations, cities, societies, national and even the world community have experienced one form of conflicts or the other. Conflicts are therefore a permanent, inevitable and perpetual feature of life, which need to be cautiously handled. Poorly managed conflicts may degenerate to violent or destruction which can destabilize societal peace, security and development. Where ever it occurs, conflict has devastating consequences. Since the return of the Nigeria to democratic rule in 1999, there have been recurring conflicts, indiscriminate killings; banditry and criminality of violent dimensions have become means of achieving interests of desperate nationals. Kaduna State has been one of the melting pot and theatre of such violent conflicts. Being a multi-ethnic state and a base of the northern elites, the state can be considered as a mini- Nigeria. This diversity has significant impact on socio-cultural, political, economic and religious existence of the people of the state. Thus, such diversity breeds conflicts and tensions among the nationalities that constitute the state. What mostly exists is mutual suspicion and lack of cordiality among various ethnic components (Fawole, 2011). Ethno-religious conflicts are part of issues that are of serious concern in Kaduna state. In response to that, various measures were proposed and implemented, yet conflicts continue to reincarnate in various dimensions. For instance the establishment of chiefdoms, village and district councils in the southern Kaduna state, establishment of customary and Outer Courts, the increase of employment opportunities to the southern Kaduna indigenes, appointment of the southern Kaduna indigenes to some key political positions, compensation of the aggrieved parsons and the establishment of military formations in Southern Kaduna etcetera. This called for reassessment of the causes and efficacy of strategies for curtailing of such conflicts. Previous studies have concentrated on the causes of conflicts in Nigeria. On the contrary this study concentrate on ethno-religious conflicts and previous peace and security strategies implemented in Kaduna. Emphasis on the present democratic dispensation was made due to recurring conflicts within the period of the study. The study assumes that (i) government has effectively managed ethno-religious conflicts in the Kaduna state (ii) security agencies have effectively managed ethno-religious conflicts in the Kaduna state(iii) religious leaders contributes to sustainable peace and security in Kaduna state. The paper is divided into four sections; the first is the introduction of the study, method of data collection of the study and finally the background to ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna state. Section two contains the literature and theoretical framework for the study. Section three present data of the study drawn from questionnaires and interviews conducted, while section four is presents findings of the study and drew conclusion and recommendations based on the research findings. www.socialsciencereview.net JAMO Idris Ahmed July 77 Methodology of Data Collection and Analysis The study is empirical utilized both the primary and secondary sources. For the primary source, questionnaires were designed to generate responses from the members of the public. Population of the Study Kaduna state has a population of 6.1 million (NPC, 2006) with over 60 ethnic groups. The population of the selected LGs is 1,090,467 as presented in table 1. Three Local Governments (LGs) (Zaria, Kaduna North and Zangon Kataf LGs) one from each senatorial district in Kaduna state were selected due to frequent ethno-religious conflicts in the LGs. The LGs also reflects multicultural diversities in the state. Interviews were conducted with traditional and religious leaders in the state. Quantitative data gathered were analysed using simple percentage and Descriptive statistics. Table 1: Population of the study and the sample population per Local Government S/No. Local Governments Population Percentage % Percentage of the sample po p. % 1 Zaria 406,990 37.319 149.276 2 Kaduna North 364,575 33.430 133.720 3 Zangon Kataf 318,991 29.252 117.008 4 Total 1,090,467 100% 400 Sour ce: Researchers' computation, 2020. Table 1 shows number of population of the study area per each LG, the table indicate that Zaria Local Government has the highest population with 406,990 (37.312%) and sample population of (149.276%) followed by Kaduna North with 364,575 (33.430%) and sample population of (133.720%). Zangon Kataf has the least population of 318,991(117.008%) and sample population of (117.008%). Table 2: Questionnaires Administered and Returned S/No. Local Questionnaires Questionnaires Governments ad ministered % returned % 1 Zaria 149(37.2) 143 (35.75) 2 Kaduna North 134 (33.5) 127 (31.75) 3 Zangon Kataf 117(29.2) 111 (27.75) 4 Total 400(100) 381 (95.25) Source: Researchers' computation, 2020 Table 2 shows the number of questionnaires administered and returned. The table indicates that out of total of 149 (37.2%) questionnaires administered to respondents in Zaria Local Government 143 (35.75%) questionnaires were dully filled and returned, while for Kaduna North LG. out of 117 questionnaires 127 (31.75%) were dully filled and returned, whereas Zangon Kataf LG. out of 117(29.2%) questionnaires, 111(27.75%) were returned. Sample size: Sample size was obtained using Yamane's (1967; 886) formula as expressed by Israel (1992:1) is used as follows: n = N/1+N(e)2,Where n= sample size,N = total population = 1,090,466,e= level of significance (95%).n= /1+1,090,556 (95%),= 1,090,467(0.0025),=2,726.1675, = 1,090,467 / 2,726.1675, = 400.0326. Background to Major Ethno-religious Conflicts in Kaduna State The contemporary Kaduna state is a conglomeration of many ethnic groups. The area of the old Zaria emirate and is made up of two broad cultural segments. The first is the Muslim Hausa-Fulani group which constitute about 60 per cent of the emirate population, occupies mainly the northern part of the province and dominates the structure of traditional governance of the area. The second is the Christian minorities composing of about thirty tribes located in the southern and western half of the territory (Egiegba, www.socialsciencereview.net Ethno-Religious Conflicts and the Efficacy of Peace Strategies in Kaduna State July 78 2013).There are indeed political, cultural and religious cleavages between the majority Hausa-Fulani and minority ethnic groups of the southern Kaduna. These cleavages have been strengthened by the economic inequality between the two groups. Though the southern Kaduna is more blessed with heavier rainfall and denser woodland than northern Zaria, but the southern Kaduna people are generally relatively more underdeveloped and poorer than the northern part of Kaduna state. This perceived hegemony had led to political protest by the Kaje ethnic group in 1942 and the 1948 Zangon Katab riots (Egiegba, 2013: 3). These protests were a time reinforced by violence and marked the beginnings of what is considered as demand for political recognition and participation by the southern minority ethnic groups. Such protests were usually fuelled during periods of major political developments or tensions, such as the demise of the Emir or of a Fulani district head in southern Zaria. e.g. the protest organized after the crowning of the present emir of Jema'a. Among the demands of the southern Kaduna people include, substantial autonomy and control over local matters; the indigenization of all district head appointments in southern Kaduna; complete separation from Zazzau emirate and creation of new and independent chiefdoms for all the southern Zaria tribes; the establishment of a Customary Court of Appeal for non-Muslim groups to complement the existing Sharia Court of Appeal; and the creation of new state for the southern Kaduna people. In reaction to these, successive governments responded to these demands. However, despite of all the efforts, the crises tend to metamorphosed from one to the other; For instance, the Kasuwan Magani crisis in the then Kachia LGA of 1981 which emanated when some Adara people planned to uproot Hausa-Fulani traders whom were regarded as “settlers” over the Adara land. The conflicts led to the loss of lives and properties worth millions of naira. Many people (mostly Hausa/Fulani) were forced to migrate. Failure to effectively manage the conflict, another conflict reincarnated in Kafanchan in March 1987. The conflict started as a result of religious disagreements between Muslim and Christian students of the Kafanchan Teachers College of Jemaa LG.The crisis was instigated by one Rev.