Security Sector Reform and Post-Conflict Peacebuilding
United Nations University Press is the publishing arm of the United Nations University. UNU Press publishes scholarly and policy-oriented books and periodicals on the issues facing the United Nations and its people and member states, with particular emphasis upon international, regional, and transboundary policies. The United Nations University is an organ of the United Nations estab- lished by the General Assembly in 1972 to be an international community of scholars engaged in research, advanced training, and the dissemination of knowledge related to the pressing global problems of human survi- val, development, and welfare. Its activities focus mainly on the areas of peace and governance, environment and sustainable development, and science and technology in relation to human welfare. The University op- erates through a worldwide network of research and postgraduate train- ing centres, with its planning and coordinating headquarters in Tokyo. Security sector reform and post-conflict peacebuilding In memory of Rocky Williams Security sector reform and post-conflict peacebuilding
Edited by Albrecht Schnabel and Hans-Georg Ehrhart
United Nations a University Press
TOKYO u NEW YORK u PARIS 6 United Nations University, 2005
The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations University.
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Security sector reform and post-conflict peacebuilding / edited by Albrecht Schnabel and Hans-Georg Ehrhart. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 9280811096 (pbk.) 1. National security. 2. Peace-building. 3. Civil-military relations. 4. Peacekeeping forces. 5. United Nations—Peacekeeping forces. I. Schnabel, Albrecht. II. Ehrhart, Hans-Georg, 1955– UA10.5.S3735 2005 327.1 072—dc22 2005024342 Contents
Acknowledgements ...... viii
Listofacronyms...... x
Contributors...... xiv
Introduction ...... 1
1 Post-conflict societies and the military: Challenges and problemsofsecuritysectorreform ...... 1 Albrecht Schnabel and Hans-Georg Ehrhart
Part I: The challenges of post-conflict peacebuilding and security sector reform ...... 17
2 Security sector reform and donor policies ...... 19 Dylan Hendrickson and Andrzej Karkoszka
3 African armed forces and the challenges of security sector transformation...... 45 Rocky Williams
4 Military forces’ training for post-conflict peacebuilding operations...... 74 Fernando Isturiz v vi CONTENTS
Part II: Experiences from Europe: Macedonia, Bosnia, Russia, Georgia, and Northern Ireland ...... 91
5 Ethnic-military relations in Macedonia ...... 93 Biljana Vankovska
6 Democratization in Bosnia: A more effective role for SFOR . . 114 Allison Ritscher
7 The use of Russia’s security structures in the post-conflict environment...... 133 Ekaterina A. Stepanova
8 Civil-military relations in a newly independent transitional state:TheGeorgiancase ...... 156 David Darchiashvili
9 The politics of fear versus the politics of intimidation: Security sectorreforminNorthernIreland ...... 182 Stefan Wolff
Part III: Experiences from Latin America: El Salvador, Guatemala, Colombia, Chile, and Haiti ...... 205
10 Civil-military relations in Latin America: The post-9/11 scenarioandthecivilsocietydimension...... 207 Andre´s Serbin and Andre´s Fontana
11 The military in post-conflict societies: Lessons from Central AmericaandprospectsforColombia ...... 225 Thomas C. Bruneau
12 Civil-military relations and national reconciliation in Chile in theaftermathofthePinochetaffair ...... 243 Nibaldo H. Galleguillos
13 The role of the military in democratization and peacebuilding: TheexperiencesofHaitiandGuatemala ...... 258 Chetan Kumar
Part IV: Experiences from Asia: Cambodia, East Timor, and Afghanistan ...... 281 CONTENTS vii
14 SecuritysectorreforminCambodia...... 283 Sophie Richardson and Peter Sainsbury
15 International force and political reconstruction: Cambodia, EastTimor,andAfghanistan ...... 297 William Maley
Conclusion ...... 313
16 Post-conflict societies and the military: Recommendations for securitysectorreform ...... 315 Hans-Georg Ehrhart and Albrecht Schnabel
Index...... 323 Acknowledgements
