Contested Narratives of the Weimar Republic 11,C Case of Thc "Kutisker
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Uncertainty and Hyperinflation: European Inflation Dynamics After World War I
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF SAN FRANCISCO WORKING PAPER SERIES Uncertainty and Hyperinflation: European Inflation Dynamics after World War I Jose A. Lopez Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco Kris James Mitchener Santa Clara University CAGE, CEPR, CES-ifo & NBER June 2018 Working Paper 2018-06 https://www.frbsf.org/economic-research/publications/working-papers/2018/06/ Suggested citation: Lopez, Jose A., Kris James Mitchener. 2018. “Uncertainty and Hyperinflation: European Inflation Dynamics after World War I,” Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco Working Paper 2018-06. https://doi.org/10.24148/wp2018-06 The views in this paper are solely the responsibility of the authors and should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco or the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. Uncertainty and Hyperinflation: European Inflation Dynamics after World War I Jose A. Lopez Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco Kris James Mitchener Santa Clara University CAGE, CEPR, CES-ifo & NBER* May 9, 2018 ABSTRACT. Fiscal deficits, elevated debt-to-GDP ratios, and high inflation rates suggest hyperinflation could have potentially emerged in many European countries after World War I. We demonstrate that economic policy uncertainty was instrumental in pushing a subset of European countries into hyperinflation shortly after the end of the war. Germany, Austria, Poland, and Hungary (GAPH) suffered from frequent uncertainty shocks – and correspondingly high levels of uncertainty – caused by protracted political negotiations over reparations payments, the apportionment of the Austro-Hungarian debt, and border disputes. In contrast, other European countries exhibited lower levels of measured uncertainty between 1919 and 1925, allowing them more capacity with which to implement credible commitments to their fiscal and monetary policies. -
When Fear Is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919
WHEN FEAR IS SUBSTITUTED FOR REASON: EUROPEAN AND WESTERN GOVERNMENT POLICIES REGARDING NATIONAL SECURITY 1789-1919 Norma Lisa Flores A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2012 Committee: Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Dr. Mark Simon Graduate Faculty Representative Dr. Michael Brooks Dr. Geoff Howes Dr. Michael Jakobson © 2012 Norma Lisa Flores All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Although the twentieth century is perceived as the era of international wars and revolutions, the basis of these proceedings are actually rooted in the events of the nineteenth century. When anything that challenged the authority of the state – concepts based on enlightenment, immigration, or socialism – were deemed to be a threat to the status quo and immediately eliminated by way of legal restrictions. Once the façade of the Old World was completely severed following the Great War, nations in Europe and throughout the West started to revive various nineteenth century laws in an attempt to suppress the outbreak of radicalism that preceded the 1919 revolutions. What this dissertation offers is an extended understanding of how nineteenth century government policies toward radicalism fostered an environment of increased national security during Germany’s 1919 Spartacist Uprising and the 1919/1920 Palmer Raids in the United States. Using the French Revolution as a starting point, this study allows the reader the opportunity to put events like the 1848 revolutions, the rise of the First and Second Internationals, political fallouts, nineteenth century imperialism, nativism, Social Darwinism, and movements for self-government into a broader historical context. -
Versailles (Hellerau, 1927). Even Deutschland, Frankreich Und
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Most of the sources on German history from 1890 to the end of the Weimar Republic are of use in a study of Maximilian Har den. In the following paragraphs are noted, besides the un published sources, only the published materials that deal directly with Harden, and the general works or monographs on the period that have been used most extensively. Many works cited in the text are not listed here; a complete reference to each one is found in its first citation. The indispensable source of information on Harden is the magazine he edited from 1892 until 1922. The one hundred and eighteen volumes of the Zukunft contain the bulk of his essays, commentaries, and trial records, as well as many private letters to and from him. The Zukunft was the inspiration or the source for Harden's principal pamphlets and books, namely Kampfge nosse Sudermann (Berlin, 1903); KopJe (4 vols., Berlin, 1911-1924); Krieg und Friede (2 vols., Berlin, 1918); and Von Versailles nach Versailles (Hellerau, 1927). Even Deutschland, Frankreich und England (Berlin, 1923), written after the Zukun}t had ceased publication, was in large a repetition of Zukunft articles. Harden's earliest work, Berlin als Theaterhauptstadt (Berlin, 1889), consisted in part of pieces he had written for Die Nation. Apostata (Berlin, 1892), Apostata, neue Folge (Berlin, 1892), andLiteraturund Theater (Berlin, 1896), were collections of his essays from Die Gegenwart. The Gegenwart and the other magazines for which he wrote before 1892 - Die Nation, Die Kunstwart, and M agazin fur Litteratur - are also indispensable sources. Harden's published writings also include articles in other German and foreign newspapers and magazines. -
