KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Vol. 49 No. 3
Religious Use of Politics or Political Use of Religion?: A Case Study of the Relationship between Politics and Christian New Religious Movements in Korea since the Korean War
TARK Ji-il, Ph.D. Professor, History of Christianity Busan Presbyterian University, South Korea
I. Introduction II. The Korea-centered Beliefs and Practices of Christian New Religious Movements III. The Korean War and the Rise of Christian New Religious Movements IV. Military Dictatorship and Anti-Communist Campaign V. Social Changes and New Strategies of the Newly Emerged Religious Groups VI. Conclusion: Coexistence Causing Codestruction
Korea Presbyterian Journal of Theology Vol. 49 No. 3 (2017. 9), 199-214 DOI: 10.15757/kpjt.2017.49.3.008 200 KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Vol. 49 No. 3
Abstract
A political scandal involving the current president of Korea and her private advisor is in the spotlight because the advisor is the daughter of an obscure religious group leader who had also closely influenced the president. It is now confused between if it is a religious use of politics or a political use of a religion. The modern history of Korea is a series of conflicts: The Korean War(1950-53), the military dictatorships(1961-93), and various social tensions thereafter. This ambiguous world was the socio-religious context of numerous newly emerged religious groups and provided good soils for their rise and growth. Even though the religious use of politics and the political use of religion do not seem to be successful in Korea, they have kept trying to coexist with each other because one had what the other did not have. Namely, the newly emerged religious groups wanted to have the political power to protect the absence of its religious orthodoxy while politics needed faithful followers to secure the absence of its legitimacy.
Keywords
Christian New Religious Movements, Politics and Religion, Heresy, Korean War, Unification Church, Choi Tae Min Religious Use of Politics or Political Use of Religion? DOI: 10.15757/kpjt.2017.49.3.008 201
I. INTRODUCTION
A political scandal involving the former president, Geun Hye Park, who was impeached on March 10, 2017, and her private advisor, Soon Sil Choi, is in the spotlight because the advisor is the daughter of an obscure religious sect leader, Tae Min Choi, who became an ordained pastor from a shaman in a year and with whom Park had been connected for a long time. Regarding the relationship between politics and Christian new religious movements in Korea, it is now curious if it is a religious use of politics or a political use of religion. Even though the religious use of politics and the political use of religion do not seem to be successful in Korea, they have kept trying to coexist with each other because one had what the other did not. Newly emerged religious groups wanted to have political power to protect against the absence of religious orthodoxy while politics needed faithful followers to secure against the absence of legitimacy. The purpose of this paper is to examine the inappropriate relation- ship between politics and newly emerged Christian groups since the Korea War. For this purpose, this paper focuses on the cases of the recent political scandal causing the impeachment of the president and the Unification Church to analyze its socio-religious influences.
II. THE KOREA-CENTERED BELIEFS AND PRACTICES OF CHRISTIAN NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
The modern history of Korea is a series of conflicts: The Korean War(1950-53), the military dictatorships(1961-93), and various social tensions thereafter.1 This ambiguous world was the socio-religious context of Christian new religious movements in Korea, and it provided fertile soil for their rise and growth. Based on arbitrary and innovative misinterpretations of the Bible, they promised people what mainstream
1 Refer to Ji-il Tark, “The Korean War and the Rise of Christian New Religious Movements in Korea,” Korea Journal of Christian Studies 45 (2006). 202 KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Vol. 49 No. 3 churches were unable to give; namely, the imminent second coming of Christ to Korea and the establishment of the kingdom of God in Korea. For example, Christian new religious movements in China, Japan, and Korea interpret the phrase “the east”(Isaiah 41:2) in their own unique ways among which Koreans’ interpretation is relatively creative. According to Tae Sun Park, the founder of Jeondokwan, China is not “the east” because it is located to the west Korea and Japan is not “the east” either because the Bible(Isaiah 41:1) says, “Be silent before me, you islands!” Thus, Korea is “the east.”2 Christian new religious movements have their own eyes through which they see the Bible and the world so differently. An interesting research project was processed by the Center for the Study of Religion at the University of California, Santa Barbara. One of the projects was on the California experience of 19th century American sectarianism. The researchers employed five research areas: prophet, promise, plan, possibility, and place, to examine new religious movements that arose in California. Like many groups in the United States and specifically California, newly emerged Korean religious groups also have similar characteristics.3 Most newly emerged groups in Korea claim that the prophet(the second coming of Christ) is a Korean, the promise(new revelations fulfilling the Bible) is written in Korean, the plan(accomplishing the 144,000 to be saved) is carried by Korean believers, the possibility(using politics, culture, or business for their success) is tried in various ways, and the place(the region of God’s kingdom on earth) is Korea. These Korea-centered beliefs are easily found in the practices of Korean groups. Notably, in the fourth area, “possibility,” some newly emerged groups are interested in having a connection with politics because political power is able to provide them security to protect themselves against severe criticism from surrounding mainstream churches. For
2 Quoted in Myeong Hwan Tahk, Gidokgyoidanyeongu [The Research on Christian Cults], (Seoul: The International Religions Research Institute, 1986), 178-79. 3 John K. Simmons and Brian Wilson, Competing Visions of Paradise: The California Experience of 19th Century American Sectarianism (Santa Barbara, CA: Fithian Press, 1993). Religious Use of Politics or Political Use of Religion? 203 this reason, some groups have done whatever they can do to maximize the possibility for their survival and growth. On the other hand, interestingly, politics also needed the blind support of the groups for stability. The newly emerged religious groups use politics and vice versa. Even though attempts to coexist together have mostly ended up in codestruction, the coexistence between some newly emerged groups and politics has been repeatedly and actively tried by many religious leaders and politicians under different socio-political situations.
