Corruption As a Rational Choice: the Case of the First Post- Independence Government of Ghana: 1951-1966)

THE UNIVERSTY OF HULL (CORRUPTION AS A RATIONAL CHOICE: THE CASE OF THE FIRST POST- INDEPENDENCE GOVERNMENT OF GHANA: 1951-1966) BEING A THESIS SUBMITED FOR THE DEGREE OF MPHIL, POLITICS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF HULL BY STEPHEN DJABA-MENSAH (B.A HISTORY) AUGUST, 2007 DEDICATION TO THE MEMORY OF MY DEAREST SISTER, MERCY, WHOSE MORAL AND SPIRITUAL SUPPORTS HAVE BEEN MY VERY SOURCES OF STRENGTH AND INSPIRATION FROM MY CHILDHOOD. MERCY, YOUR SUDDEN AND SAD DEATH DID NOT BREAK ME, BUT RE-ESTABLISHED ME IN MY PRESENT LIFE TO ALWAYS SEE BEYOND THE HORIZON OF THE ORDINARY AND TO ALWAYS PUT MY SHOULDERS FIRMLY TO THE WHEEL IN ALL CIRCUSTANCES. CONTENTS Dedication…………………………………………………………………………….i Acknowledgement………………………...……………………………………….....ii Map of Africa………………………………………………………………………...iii Map of Ghana………………………………………………………………………...iv Introduction, Research Objectives and Methods ...………………………………1 Parameters and Historiographical Context…………………………….….….………1 Literature Review..…..................................................................................................12 Methodology and Sources ………….………………………………..………….....19 Chapter One: Conceptual and Contextual Definitions ………………………… 28 1.1 Introduction………………………………………………………………………28 1.2 Some problems with conventional concepts of corruption………………………29 1.2.1 Corruption and the Public Office Factor………………………………………29 1.2.2 Corruption, Political Abuse and Political Failure………… …………………37 1.2.3 Political Corruption, Morality and Rationality………………………………...42 1.2.4 Corruption and the Concept of Rationality………………………………..…...68 1.2.5 Comparative Corruption: Africa and England…………………………………70 1.3 Conclusions………………………………………………………………………76 Chapter Two: Outlining Different Approaches to Political Corruption …….. 79 2.1 Public Office Centred Definitions………………………………...…………..….80 2.2 Public Interest Definitions of Corruption………………………………………...84 2.3 Public Opinion Centred Definition Of Corruption……………………………….89 2.4 Legal definitions of Political Corruption ………………………………………..92 2.5 Market-Oriented Definitions of Corruption ……..……………………..…...…...98 2.6 The Advantages of Market-Oriented definitions of Corruption…..….………..102 2.7 Conclusion…………………………………………………………..…………116 Chapter Three: History, Politics and the Emergence of Political Corruption in Ghana: The Role of Kwame Nkrumah …..... 119 3.1 Introduction……………….……………………………………………..……..119 3.2 Ghana: A Historical Outline……………………………………………...…….124 3.2.1 The Formation of the UGCC……………………………………………...….124 3.2.2 The Rise of Kwame Nkrumah ………………………………………………136 3.2.3 Power Struggle and the Emergence of Political Corruption in Ghana………..152 3.3 Conclusions……………………………………………………………………..177 Chapter Four: The Anatomy of Political Corruption: The Case of the First Post-Independence African Government in Ghana ….... 180 4.1 The Significance of History and Culture……………………………………….181 4.2 The Impact of Colonialism ……………………………………………………191 4.3 The Economization of the Political Process in Ghana…………………….……202 4.4 Agents of Corruption: The Case of Nkrumah’s Ghana………………………...205 4.4.1 The Role of the Government………………………………………………….210 4.4.2 The Corruption of the Constitution…………………………………………...212 4.4.3 The Judiciary………………………………………………………………….224 4.4.4 The Party System……………………………………………………………..233 4.5 Bureaucrats, Private Individuals and the Dominance of Patron-Clientelism…...256 4.6 Conclusions and General Overview…………………………………………….262 Chapter Five: Political Corruption in Dr. Nkrumah’s Ghana: A Theoretical Review.…………….…………………………….. 265 5.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………….265 5.2 Governmental Responses……………………………………………………….267 5.3 Public Reactions towards Corrupt Governments……………….………………270 5.4 Perceptions of Public Agencies and the International Community……………..274 5.5 The Political Significance of Corruption in Nkrumah’s Ghana………………...283 5.6 The Economic Significance of Corruption under Nkrumah’s Government…….296 5.7 Conclusions ………………………………….…………………………………308 Chapter Six: Conclusions, General Overview and Recommendations …….