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E2429 V2 Revised Social Assessment for the PNG Rural Communications Project Nancy Sullivan 10.3.10 Purpose of the Social Assessment The objectives of the Social Assessment are to: Public Disclosure Authorized Increase opportunities for social development through identifying the project beneficiaries and their needs, ideas, and expectations; minimize adverse social impacts which might be caused by the project; mitigate unavoidable social costs of the project; and propose guidelines for adopting a socially sustainable project design. Conceptual Approach and Methodology The Social Assessment framework employed draws together widely used basic concepts of social assessment and concepts from the Sustainable Livelihoods Approach which places people at the centre of development. The approach is geared to: Public Disclosure Authorized • Provide an understanding of the socio-economic, cultural and political contexts in which project will take place; • Identify the key stakeholders and beneficiaries of the project; • Ensure the potential beneficiaries understand the basics of the project; • Provide a mechanisms for stakeholders and beneficiaries to lodge their concerns or objectives regarding the project; • Identify and mitigate any possible adverse social impacts of the project. The Social Assessment methodology combines semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders and potential beneficiaries, with participant observation of everyday activities in the two provinces identified for the demonstration projects: East Sepik and Chimbu. These techniques are framed by a literature review of key ethnographic material on each of the two provinces. After Public Disclosure Authorized flying to Wewak, in the East Sepik, the social and environmental assessment team drove along the Maprik Highway to the West Sepik border; then flew to Karamui Station in Chimbu Province and walked the station and its surrounds. In both provinces, randomly selected local people— potential beneficiaries—were interviewed in groups and individually with the express purpose of eliciting impromptu responses to the issues raised surrounding mobile telephony, both good and bad. Background Introduction There is debate amongst mobile phone researchers as to the place of the phones in economic life and their economic impact in developing nations, particularly in the lives of poor and disadvantaged people. Some researchers suggest that mobile phones are an economic boon for the Public Disclosure Authorized poor (for example, World Bank, 2007, pp. 2-3) while some research “suggests mobiles are doing more economic harm than good, and sometimes making poor people poorer” (Heeks 2008). The research conducted for this project tends to underscore the positive aspects of mobile phones for both the East Sepik and Chimbu populations. This is not to say there are no dangers, and these shall be discussed, but the communities recently introduced to mobile phones in the East Sepik Province enjoy significant benefits that range from individual safety and security to women on their own, and students away from home, to economic sustainability for small trade store and canteen owners who can ring ahead for supplies in town. Those communities with even a small base of dependable cash income can integrate mobile phone usage into their lives without causing economic strife, whereas those communities with only inconsistent cash sources are more likely to feel encumbered by the need to buy phone cards. Thus, along the highway in Sepik people do complain about the costs of buying phone cards, and of having the phone charged at a power source (where there is no town power supply). But they are more critical, and more vociferous about the tendency to waste money on prank calls eliciting money or asking the recipient to call back (a Digicel service). Women were also more concerned about the practice of male callers ‘gas paia’ calling around at random than they were about money wasted on cards. Women are everywhere in PNG the first to benefit and yet also the first to pay the price, so to speak, for innovations. Men across the board are invite change and technological advances, but women may be more hesitant for social reasons. There are plenty of stories about sugar daddies giving young girls phones, and men facilitating adultery with mobile phones. But women are the ones who will benefit from emergency services now accessed by phone, from managing accounts by SMS texting to the bank, and by monitoring the well-being of family members away from home. It is possible to extrapolate from the drawbacks from the Sepik region to the Karamui Plateau of Chimbu. Yet weighted against the potential benefits these drawbacks are insignificant and manageable by certain mitigation strategies. The major adverse impacts are largely a function of the novelty of telephony, and can be expected to diminish as the technology becomes more familiar, more commonplace in remote households. For the Chimbu people, where women are more constrained, and are strictly raised by their mothers, some social problems will undoubtedly occur. But here the community is far more remote from the mainstream of the province, depending entirely on mission air transport to sustain their health and education services, and will benefit disproportionately by a new means of communication. The economic potential for the Karamui with new communication technology is almost unlimited, combined as it will be with the ability for public servants, educated elite and even investors to resist migrating from Karamui to more business-friendly centres like Goroka and Kundiawa. Scholarship Communications scholar Amanda Watson reports on a mobile phone use study conducted recently on Kar Kar Island in Madang (Watson 2010:12-3): How do rural people describe their feelings about the introduction of mobile telephony? Ward Member Giragir Mahana expressed a number of negative views about mobile phones, and particularly the damage he feels they are doing to the community in his area. Behaviours that he believes have increased as a result of the introduction of mobile phones include hold-ups, and extra-marital affairs. Nonetheless, he admits there are some benefits emerging, particularly the use of this technology by leaders and for business purposes. He is also pleased to be able to contact his children in the urban centres of Port Moresby and Lae. And how do other members of the community express their feelings about mobile phones? On the plus side, there were a very high number of comments made about it being easier to contact friends and family who live a long way away from Orora. A high number of people talked about using the mobile phone to ask for assistance from others (such as requesting money or store-bought goods). Quite a high number of comments were made about the use of mobiles in emergencies, and about it being easier to ring someone compared with walking a substantial distance to see them. Several people pointed out that using a mobile phone saves money that would have otherwise been spent on boat tickets or cars. A few people pointed out that if they’re travelling on the ship, they can ring ahead and ask people to meet them, which aids with both security and the transportation of cargo. Elsewhere she cites Beschorner, and discusses the economic benefits and costs (Ibid:14): There is debate amongst mobile phone researchers as to the place of the phones in economic life and their economic impact in developing nations, particularly in the lives of poor and disadvantaged people. Some researchers suggest that mobile phones are an economic boon for the poor (for example, Beschorner, 2007, pp. 2-3) while some research “suggests mobiles are doing more economic harm than good, and sometimes making poor people poorer” (Heeks, 2008, np). In Orora, the main income generation avenues are selling natural produce at the weekly market in the neighbouring village, and growing cash crops, mainly coconut and cocoa. The local economy is also supported by remittances from relatives who live and work in urban areas. In the survey, mobile phone owners were asked how they procured the finances for the purchase of their mobile phone, and how they fund the ongoing expenses of purchasing phone credit and recharging phone batteries. People gave a range of responses, primarily focused on income generation activities such as selling produce at market, and growing coconuts and cocoa. However, when asked directly if other people support them and give them money for purchasing phone credit, most of the respondents indicated that they do receive this kind of assistance, mainly from relatives and family members. As for the matter of charging mobile phone batteries, the villagers listed only two options that they have for completing this task. One involves using the one diesel generator that is present in the village (which is only possible if the owners have fuel, which has to be purchased from the coastal stores), and the other involves walking down to the stores on the coast to have the handset charged there, at a cost. It is important to remember that many people expressed concerns about the expense of using mobile phones, as was shown earlier. Aside from the costs involved, it is of interest to establish whether or not mobile phones in Orora are utilised in income generation. Only one survey respondent indicated that they used the phone for business purposes. This was a much lower number than was expected by the researcher. However, additionally, villager Moks Naing talked about the usefulness of the mobile phone in conducting business, explaining that it allows contact with people travelling to sell cocoa for him (Interview with Shong 'Moks' Naing, 2009). EAST SEPIK PROVINCE: The East Sepik Province occupies 43 700 km2 in the northwest of PNG. The northern part of the province is dominated by the Wewak coastal plains and islands, the Torricelli Range and the Prince Alexander Range. South of these mountains is a large area of hill country that stretches from Dreikikir in the west, to Angoram in the east.

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