Radio and the Rise of the Nazis in Prewar Germany
Radio and the Rise of the Nazis in Prewar Germany Maja Adena, Ruben Enikolopov, Maria Petrova, Veronica Santarosa, and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya* May 10, 2014 How far can the media protect or undermine democratic institutions in unconsolidated democracies, and how persuasive can they be in ensuring public support for dictator’s policies? We study this question in the context of Germany between 1929 and 1939. Radio slowed down the growth of political support for the Nazis, when Weimar government introduced pro-government political news in 1929, denying access to the radio for the Nazis up till January 1933. This effect was reversed in 5 weeks after the transfer of control over the radio to the Nazis following Hitler’s appointment as chancellor. After full consolidation of power, radio propaganda helped the Nazis to enroll new party members and encouraged denunciations of Jews and other open expressions of anti-Semitism. The effect of Nazi radio propaganda varied depending on the listeners’ predispositions toward the message. Nazi radio was most effective in places where anti-Semitism was historically high and had a negative effect on the support for Nazi messages in places with historically low anti-Semitism. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! * Maja Adena is from Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung. Ruben Enikolopov is from Barcelona Institute for Political Economy and Governance, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona GSE, and the New Economic School, Moscow. Maria Petrova is from Barcelona Institute for Political Economy and Governance, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona GSE, and the New Economic School. Veronica Santarosa is from the Law School of the University of Michigan. Ekaterina Zhuravskaya is from Paris School of Economics (EHESS) and the New Economic School. -
German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919
German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919 Lucia Juliette Linares Darwin College Dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2019 PREFACE I hereby declare that this dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. It is not substantially the same as any other work that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other university or similar institution except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other university or similar institution except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. It does not exceed the prescribed word limit for the Faculty of History. All translations are my own unless specified in the text. i ABSTRACT German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919 Lucia Juliette Linares The First World War confronted German politicians with a range of unprecedented, vital questions in the spheres of domestic as well as foreign policy. As the fortunes of war shifted, so did borders, populations and national allegiances. In a period of acute and almost constant political crisis, the German government faced issues concerning citizenship, minority rights, religious identity, nationhood and statehood. My dissertation analyses these issues through the prism of the so-called 'Jewish Question'. -
Guides to German Records Microfilmed at Alexandria, Va
GUIDES TO GERMAN RECORDS MICROFILMED AT ALEXANDRIA, VA. No. 32. Records of the Reich Leader of the SS and Chief of the German Police (Part I) The National Archives National Archives and Records Service General Services Administration Washington: 1961 This finding aid has been prepared by the National Archives as part of its program of facilitating the use of records in its custody. The microfilm described in this guide may be consulted at the National Archives, where it is identified as RG 242, Microfilm Publication T175. To order microfilm, write to the Publications Sales Branch (NEPS), National Archives and Records Service (GSA), Washington, DC 20408. Some of the papers reproduced on the microfilm referred to in this and other guides of the same series may have been of private origin. The fact of their seizure is not believed to divest their original owners of any literary property rights in them. Anyone, therefore, who publishes them in whole or in part without permission of their authors may be held liable for infringement of such literary property rights. Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 58-9982 AMERICA! HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION COMMITTEE fOR THE STUDY OP WAR DOCUMENTS GUIDES TO GERMAN RECOBDS MICROFILMED AT ALEXAM)RIA, VA. No* 32» Records of the Reich Leader of the SS aad Chief of the German Police (HeiehsMhrer SS und Chef der Deutschen Polizei) 1) THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION (AHA) COMMITTEE FOR THE STUDY OF WAE DOCUMENTS GUIDES TO GERMAN RECORDS MICROFILMED AT ALEXANDRIA, VA* This is part of a series of Guides prepared -