A number of individuals and organizations have provided invaluable as- sistance and support at various stages of this book project. First of all, we are grateful to the United Nations University, the Japa- nese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs for providing the funding for our work. We are grateful to the Swiss Peace Foundation (swisspeace) and the Institute for Peace Re- search and Security Policy at the University of Hamburg for offering us the time and opportunity to work on this project. We thank the latter for hosting a most stimulating author meeting in November 2001, and particularly Bernt Berger for his assistance during the workshop. We greatly appreciate the logistical and administrative assistance offered for the entire duration of this project by Yoshie Sawada of the Peace and Governance Programme of the United Nations University. We are grate- ful to Monica Blagescu for assistance during the early stages of the proj- ect. We thank UNU Press, particularly Gareth Johnston and Scott McQuade, for patiently supporting us in preparing and improving the manuscript for publication. We are grateful to two anonymous peer reviewers, whose comments allowed us to make important improvements over the initial draft manuscript; and we greatly appreciate the work of Cherry Ekins for copyediting the volume and ‘‘. . .’’ for producing the index. This book grew out of an international research project on ‘‘The Role of the Military in Post-Conflict Peacebuilding’’ jointly initiated in 2001 under the aegis of the United Nations University and the Institute for viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ix
Peace Research and Security Policy at the University of Hamburg. The project focused on two main issues: the role and conduct of international peace operations in the post-war transition phase, and security sector reform as a contribution to post-conflict peacebuilding efforts. Contribu- tions on the first theme (by Anthony Anderson, Karin von Hippel, Ho- Won Jeong, Stephen Blackwell, Karen Guttieri, and Ann Fitz-Gerald) were published in the journal SþF: Sicherheit und Frieden/Security and Peace (Vol. 22, Nos 1/2), while the studies undertaken on the second theme culminated in this book. As those responsible for the overall proj- ect, we thank all project participants for sharing their insights with us and the readers of the SþF articles and this book. We dedicate this volume to Rocky Williams, who contributed a chapter to the book and who passed away in January 2005. Rocky’s contribu- tions to the debate on security sector reform and its implementation in his home country of South Africa and throughout the African continent have been immense. Those lucky enough to have known, worked with, and learned from him miss him greatly. His legacy will motivate us to continue the important work he has begun.
Albrecht Schnabel Hans-Georg Ehrhart Bern and Hamburg Acronyms
ACSS Africa Center for Strategic Studies (USA) ARENA Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (El Salvador) ARM Army of the Republic of Macedonia ASEAN Association of South-East Asian Nations AUC Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia CCMR Center for Civil-Military Relations CEE Central and Eastern Europe CFSP EU Common Foreign and Security Policy CIS Commonwealth of Independent States CNI Central National Intelligence (Chile) CNR National Reconciliation Commission (Guatemala) CNRT Conselho Nacional da Resistencia Timorense (East Timor) CONACOM National Congress of Democratic Movements (Haiti) CPAF Cambodian People’s Armed Forces CPP Cambodian People’s Party CSSDCA Conference on Stability, Security, Development, and Coopera- tion in Africa DAC OECD Development Assistance Committee DAO defence attache´ officer DDR disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (of former com- batants) DINA National Intelligence Directorate (Chile) DPA UNDepartmentofPoliticalAffairs DPKO UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations DFID Department for International Development (UK) DUP Democratic Unionist Party (Northern Ireland) x ACRONYMS xi
EAF Entity Armed Forces (Bosnia) EAPC Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States ELN Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional (Colombia) EMERCOM Ministry for Civil Defence, Emergencies, and Elimination of Consequences of Natural Disasters (Russia) EU European Union EUPM EU Police Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina FAD’H Forces Arme´es d’Haiti FAO UN Food and Agriculture Organization FARC Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia FDI foreign direct investment FDNG New Guatemala Democratic Front F-FDTL Falintil-Force Defence Timor-Leste (East Timor) FMLN Frente Farabunmdo Marti para la Liberacion Nacional (El Salvador) FMS Federal Migration Service (Russia) FOM freedom of movement FRG Guatemalan Republican Front GANA Grand National Alliance (Guatemala) GEL Georgian lari GFAP General FrameworkAgreement for Peace(Bosnia) GTZ Deutsche Gesellschaft fu¨ r technische Zusammenarbeit HNP Haitian National Police IC international