The Origin and Development of the Lingua Franca”
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Judeo-Provençal in Southern France
George Jochnowitz Judeo-Provençal in Southern France 1 Brief introduction Judeo-Provençal is also known as Judeo-Occitan, Judéo-Comtadin, Hébraïco- Comtadin, Hébraïco-Provençal, Shuadit, Chouadit, Chouadite, Chuadit, and Chuadite. It is the Jewish analog of Provençal and is therefore a Romance lan- guage. The age of the language is a matter of dispute, as is the case with other Judeo-Romance languages. It was spoken in only four towns in southern France: Avignon, Cavaillon, Caprentras, and l’Isle-sur-Sorgue. A women’s prayer book, some poems, and a play are the sources of the medieval language, and transcrip- tions of Passover songs and theatrical representations are the sources for the modern language. In addition, my own interviews in 1968 with the language’s last known speaker, Armand Lunel, provide data (Jochnowitz 1978, 1985). Lunel, who learned the language from his grandparents, not his parents, did not have occasion to converse in it. Judeo-Provençal/Shuadit is now extinct, since Armand Lunel died in 1977. Sometimes Jewish languages have a name meaning “Jewish,” such as Yiddish or Judezmo – from Hebrew Yehudit or other forms of Yehuda. This is the case with Shuadit, due to a sound change of /y/ to [š]. I use the name Judeo-Provençal for the medieval language and Shuadit for the modern language. 2 Historical background 2.1 Speaker community: Settlement, documentation Jews had lived in Provence at least as early as the first century CE. They were officially expelled from France in 1306, readmitted in 1315, expelled again in 1322, readmitted in 1359, and expelled in 1394 for a period that lasted until the French Revolution. -
Sub-Saharian Immigration in France : from Diversity to Integration
Sub-Saharian immigration in France : from diversity to integration. Caroline JUILLARD Université René Descartes-Paris V The great majority of Sub-Saharian African migration comes from West - Africa, more precisely from francophone countries as Senegal, Mali, and into a lesser extent Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Mauritania. There are also migrants from other francophone African countries such as : Zaïre (RDC), Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Niger. Migrants consist mostly of workers and students. I shall speak principally of West-African migration for which sociolinguistic sources are not many. My talk will have three main parts. I General characteristics of this migration. A/ Census data First of all, I will discuss census data. The major trend of immigration to France nowadays comes from Sub-Saharian Africa ; it has tripled between 1982 et 1990 and almost doubled according to the last census of 1999 (Cf. Annexes). According to 1999 census, this migrant population counts more or less 400.000 persons. Official data are multiple and differ from one source to the other. Variations are important. Children born in France from immigrant parents do not participate to the immigrant population and, so for, are not included in the migration population recorded by the national census. They are recorded by the national education services. Moreover, there might be more persons without residency permit within the Sub-Saharian migration than within other migrant communities. I 2 mention here well-known case of “les sans-papiers”, people without residency permit, who recently asked for their integration to France. Case of clandestines has to be mentioned too. Data of INSEE1 do not take into account these people. -
Klaus Beyer (Humboldt University - Berlin)
174 Book Reviews Thomas Stolz, Dik Bakker & Rosa Salas Palomo (eds.) Romanisierung in Afrika: Der Einfluss des Französischen, Italienischen, Portugiesischen und Spanischen auf die indigenen Sprachen Afrikas. Diversitas Linguarum, Volume 22, Universitätsverlag Dr. Norbert Brockmeyer; 129 pages. Auflage: 1., Erstauflage (19. Februar 2009). Klaus Beyer (Humboldt University - Berlin) The volume is the third part of the published outcome of the conference ‘Romancisation world- wide’ held in May 2005 at the University of Bremen, Germany. Two previous volumes covering theoretical issues and contact scenarios with Spanish as the dominant language (Stolz et al. 2008 a, b) only accepted English contributions. This prerequisite excluded three papers on the African situation that happened to be written in Spanish and French. However, the editors considered these papers worth presenting them to the public and thus decided to edit this small volume of Diversitas Linguarum (Vol. 22). For completion they invited further contributors so that the present volume finally comprised six papers of which two are in Spanish, one in French and three in German. Given the German title and preface of the volume, this language mix may come as a surprise to readers who are not necessarily fluent in all three languages. Furthermore, the subtitle of the book suggests papers on the influence of the major Romance languages on indigenous African languages. Unfortunately, this is somehow misleading as most contributions look predominantly at the changes in the former colonial languages brought about through contact with indigenous African languages. The first paper Peculiaridades del español de Guinea Ecuatorial y los préstamos del español en las lengas indígenas by Gloria Nistal is a case in point. -