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83 Jonathan Zatlin links: Jonathan Zatlin rechts: Guilt by Association Guilt by Association Julius Barmat and German Democracy* Abstract Although largely forgotten today, the so-called “Barmat Affair” resulted in the longest trial in the Weimar Republic’s short history and one of its most heated scandals. The antidemocratic right seized upon the ties that Julius Barmat, a Jewish businessman of Ukrainian provenance, maintained to prominent socialists to discredit Weimar by equat- ing democracy with corruption, corruption with Jews, and Jews with socialists. The left responded to the right’s antidemocratic campaign with reasoned refutations of the idea that democracy inevitably involved graft. Few socialist or liberal politicians, however, responded to the right’s portrayal of Weimar as “Jewish.” The failure of the left to identify antisemitism as a threat to democracy undermined attempts to democratize the German judiciary and ultimately German society itself. And then it started like a guilty thing Upon a fearful summons.1 In a spectacular operation on New Year’s Eve 1924, the Berlin state prosecutor’s office sent some 100 police officers to arrest Julius Barmat and two of his four brothers. With an eye toward capturing headlines, the prosecutors treated Barmat as a dangerous criminal, sending some 20 policemen to arrest him, his wife, and his 13-year old son in his villa in Schwanenwerder, an exclusive neighbourhood on the Wannsee. The police even brought along a patrol boat to underscore their concern that Barmat might try to escape custody via the river Havel. The arrests of Barmat’s leading managers and alleged co-conspirators over the next few days were similarly sensational and faintly ridiculous. -
Building an Unwanted Nation: the Anglo-American Partnership and Austrian Proponents of a Separate Nationhood, 1918-1934
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository BUILDING AN UNWANTED NATION: THE ANGLO-AMERICAN PARTNERSHIP AND AUSTRIAN PROPONENTS OF A SEPARATE NATIONHOOD, 1918-1934 Kevin Mason A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2007 Approved by: Advisor: Dr. Christopher Browning Reader: Dr. Konrad Jarausch Reader: Dr. Lloyd Kramer Reader: Dr. Michael Hunt Reader: Dr. Terence McIntosh ©2007 Kevin Mason ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Kevin Mason: Building an Unwanted Nation: The Anglo-American Partnership and Austrian Proponents of a Separate Nationhood, 1918-1934 (Under the direction of Dr. Christopher Browning) This project focuses on American and British economic, diplomatic, and cultural ties with Austria, and particularly with internal proponents of Austrian independence. Primarily through loans to build up the economy and diplomatic pressure, the United States and Great Britain helped to maintain an independent Austrian state and prevent an Anschluss or union with Germany from 1918 to 1934. In addition, this study examines the minority of Austrians who opposed an Anschluss . The three main groups of Austrians that supported independence were the Christian Social Party, monarchists, and some industries and industrialists. These Austrian nationalists cooperated with the Americans and British in sustaining an unwilling Austrian nation. Ultimately, the global depression weakened American and British capacity to practice dollar and pound diplomacy, and the popular appeal of Hitler combined with Nazi Germany’s aggression led to the realization of the Anschluss . -
GERMANY for Australian Senior Secondary Students of Age of Imperialism Modern History
NELSON NELSON MODERNHISTORY MODERNHISTORY NELSON MODERNHISTORY Nelson Cengage has developed this series A Globalised World GERMANY for Australian senior secondary students of Age of Imperialism Modern History. The series includes titles Australia 1918–1950s that encompass the period from the 18th GERMANY century to the contemporary world and China and Revolution they explore the social, cultural and political Civil Rights in the United States of America developments that shape the 21st century. Decolonisation Written by experienced educators and 1918–1945 1918–1945 Germany 1918–1945 experts in their fields, each book builds on India a narrative framework to incorporate recent research and historiography, primary and Recognition and Rights of Indigenous Peoples secondary sources, and learning activities. Russia and the Soviet Union These key features combine to support the The American Revolution development of historical knowledge and The Changing World Order understanding and historical skills that will enable students to interpret and reflect on The Enlightenment the experience and developments that have The French Revolution created the world in which they live. The Industrial Revolution The Struggle for Peace in the Middle East United States of America 1917–1945 Germany 1918–1945 Women’s Movements The Stahlhelm (steel helmet) was introduced to the German Army in early 1916 as a protective Workers’ Rights helmet. Replacing earlier cloth and leather headgear such as the Pickelhaube, the Stahlhelm has become a potent symbol of German militarism in the first half of the 20th century. During the 1920s the right-wing veteran’s organisation, Der Stahlhelm, Bund der Frontsoldaten, which became the paramilitary wing of the German National People’s Party and was later absorbed into the SA, used the helmet as both its name and symbol. -