community ICISS International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross ICTY International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia IDA International Development Association IDP internally displaced person IFI international financial institution IFOR Intervention Force (Bosnia) IICD Independent International Commission on Decommissioning IMET US International Military Education and Training programme IMF International Monetary Fund INTERFET International Force for East Timor IPAP Individual Partnership Action Plan (Georgia) IPTF International Police Task Force IRA Irish Republican Army ISAF International Security Assistance Force (Afghanistan) ISAP International Security Advisory Board JCO joint commission observer (Bosnia) KFOR Kosovo Force KPNLF Khmer People’s National Liberation Front (Cambodia) MIA Ministry of Internal Affairs (Georgia) MICAH International Civilian Support Mission (Haiti) xii ACRONYMS
MINUGUA UN Verification Mission in Guatemala MINUSTAH UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti MND(N) Multi-National Division North (Bosnia) MNF multinational force MOD Ministry of Defence (various countries) MOI Ministry of the Interior (Cambodia) MOND Ministry of National Defence (Cambodia) MP member of parliament MSS Ministry of State Security (Georgia) MUP Interior Police (Bosnia) MVD Ministerstvo Vnutrennikh Del (Ministry of Internal Affairs, Russia) NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NEPAD New Partnership for Africa’s Development NGO non-governmental organization NLA National Liberation Army (Macedonia) NSC National Security Council (Georgia) OAS Organization of American States OAU Organization of African Unity OCHA UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs OECD Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development OGV Federal Group of Forces (Russia) OIG Office of the Inspector General (Bosnia) OMON militia unit of special detachment (Russia) ONUSAL UN Observer Mission in El Salvador OPL Organization of People in Struggle (Haiti) OSCE Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe PAC civil defence patrols (Guatemala) PAN National Advancement Party (Guatemala) PfP Partnership for Peace programme PIFWC person indicted for war crimes PKO peacekeeping operation PLA People’s Liberation Army (China) PNTL Policia Nacional de Timor-Leste (East Timor) PolRI Indonesian police force PRK People’s Republic of Kampuchea PRT provincial reconstruction team (Afghanistan) PSNI Police Service of Northern Ireland PSO peace support operations PUP Progressive Unionist Party (Northern Ireland) RCAF Royal Cambodian Armed Forces RDP reconstruction and development programme REMHI Recovery of Historical Memory project (Guatemala) ROE rules of engagement RS Republika Srpska RUBOP regional unit on combating organized crime (Russia) ACRONYMS xiii
RUC Royal Ulster Constabulary SADC Southern African Development Community SAPS South African Police Service SCMM Standing Committee on Military Matters (Bosnia) SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party (Northern Ireland) SEECP South-East European Cooperation Process SEPAZ Secretariat of Peace (Guatemala) SFOR Stabilization Force (Bosnia) SHIRBRIG UN Standby High Readiness Brigade SNI National Information System (Brazil) SOBR special rapid-reaction unit (Russia) SOC State of Cambodia SRSG special representative of the Secretary-General SSR security sector reform SST security sector transformation TNI Indonesian military UCK Ushtria Clirimtare e Kosoves (Kosovo Liberation Army) UDA Ulster Defence Association UDT Unia˜o Democratica Timorense (East Timor) UDP Ulster Democratic Party UFF Ulster Freedom Fighters UNAMET UNMissioninEastTimor UNCOHCHR UN Cambodia Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights UNDP UN Development Programme UNDPKO UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations UNHCR UN High Commissioner for Refugees UNICEF UN Children’s Fund UNMIH UN Mission in Haiti UNMISET UN Mission of Support in East Timor UNSG UN Secretary-General UNSOM II UN Operation in Somalia II UNTAC UN Transitional Authority for Cambodia UNTAET UN Transitional Administration in East Timor URNG Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity UUP Ulster Unionist Party UVF Ulster Volunteer Force VMRO Vnatresna makedonska revolucionerna organizacija (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization) WFP World Food Programme WHO World Health Organization YPA Yugoslav People’s Army Contributors