… 310 6.1 Changing Cultural and Philosophical Values…… …………………………...318 6.2 Strengthening State and Public Institutions…………………………………….321 6.3 Changing Dysfunctional Institutions……………………………………………323 Bibliography ……………………………………………………………………325 Appendix ………………………………………………………………………… 333 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This work would never have been completed without the help and support of the following to whom I owe a dept of gratitude. My foremost thanks to the Almighty God who has generously given me life, health, strength, courage and determination. My special thanks to Prof. Robert Harris, my first supervisor before his retirement from the University of Hull in 2004. Prof. Harris, we may not have parted on a good note but your special interest in my academic progress and your admonition will always be remembered for the significant direction they gave me and this work. Dr. Jose Magone, your help can never be overemphasized. My very thanks to you for your patience, understanding and the significant guide you gave. You showed an understanding into the problems and difficulties that the African student in Europe with all his endeavours faces. You are a great figure. Charles Asiedu, you are worth a friend indeed. You stood by me in my darkest hour. I will never forget you for that needed role you played in my life. Finally, to Katie and Suzzie of the Graduate School, your kindness, sincerity and above all your professional qualities are deeply appreciated. To Mr John Tettegah, Prof. Nii Noi Dowuona and Nana Ampong Ofosu, all of who interestedly and willingly featured on my interview, my special thanks to you for your time and all the advice I received of you Introduction, Research Objectives and Methods. i. Parameters and historiographical context Nearly half a century into the post-independence history of Sub- Saharan Africa, the continent continues to wallow in poverty, underdevelopment and misery. Many wonder why the vast natural resources the continent is endowed with have not been tapped to turn the fortunes of the respective countries around. Furthermore, in spite of the fact that many well educated political leaders emerged from the potentially good human resource base of Africa—Nasser, Nkrumah, Nyerere, Balewa, Senghor and more recently, Mandela whose terms of offices held so much hope for the ordinary African, nothing concrete seems to have been achieved to address Africa’s problems. The economies of the majority of African states are on the verge of disintegration, a situation that crucially accounts for weakening of the nation state and central governments across the continent. Out of this situation, also emerge criminal elements and political patrons whose objectives are, among other interests, to exploit the structures of the state for their career advancements and ambitious pursuits. 1 In some notable states as Uganda under Amin, Togo under Eyadema and Zimbabwe, the state is both the engine and object of political privatisation and as such managed by the respective political patrons as private empires or backyards. The question of the general good of the citizenry is a secondary consideration so long as the action involved benefits the political actor, cronies and clients. All these factors leave the nation-state in Africa in fragile and porous condition easily exploitable by conflicting interests. Political corruption is thus widespread in many African countries demonstrating itself through rent seeking, nepotism, and blatant abuse of power, embezzlement, clientelism and above all, extortion. All these, in no small measure, have contributed to Africa’s woes; for it is believed that corruption is a major impediment to growth and development1. Indeed, it has been cited as the underlying reason for all the military Coup d’etats that disrupted the many civilian political administrations in Africa, during the second half of the twentieth century 2 . Thus, the negative results of political corruption leave so much to be desired. It breeds abuse, nepotism, bribery, extortion, fraud, as well as the alienation 1 Gupta, S, Davoodi, H and Tiongson E, ‘Corruption and the Provision of Healthcare and Education Services’, in Arvin K. Jain (Eds), The Political Economy of Corruption (Routledge, London and Newyork, 2001) P57 2 Dogbey, Y. G ‘Towards a Strategic Vision for a Continent in Distress’, in Adesida, O and Oteh, A (Eds), African Voices-African Visions ( Elanders Gotab, Stockholm, 2001) P37 2 and exclusion of the vast majority of the population. It also fundamentally undermines democratic values and good governance3. Political corruption seriously subverts the rule of law and impacts negatively on sound public administration. Against this background, political corruption is a great challenge to the young African student of politics; and my prime objective and motivation for a humble and modest searchlight into one of Africa’s post-independence governments on the subject of political corruption, is buttressed on this premise. Secondly, it is immediately moving to realize that in Africa although the negative effects of political corruption are devastating and condemned everywhere on the continent, corruption is the model rather than the exception. Why this anomaly? The Convention People’s Party (CPP) government of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah (1951-66) was the first post-independence government that led Ghana to attain her independence in March 1957. It was the first such government in sub-Saharan Africa to emerge from the colonial dictates of Great Britain. Within the African

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