French in Louisiana by Nicholas R
"Ltlche pas la patate:" French in Louisiana by Nicholas R. Spitzer Middle-aged Cajuns often tell a story about being punished as children for speaking French at school. One punishment, aside from whipping, was to have students write 1000 times, "I will not speak French on the school grounds." It was an officially sanctioned devaluation of French Louisiana's language and culture which in Nick Spitzer, on the staffof the Office ofFo lk turn encouraged this generation not to teach French to its own life Programs, served for seven years as Louisi children. However, there is also evidence of resistance. People tell a ana State Folklorist. He has worked with Cajun and Creole French communities to produce a joke about unAmericain teacher instructing country children in film, LP's, andpublications about traditional numbers: culture in south Louisiana. "All right children everyone say 'one.' " "One," is the dutiful class response. "OK children," continues the teacher, "say 'two'." The class jumps up to leave with one boy exclaiming, ''Merci maitre~ on vatu voir!" (Thanks teacher, see you later). Inter preting ((c'est tout" (that's all), the class has a joke at the teach er's expense. Cajuns and Black Creoles of south Louisiana still use humor to criticize negative views of their culture, though increasingly in the Talking Cajun French in Mamou, Louisiana. last two decades the various dialects of Louisiana French have not Photo © by Philip Gould 32 EST -CE QUE VOS ENFANTS APPRENNENT LE FRANCAIS A L'ECOLE CODOFIL signs were written in Standard French been seen as sources of sdgma to their speakers. -
The Judeo-Arabic Heritage
The Judea-Arabic Heritage 41 Chapter 3 tice my speaking skills, and my wife was clearly delighted to show off her Ashkenazi American husband who could speak their native tongue. A short while later, after the woman departed, I noticed that my wife had tears in her eyes. When I asked her why, she told me that she suddenly The Judeo-Arabic Heritage remembered how years earlier, when she was a schoolgirl, that if she saw that same woman from a distance, she would walk blocks out of her way to avoid her. This was to avoid embarrassment from having to speak Norman A. Stillman Moroccan Arabic in public because of the strong prejudice against Jews from Muslim countries (so-called mizrahim, or Oriental Jews) and espe cially Moroccan Jews. In the 1950S and early 1960s, it was not at all chic to speak Arabic of any kind in Israel-and certainly not to be Moroccan. The great irony in these two personal anecdotes is that, amongst all the Introductory Reflections many Jewish Diaspora languages of post-Talmudic times (Yiddish, Ladino, Shuadit (Iudeo-Provencal), Judeo-Persian, Iudeo-Greek, Iudeo-French, Nearly forty years ago, I brought my fiancee, who had been born in Iudeo-Tat, Iudeo-Berber, and still others less well known), [udeo-Arabic Morocco and raised in Israel, home to meet my family. I shall never forget held a place of special distinction. It had the longest recorded history after the moment when she met my grandmother. My grandmother, whose Hebrew and Aramaic (from the ninth century to the present)." It had the English, even after fifty years in the United States, was still heavily widest geographical diffusion, extending across three continents during accented, asked my fiancee, "Does your family speak Jewish?" Not under the Middle Ages. -
Ascertaining the Position of Judezmo Within Ibero-Romance
Ascertaining the position of Judezmo within Ibero-Romance Autor(en): Wexler, Paul Objekttyp: Article Zeitschrift: Vox Romanica Band (Jahr): 36 (1977) PDF erstellt am: 04.10.2021 Persistenter Link: http://doi.org/10.5169/seals-28582 Nutzungsbedingungen Die ETH-Bibliothek ist Anbieterin der digitalisierten Zeitschriften. Sie besitzt keine Urheberrechte an den Inhalten der Zeitschriften. Die Rechte liegen in der Regel bei den Herausgebern. Die auf der Plattform e-periodica veröffentlichten Dokumente stehen für nicht-kommerzielle Zwecke in Lehre und Forschung sowie für die private Nutzung frei zur Verfügung. Einzelne Dateien oder Ausdrucke aus diesem Angebot können zusammen mit diesen Nutzungsbedingungen und den korrekten Herkunftsbezeichnungen weitergegeben werden. Das Veröffentlichen von Bildern in Print- und Online-Publikationen ist nur mit vorheriger Genehmigung der Rechteinhaber erlaubt. Die systematische Speicherung von Teilen des elektronischen Angebots auf anderen Servern bedarf ebenfalls des schriftlichen Einverständnisses der Rechteinhaber. Haftungsausschluss Alle Angaben erfolgen ohne Gewähr für Vollständigkeit oder Richtigkeit. Es wird keine Haftung übernommen für Schäden durch die Verwendung von Informationen aus diesem Online-Angebot oder durch das Fehlen von Informationen. Dies gilt auch für Inhalte Dritter, die über dieses Angebot zugänglich sind. Ein Dienst der ETH-Bibliothek ETH Zürich, Rämistrasse 101, 8092 Zürich, Schweiz, www.library.ethz.ch http://www.e-periodica.ch Ascertaining the position of Judezmo within Ibero-Romance The year 1492 marks a significant landmark in the histories of the Iberian dialects of Arabic and Romance. In that year, the Christians regained control of the entire Peninsula and Arabic was doomed to eventual displacement from southwest Europe after almost 800 years of written and spoken presence. -