Thomas C. Bruneau is Professor of David Darchiashvili is head of the National Security Affairs at the Research Department of the Naval Postgraduate School in Parliament of Georgia and a Monterey, California. Between 1989 lecturer at the International and 1995 he was chairman of that Relations Department at Tbilisi department. Since 1996 he has been State University. He is also the programme manager for Latin director of the Center for Civil- America at the Center for Civil- Military Relations and Security Military Relations located at the Studies, and a researcher at the Naval Postgraduate School, and was Caucasian Institute for Peace, director between 2000 and 2005. He Democracy, and Development in makes frequent trips to deliver Tbilisi. seminars on civil-military relations to Latin America, Asia, and East/ Hans-Georg Ehrhart is a senior Central Europe. He has published research fellow and lecturer at the extensively on Latin America and Institute for Peace Research and Portugal, and has two books Security Policy at the University of appearing in 2006 on key issues in Hamburg (IFSH). He is a member civil-military relations, including of ‘‘Team Europe’’ of the European democratic control of intelligence Commission’s representation in agencies. He received his PhD from Germany and previously served as a the University of California, visiting research fellow with the Berkeley, and served 18 years on Foundation for National Defence the faculty of the Department of Studies, Paris, the Centre for Political Science at McGill International Relations, Queen’s University, Montreal, Canada. University, Kingston, and the EU xiv CONTRIBUTORS xv
Institute for Security Studies, Paris. Care International UK, among He received his MA and DPhil from others. the University of Bonn. Dr Ehrhart is currently working has published widely on issues such Fernando Isturiz for the Association for Cultural as disarmament, peacekeeping, Promotion, Argentina. He was most conflict prevention, international recentlyaseniorassociatefor organizations, post-Soviet politics, training at the International Peace and German-French relations as Academy in New York. Colonel well as German and European Isturiz was the director of the security politics. Argentine Armed Forces Joint Staff Andre´s Fontana is Professor, Dean of Center of Strategic Studies. He was Graduate Studies, and director of also commanding officer of the the international relations major at Argentine Peace Operations the Universidad de Belgrano, Training Center (CAECOPAZ) and Buenos Aires. He also holds Argentina’s contingent commander professorships at the Catholic with the UN peacekeeping force in University of Cordova, the National Cyprus. University of Buenos Aires, and the is a senior political Institute of National Foreign Andrzej Karkoszka adviser to the director of the Services. From 1998 to 2000 he Geneva Centre for the Democratic served as undersecretary for Control of Armed Forces (DCAF). strategic policy in the government of Previously he held appointments Argentina. He received his PhD in with the Marshall Center in political science from the University Garmisch-Partenkirchen, Germany, of Texas in Austin, USA. the Chancellery of the President of Nibaldo H. Galleguillos is an associate Poland, the Polish Ministry of professor in the Department of National Defence, the Polish Political Science at McMaster Institute of International Affairs, University, Hamilton, Ontario. Warsaw, the Stockholm Before receiving his PhD from the International Peace Research University of Toronto he was a Institute, and the Institute for East- human rights lawyer in the West Security Studies (now Committee for Cooperation and EastWest Institute), New York. He Peace and an attorney at law in received his PhD in political science Santiago, Chile. from the Polish Institute of International Affairs in 1977. Dylan Hendrickson is a research fellow at the Centre for Defence Chetan Kumar is an interagency Studies, King’s College, London. specialist in the Political and Previously he was an independent Strategic Planning Unit of the consultant working for the Disasters Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Management Committee and the Recovery, UNDP, New York. International Institute for Previously he was a programme Environment and Development officer in the Office of the Special in London, for UNHCR and Representative of the UN Secretary- UNICEF in Geneva, and for General for Children and Armed xvi CONTRIBUTORS