Das Reich Der Seele Walther Rathenau’S Cultural Pessimism and Prussian Nationalism ~ Dieuwe Jan Beersma
Das Reich der Seele Walther Rathenau’s Cultural Pessimism and Prussian Nationalism ~ Dieuwe Jan Beersma 16 juli 2020 Master Geschiedenis – Duitslandstudies, 11053259 First supervisor: dhr. dr. A.K. (Ansgar) Mohnkern Second supervisor: dhr. dr. H.J. (Hanco) Jürgens Abstract Every year the Rathenau Stiftung awards the Walther Rathenau-Preis to international politicians to spread Rathenau’s ideas of ‘democratic values, international understanding and tolerance’. This incorrect perception of Rathenau as a democrat and a liberal is likely to have originated from the historiography. Many historians have described Rathenau as ‘contradictory’, claiming that there was a clear and problematic distinction between Rathenau’s intellectual theories and ideas and his political and business career. Upon closer inspection, however, this interpretation of Rathenau’s persona seems to be fundamentally incorrect. This thesis reassesses Walther Rathenau’s legacy profoundly by defending the central argument: Walther Rathenau’s life and motivations can first and foremost be explained by his cultural pessimism and Prussian nationalism. The first part of the thesis discusses Rathenau’s intellectual ideas through an in-depth analysis of his intellectual work and the historiography on his work. Motivated by racial theory, Rathenau dreamed of a technocratic utopian German empire led by a carefully selected Prussian elite. He did not believe in the ‘power of a common Europe’, but in the power of a common German Europe. The second part of the thesis explicates how Rathenau’s career is not contradictory to, but actually very consistent with, his cultural pessimism and Prussian nationalism. Firstly, Rathenau saw the First World War as a chance to transform the economy and to make his Volksstaat a reality. -
Weimar Culture and the East European Jews, 1918-1923
13 The Double Exile: Weimar Culture and the East European Jews, 1918-1923 STEVEN E. ASCHHEIM \leimar society continues to fascinate us partly because of the ironic connection between cultural creativity and political brutalization.l As unwelcome "insiders" of an unwanted Republic, German Je1•s were located at the very center of this dialectic, the concrete link tying these polarities. Their real and symbolic role in the disposition of \leimar Germany has been am!Jly documented.2 lluch less attention :1as been given to the role of the :>ast European Jews (Ostjuden) in Germany during this period. This constitutes a serious gap. Ostjude;1 were the first and mos t vulnerable targets of the newl~r radicalized anti-Semi tism. As a highly visible foreign minority, they were obvious victims of the growing climate of political violence. At the same time they greatly complicated German Jewry's mm e~osed situation and, in many ways, conditioned its responses. llecause the Ostjudenfrage (~uestion of the Eastern European Jews) was portrayed as a German Schicksalfrase, it was transformed into a probler.1 of vital popular and national concern. No treatment of the relationship between \Jeimar culture, the Jews, and anti Semitism would be complete without it. To be sure, tl1e problern of East European Jews was not new to Germany. The geographical proximity of Po land to Germany was a special circumstance attending the course of German Jewish emancipation. German Jews were never able to forget that they shared a comnon border with the unemanci11ated Eastern ghetto masses. Throughout the nineteenth and into the twentieth century, German Jewish historywas conditioned by this presence, both as myth anJ reality. -
Kurt Von Schleicher the Soldier and Politics in the Run-Up to National Socialism: a Case Study of Civil-Military Relations
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2013-06 Kurt von Schleicher the soldier and politics in the run-up to national socialism: a case study of civil-military relations Bitter, Alexander B. Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/34631 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS KURT VON SCHLEICHER—THE SOLDIER AND POLITICS IN THE RUN-UP TO NATIONAL SOCIALISM: A CASE STUDY OF CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS by Alexander B. Bitter June 2013 Thesis Co-Advisors: Donald Abenheim Carolyn Halladay Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704–0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202–4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704–0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 2013 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS KURT VON SCHLEICHER—THE SOLDIER AND POLITICS IN THE RUN-UP TO NATIONAL SOCIALISM: A CASE STUDY OF CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS 6.