Postcolonialism, Identity, and the French Language in St. Lucia
AONGHAS ST. HILAIRE POSTCoLoniALISM, IDENTITY, And THE FRENCH LAngUAGE in ST. LUCIA Due to its colonial history, St. Lucia is an amalgamation of African, French, and British cultural elements. The French were the first European colonial power to successfully establish permanent settlement on the island, institut- ing a plantation-based economy. Most St. Lucians today are descendants of enslaved Africans brought to the island by the French from neighbor- ing Martinique, beginning in the mid-seventeenth century (Breen 1844). Although the French lost definitive colonial control over the island to the British in 1814, the legacy of early French colonialism is evident everywhere (Lowenthal 1972). The vast majority of place names are of French origin, Roman Catholicism remains the predominant religion and, most notably, more than 80 percent of St. Lucians speak Kwéyòl – a French-lexicon creole vernacular similar to those spoken in the French départements d’outre-mer of Martinique and Guadeloupe. Although Kwéyòl is still widely spoken in St. Lucia, English is the language of education, business, prestige, upward mobility, and international relations, and most St. Lucians also speak English. The British colonial legacy also lives on via St. Lucia’s parliamentary form of government and educational system. Moreover, St. Lucia gained political independence from the United Kingdom in 1979 and, since then, the influence of U.S. culture has been on the rise as U.S.-dominated media have spread throughout the island and as greater numbers of St. Lucians have migrated to and from the North American mainland. In the postcolonial era, Kwéyòl has become the most visible symbol of St. -
Female North African-French Students in France: Narratives of Educational Experiences
UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones 5-2010 Female North African-French students in France: Narratives of educational experiences Donna L. Murray University of Nevada Las Vegas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/thesesdissertations Part of the Bilingual, Multilingual, and Multicultural Education Commons, and the Curriculum and Instruction Commons Repository Citation Murray, Donna L., "Female North African-French students in France: Narratives of educational experiences" (2010). UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones. 344. http://dx.doi.org/10.34917/1589818 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FEMALE NORTH AFRICAN-FRENCH STUDENTS IN FRANCE: NARRATIVES OF EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES by Donna L Murray Bachelor of Arts The Evergreen State College, Olympia, Washington 1995 Master of Education University of Nevada, Las Vegas 1999 A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy in Curriculum and Instruction Department of Curriculum and Instruction College of Education Graduate College University of Nevada, Las Vegas May 2010 Copyright by Donna L. -
Secularism in France ��������������������� 49
A Facing History and Ourselves Publication What Do We Do with a Difference? France and the Debate over Headscarves in Schools With an Introduction by John R. Bowen Facing History and Ourselves is an international educational and profes- sional development organization whose mission is to engage students of diverse backgrounds in an examination of racism, prejudice, and antisemitism in order to promote the development of a more humane and informed citizenry. By studying the historical development of the Holocaust and other examples of genocide, students make the essen- tial connections between history and the moral choices they confront in their own lives. For more information about Facing History and Ourselves, please visit our website at www.facinghistory.org. Copyright © 2008 by Facing History and Ourselves Foundation, Inc. All rights reserved. Facing History and Ourselves® is a trademark registered in the U.S. Patent & Trademark Office. Cover art photo: © AP Photo/François Mori To receive additional copies of this resource, please visit www.facinghistory.org/publications. ISBN-13: 978-0-9837870-0-6 ISBN-10: 0-9837870-0-X Facing History and Ourselves Headquarters 16 Hurd Road Brookline, MA 02445-6919 ABOUT FACING HISTORY AND OURSELVES Facing History and Ourselves is a nonprofit educational organization whose mission is to engage students of diverse backgrounds in an examination of racism, prejudice, and antisemitism in order to promote a more humane and informed citizenry. As the name Facing History and Ourselves implies, the organization helps teachers and their stu- dents make the essential connections between history and the moral choices they confront in their own lives, and offers a framework and a vocabulary for analyzing the meaning and responsibility of citizen- ship and the tools to recognize bigotry and indifference in their own worlds. -