Conflict, and a senior associate at experience in Thailand and Viet the International Peace Academy, Nam. He has also worked as both in New York. He received his managing editor and reporter for PhD from the University of Illinois the Phnom Penh Post in Cambodia at Urbana-Champaign. and as news and audio editor for Radio New Zealand. William Maley is Professor and Foundation Director, Asia-Pacific Albrecht Schnabel is a senior research College of Diplomacy, Australian fellow at swisspeace – the Swiss National University. He was Peace Foundation in Bern, previously an associate professor of Switzerland – where he is politics at the University of New responsible for a research South Wales. In 1998 he was programme on human security and appointed to the Australian Foreign the coordination of swisspeace’s Affairs Council. Dr Maley served as early warning programme, FAST. authorized international observer of He teaches in the Institute of elections with the UN Transitional Political Science at the University of Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), Bern. He previously served as an and has field experience on several academic officer in the Peace and Afghan refugee projects with Governance Programme of the AUSTCARE. United Nations University and held teaching positions at the American Sophie Richardson is a consultant on University in Bulgaria, the Central Cambodia with the International European University, and Aoyama Crisis Group, currently enrolled in a Gakuin University. He has been a doctoral programme in the visiting research fellow at the Department of Government and Institute for Peace Research and Foreign Affairs at the University of Security Policy at the University of Virginia. Previously she worked for Hamburg (IFSH), and currently the National Democratic Institute serves as a trainer on early warning for International Affairs, and prevention for the UN Staff Washington, DC, where she served College, Turin. His research and as senior programme officer for Asia. publications focus on conflict and Allison Ritscher is an intelligence security studies, with an emphasis officer at the Naval Special Warfare on conflict prevention and post- CommandinSanDiego,California. conflict peacebuilding. He holds a She was previously a reports/ PhD in political studies from operations officer with the Joint Queen’s University, Canada. Interrogation Center in Vaihingen, Andre´s Serbin is a professor at the Germany, and a squadron Central University of Venezuela. He intelligence officer in Virginia. She is president of Concertacion has received her MA in national Centroamericana, a Central security affairs from the Naval American network of non- Postgraduate School in Monterey, governmental organizations. California. Between 1991 and 1993 he served as Peter Sainsbury is a freelance adviser to the Ministry of Foreign journalist with extensive field Affairs of Venezuela. CONTRIBUTORS xvii
Ekaterina A. Stepanova is a senior He was a former commander in researcher at the Center for Political Umkhonto We Sizwe – the guerilla and Military Forecasts of the army of the African National Institute of World Economy and Congress.HeheldaPhDfromthe International Relations (IMEMO), University of Essex, England, and Russia. Previously she was a was a member of the faculty of the MacArthur individual research School of Public and Development fellow and research associate on Management at the University of foreign policy and security issues Witwatersrand. with the Carnegie Moscow Center. Stefan Wolff is Professor of Political Dr Stepanova received her PhD Science in the Department of from Moscow State University. European Studies, University of Biljana Vankovska is a senior fellow Bath,England.Heisalsoasenior at the Geneva Centre for non-resident research associate at Democratic Control of Armed the European Centre for Minority Forces (DCAF), Switzerland. Issues, and a professorial lecturer at Previously she was the head of the the School of Advanced Institute of Defence at the International Studies, Johns University of Skopje, Macedonia, Hopkins University, Bologna and a scientific adviser at DCAF. Dr Center. He has done consulting Vankovska received her PhD in work for the Canadian Immigration political science from the and Refugee Board on the situation Department of Political Studies, of ethnic minorities in Central and University of Skopje. Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Dr Wolff holds a PhD Rocky Williams (d. January 2005) was in political science from the London director of the African Security School of Economics, UK, and has Sector Transformation Programme published widely on German at the Institute for Security Studies, minorities in Europe, ethnopolitics, Pretoria, South Africa. Previously, and the management of ethnic Colonel Williams served as the conflict. director of operations policy at the South African Ministry of Defence.
1 Post-conflict societies and the military: Challenges and problems of security sector reform
Albrecht Schnabel and Hans-Georg Ehrhart
In post-conflict societies, the remnants of wartime military and security apparatuses pose great risks to internal security: inflated armies with little or no civilian control; irregular and paramilitary forces; an over- abundance of arms and ammunition in private and government hands; weak internal security forces; and a lack of trust in and legitimacy of the government’s control over police and military forces.1 Peacekeeping troops from other nations, regional organizations, and the United Na- tions attempt to support political and economic transition processes and the transition of wartime security systems. Without a secure environment and a security system that ensures security even after the departure of in- ternational peace operations, political, economic, and cultural rebuilding are impossible. The latter can take place only in an environment where the local security sector is subjected to a rigorous democratization pro- cess, putting the security forces in the service of society’s safety, not its destruction, and where both internal and external security forces are con- tributing constructively to the rebuilding of process. Reflecting on the experiences and analyses of an international group of academics and practitioners from various educational and professional backgrounds and diverse cultures of analysis and reflection, this book ex- amines the role of local and external actors – with a focus on military forces – in meeting the challenge of sustainable post-conflict security sector reform.2 Following analyses of the key challenges of security sector reform and the roles particularly of international peace operations in addressing the security needs of post-conflict societies, case studies
1 2 SCHNABEL AND EHRHART from Europe, Africa, Asia, and Latin America put these discussions in a regional and global context.
Post-conflict peacebuilding and the military
In a historic perspective, people directly concerned in violent conflict had to bear the consequences and the burden of reconstruction primarily on their own. In the post-international world a new understanding is emerging that it is in the very interest of the world society – for moral reasons, but more so for strategic and security reasons – to care about violent conflicts and their devastating consequences for regional, interna- tional, and human security. Not only the termination of war but also the rebuilding of post-war societies have become both livelihood and security issues. It was former UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali who, in his Agenda for Peace, introduced the concept of post-conflict peace- building as an important step in the sequence of preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, and peacekeeping.3 He briefly defines post-conflict peace- building as ‘‘action to identify and support structures which will tend to strengthen and solidify peace in order to avoid a relapse into conflict’’.4 The concept has become an inherent component in the UN’s efforts to prevent and resolve conflicts, and to preserve peace. According to UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan:
By post-conflict peace-building, I mean actions undertaken at the end of a conflict to consolidate peace and prevent a recurrence of armed confrontation. Experi- ence has shown that the consolidation of peace in the aftermath of conflict re- quires more than purely diplomatic and military action, and that an integrated peace-building effort is needed to address the various factors that have caused or are threatening a conflict. Peace-building may involve the creation or strengthen- ing of national institutions, monitoring elections, promoting human rights, provid- ing for reintegration and rehabilitation programmes, and creating conditions for resumed development. Peace-building does not replace ongoing humanitarian and development activities in countries emerging from crisis. It aims rather to build on, add to, or reorient such activities in ways designed to reduce the risk of a resumption of conflict and contribute to creating the conditions most conducive to reconciliation, reconstruction and recovery.5
Post-conflict peacebuilding is a complex and multidimensional, genu- inely political process of transformation from a state of war or violent conflict to one of stability and peace, requiring, according to Kofi Annan, ‘‘a multifaceted approach, covering diplomatic, political and economic factors’’.6 It embraces security, political, social, economic, and psycho-social dimensions, and it aims at the installation of both POST-CONFLICT SOCIETIES AND THE MILITARY 3 negative and, in the longer run, positive peace. While it is necessary to define appropriate measures and timetables (including exit strategies) and, in the interest of sustainability, to ensure transfer of ownership to local actors, this becomes a particularly difficult and cumbersome undertaking when the required multifaceted approach is not paralleled by ‘‘high-level strategic and administrative coordination’’ among the different actors involved in post-conflict peacebuilding tasks.7 More- over, in the interest of sustainability, coordination with local partners has to lead towards transfer of responsibilities. As the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) notes, ‘‘the long-term aim of international actors in a post-conflict situation is ‘to do themselves out of a job’ . . . by creating political processes which require local actors to take over responsibility both for rebuilding their society and for creating patterns of cooperation between antagonistic groups’’.8 The roles of security forces – external and internal – and the process of security sector reform are key ingredients of the post-conflict peacebuild- ing agenda. Among the primary conditions for starting a process of con- flict transformation and the rebuilding of political institutions, security, and economic structures is a secure environment.9 That is the point where external military forces must be at hand to cope with such diverse tasks as the reinstallation of order, support for local security forces, dis- armament of combatants, facilitation of security sector reform, protection of elections, demining, and securing the repatriation of refugees and pro- tection of human rights. This is only possible if the activities of external military forces are integral parts of the overall transformation process of the post-conflict society concerned. Military forces in even the most advanced democracies are themselves in a process of change. We are witnessing the emergence of a post- modern military that is characterized by six challenges. First, the tradi- tional values of honour and fatherland are increasingly challenged by universal values such as freedom, democracy, and justice. Second, al- though fighting capacities remain important, other tasks – so-called mis- sions other than war – are gaining relevance. The postmodern soldier is not only a fighter but also a peacekeeper, policeman, diplomat, social worker, and Peace Corps worker. Third, the example of the 2003 Iraq war and the wider war on terrorism notwithstanding, there is growing pressure for international legitimization of any kinds of external inter- vention. Fourth, the military is increasingly becoming internationalized. Multinational forces such as NATO’s Allied Rapid Reaction Corps, the EU’s Eurocorps, and the UN Standby High Readiness Brigade are ex- amples for this process. Fifth, an ongoing ‘‘revolution in military affairs’’ is changing the way of war fighting and of intervention. Sixth, post- 4 SCHNABEL AND EHRHART modern soldiers are confronted with a growing privatization of violence and the looming security dilemma this produces.10 The military is an institution of the state, and as such primarily an in- strument to assure external security for the state and its society. Since the Kellogg-Briand Pact and the UN Charter, international law prohibits states from using the military as an aggressive instrument to exert state power within or outside of its borders. Since then two main concepts cir- cumscribe the role of the military: defence (of national territory) and de- terrence (of potential aggressors). Although these concepts will continue to play a significant role in military planning, they are becoming less rel- evant in a changing security environment in which, as already mentioned, international security threats are increasingly defined by intrastate, not interstate, conflicts. Internal conflicts have the potential to destabilize entire regions. In some regions (including Africa) such conflicts have become a permanent feature, similar to military dictatorships and coups d’e´tat in the past. More developed, supposedly more peaceful regions of the world, such as Europe, are certainly not excluded from such threats. Ethnic and territorial conflicts have become commonplace events since the end of the Cold War. The disastrous consequences of these conflicts, including humanitarian catastrophes, massive refugee movements, re- gional destabilization, and organized crime and terrorism – and particu- larly the latter – have triggered not only political but increasingly military responses by the international community. Leaving the legitimacy of the international war on terror aside, the suc- cess of humanitarian interventions (or, according to the ICISS, ‘‘interven- tions for human protection purposes’’) and complex peace operations in the post-Cold War years has been mixed. The UN’s report on reforming UN peace operations offered a wide range of proposals to plan, imple- ment, and train for future peace missions.11 In general, the United Na- tions and regional groupings are beginning to show serious concern as to how to prepare for improved and more effective operations that support both negative peace (i.e. the absence of direct violence) and positive peace (i.e. the creation of political, economic, and social conditions to support sustainable justice and security).12 Moreover, since the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001 (9/11), the international war on terrorism has left a strong imprint on international involvement in post-war peace- building engagements, given the fear that unstable states and post-war societies provide an ideal breeding ground for terrorist training and activity.13 Militaries of troop-contributing countries to peace operations are faced with the following challenges. Traditional functions of national defence and deterrence give way to, or are complemented by, capacities to en- gage in conflict prevention, peace enforcement, peacekeeping, and the POST-CONFLICT SOCIETIES AND THE MILITARY 5 restoration of security and order. The main goal of military activities is no longer exclusively the defeat and elimination of an adversary, but the creation of a safe environment for a comprehensive and inclusive post- conflict political and social order. The deployment of intervention