The Sociolinguistic Situation and National Identity of Cape Verde
Undergraduate Review Volume 10 Article 24 2014 The oS ciolinguistic Situation and National Identity of Cape Verde Melissa Oquendo Follow this and additional works at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/undergrad_rev Part of the Anthropological Linguistics and Sociolinguistics Commons Recommended Citation Oquendo, Melissa (2014). The ocS iolinguistic Situation and National Identity of Cape Verde. Undergraduate Review, 10, 116-119. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/undergrad_rev/vol10/iss1/24 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. Copyright © 2014 Melissa Oquendo The Sociolinguistic Situation and National Identity of Cape Verde MELISSA OQUENDO Melissa Oquendo is ape Verde is a West African country located in the Atlantic Ocean, a senior majoring in off the coast of Senegal. The archipelago is composed of 10 islands, 9 of which are populated (Santo Antão, São Vicente, São Nicolau, Sal, Sociology. Her research Boa Vista, Maio, Santiago, Fogo, and Brava). Santa Luzia is the only on the languages of Cuninhabited island. Cape Verde was colonized by the Portuguese and therefore Cape Verde began includes a rich mix of Portuguese and African cultures. during the winter of her junior year Because today’s Cape Verdeans are descendants of both the Portuguese and when she traveled to Cape Verde West Africans, there are elements of both in their languages, traditions, his- as a part of the Language Study tory, and development as a nation. These Portuguese and West African influ- ences are seen on a daily basis in Cape Verdeans’ choice of languages. This Tour with Dr. -
Sla and the Emergence of Creoles
Studies in Second Language Acquisition , 2010, 32 , 359– 400 . doi:10.1017/S027226311000001X SLA AND THE EMERGENCE OF CREOLES Salikoko S. Mufwene University of Chicago Although the emergence of creoles presupposes naturalistic SLA, cur- rent SLA scholarship does not shed much light on the development of creoles with regard to the population-internal mechanisms that pro- duce normalization and autonomization from the creoles’ lexifi ers. This is largely due to the fact that research on SLA is focused on individuals rather than on communities of speakers producing their own separate norms, whereas genetic creolistics deals precisely with this particular aspect of language change and speciation. It is not enough to prove that transfer from the fi rst to the second language is possible and can evolve into substrate infl uence on the emergent vernaculars—transfer is not ineluctable and varies from one learner to another. Additionally, how and why particular features of some speakers spread to a whole population (or to parts thereof), whereas others do not, must be ac- counted for. Consistent with colonial socioeconomic history, the gradual emergence of creoles suggests a complex evolution that cannot be accounted for with simplistic invocations of either interlanguage or relexifi cation. This article presents limitations in the cross-pollination that has been expected from genetic creolistics and research on SLA. The number of studies that connect research on the emergence of cre- oles to research on SLA has increased remarkably over the past two I am grateful to Enoch Aboh, Michel DeGraff, Cécile B. Vigouroux, and four anonymous SSLA reviewers for very constructive comments on previous versions of this article. -
Some Notes on Bare Noun Phrases in Haitian Creole and in Gungbe a Transatlantic Sprachbund Perspective*
John Benjamins Publishing Company This is a contribution from The Sociolinguistics of Grammar. Edited by Tor A. Åfarlí and Brit Maehlum. © 2014. John Benjamins Publishing Company This electronic file may not be altered in any way. The author(s) of this article is/are permitted to use this PDF file to generate printed copies to be used by way of offprints, for their personal use only. Permission is granted by the publishers to post this file on a closed server which is accessible to members (students and staff) only of the author’s/s’ institute, it is not permitted to post this PDF on the open internet. For any other use of this material prior written permission should be obtained from the publishers or through the Copyright Clearance Center (for USA: www.copyright.com). Please contact [email protected] or consult our website: www.benjamins.com Tables of Contents, abstracts and guidelines are available at www.benjamins.com Some notes on bare noun phrases in Haitian Creole and in Gungbe A transatlantic Sprachbund perspective* Enoch O. Aboh & Michel DeGraff University of Amsterdam / MIT This paper discusses noun phrases in Haitian Creole (HC), a French-derived Creole, and in Gungbe, a Gbe language. These languages exhibit “bare noun phrases” (BNPs) in a wider range of positions than in French, English and the other most commonly studied Romance and Germanic languages. Studies on the formation of HC show that many of the creators of the earliest Creole varieties in 17th-century Saint-Domingue were native speakers of Niger-Congo languages including Gbe language.