forces is often the first step towards the consolidation of peace. Soldiers must not think and act primarily in military categories, but must consider the political consequences of their actions and act as mediators and negotia- tors. Military personnel must cooperate intensively with both police and civilian components of today’s complex peace operations.14 Neverthe- less, in the case of post-Taliban Afghanistan, the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) supports the consolidation of peace while – on a different front – Operation Enduring Freedom engages in military combat against remnant Taliban forces as part of the war on terrorism. Thus separating the tasks of defeating and eliminating an adversary and creating a safe environment for the consolidation of a comprehen- sive and inclusive post-conflict political and social order – as mentioned above – confronts both internal and external military and other secu- rity forces with a difficult challenge:toestablishandmaintain‘‘inthe security sector institutions and procedures that are both effective in carrying out their missions and consistent with democracy and the rule of law’’.15 Intervening troops operate in an environment of fragile peace and or- der. They are confronted by military and paramilitary troops who must be integrated into post-conflict society after months or years of engage- ment in violent struggles against each other and the civilian population. In most post-conflict societies political institutions are absent or greatly weakened, there is an overabundance of war ordnance and weaponry, there is little or no civilian control over military and police, and mistrust and economic scarcity determine political and social relations. Both ex- ternal and domestic actors are expected to cooperate in an effort to transform this delicate and fragile environment into sustainable peace. The gradual creation of democratic and legitimate state institutions and a functioning civil society is a key task on this road towards stability. And so are efforts to ensure that civil-military relations are restructured andarebasedondemocraticprinciples, so that military and police forces enhance, not threaten, the security of state and society. We are faced with a twofold transformation process. On the one hand military forces of troop-contributing third-party countries must address and meet the new challenges of peacekeeping, peace support, and peace- building tasks. On the other hand military, paramilitary, and police forces in war-torn societies must be transformed and integrated into acceptable, legitimate, and democratic security structures and actors. This book ad- dresses these challenges as they concern both external and internal mili- 6 SCHNABEL AND EHRHART tary forces, as well as their interaction, in the creation of an enabling environment for broader and sustainable peacebuilding performance.
The role of the military in security sector reform: Providing and receiving assistance
As noted in the preceding section, militaries have a crucial role to play in post-conflict peacebuilding. External militaries help facilitate the politi- cal, economic, and social transformation from a society that has been at war to a society that is able to follow a path towards long-term peace. The sheer presence of military forces might discourage the return to violence. Also, troops are engaged in active rebuilding tasks. Yet local militaries must continue to provide these security tasks on the ground once external forces return home; thus inadequate security sector reform will put post-conflict societies back on the slope towards violence and disintegration. Effective peacebuilding requires a thorough reform of a society’s secu- rity sector – a process that requires active involvement of military, eco- nomic, and political actors.16 The ‘‘security sector’’ includes ‘‘all those organizations that have the authority to use, or order the use of, force or threat of force, to protect the state and its citizens, as well as those civil structures that are responsible for their management and oversight’’.17 It includes military and paramilitary forces; intelligence services; police forces, border guards, and custom services; judicial and penal systems; and respective civil structures that are responsible for their management and oversight.18 The OECD DAC Guidelines on Security System and Governance Reform define the broader security system, ‘‘which includes all the actors, their roles, responsibilities and actions – working together to manage and operate the system in a manner that is more consistent with democratic norms and sound principles of good governance, and thus contributes to a well-functioning security framework’’ as consisting of the following key elements.19 Core security actors: armed forces; police; gendarmeries; paramilitary forces; presidential guards; intelligence and security services (both mil- itary and civilian); coastguards; customs authorities; and reserve or local security units (civil defence forces, national guards, militias). Security management and oversight bodies: the executive; national se- curity advisory bodies; legislature and legislative select committees; ministries of defence, internal affairs, and foreign affairs; customary and traditional authorities; financial management bodies (finance min- istries, budget offices, financial audit and planning units); and civil society organizations (civilian review boards and public complaints commissions). POST-CONFLICT SOCIETIES AND THE MILITARY 7