III. THE KOREAN WAR AND THE RISE OF CHRISTIAN NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
The Korean War(1950-53) provided fertile soil for the birth and growth of Christian new religious movements in Korea. In this ambiguous and unpredictable world, various newly emerged Christian groups claimed that they were alternatives to mainstream churches once reformed but deforming. The churches failed to give pastoral responses to the fear and despair of Korean people at war and were denominationally divided in the name of doctrinal differences. The history of new Christian movements in Korea begins under this chaotic socio-religious atmosphere.4 The Unification Church of Sun Myung Moon, the most notable movement, took its root during and after the Korean War. Moon began his church in Busan, a safe shelter for Korean War refugees, and claimed he was the second coming of Christ, Messiah, and Savior. He understood the Korean War as the confrontation between “democracy and communism” and “God and Satan.”
This is why Korea is cut in two by the 38th parallel separating her into two nations – one of Cain-type and the other of Abel-type. Naturally, this 38th parallel is the very front line for both democracy and communism,
4 Refer to Ji-il Tark, “The Korean War and the Rise of Christian New Religious Movements in Korea,” (2006). 204 KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Vol. 49 No. 3
and, at the same time, the front line for both God and Satan. Therefore, the war which broke out on June 25, 1950 across the 38th parallel of Korea, was not merely a conflict between fellow countrymen caused by the severance of the land, but the confrontation between the two worlds of democracy and communism, and further, the confrontation between God and Satan.5
The crisis caused by the Korean War was a crucial chance for the settlement of the Unification Church. In 1954, Moon officially established his church in Seoul and sent the first missionary, Young Oon Kim(1914-1989), to the United States in 1959. Young Oon Kim was a professor of Ewha Women’s University. When the university recognized some students were involved in the Unification Church, Kim was sent for investigation. However, after meeting with Moon, she joined the Unification Church. In the States, Unification Church members faced another political conflict: the anti-Vietnam War movement. Kim founded the Freedom Leadership Foundation(FLF) in 1969 and American Youth for a Just Peace(AYJP) in 1970 to link up with anti-communist activities in Korea and Japan. On May 12, 1971, FLF and AYJP called a press conference and around seventy people attended including major press representatives of the bay area, the Daily Californian, Berkeley Gazette, and San Francisco Chronicle.6 In recognition of the activities of FLF, President Richard Nixon sent the following wire to FLF:
I have noticed your three-day fast for freedom in Vietnam and I am grateful for your understanding and support of our patient efforts to achieve peace in Vietnam with freedom and justice, without which any peace could not be durable or endurable.7
5 Sun Myung Moon, Divine Principle (New York: The Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity, 1973), 524. 6 Michael L. Mickler, A History of the Unification Church in America 1959-1974: Emergence of a National Movement (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1993), 145-47. 7 Quoted in Michael L. Mickler, A History of the Unification Church in America Religious Use of Politics or Political Use of Religion? 205
Notably, a small number of FLF and AYJP members conducted a campaign supporting the Vietnam War(1954-75) at the University of California at Berkeley, the center of the anti-Vietnam War movement. Due to this campaign, the Unification Church gained strong support from the United States government, the Republicans, and Central Intelligence Agency(CIA), which helped the Unification Church grow in the States.8 Dan Fefferman, the FLF and AYJP Berkeley chapter president, read a statement. “Our group has been active on campus for about three weeks. The response of the radicals to our presence exposes them for the reactionaries that they are. We have been threatened, physically intimidated, and accused of being CIA agents every day. Our posters have been ripped down, our signs defaced and our sisters insulted.”9 However, during the Watergate affair from late 1973, “Antagonism was exacerbated by the Unification Church’s overt support for Nixon’s continuing Presidency.”10 Not only the Unification Church but also various newly emerged religious movements began during and after the Korean War. Notably, many Christian refugees fled from the northwestern part of the Korean Peninsula where American Presbyterian and Methodist missionaries had a strong influence on their missionary works. The majority of Presbyterians and Methodists lived in this region. It was difficult for newly emerged religious groups to rise and grow in this Christian dominated region because in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the center of Korean Christianity was Pyongyang. However, the establishment of the Communist regime in 1948 caused many Christians to come to the South seeking freedom. Busan, the corner of the southeastern part of Korea and the land for refugees and Buddhists, became the land of opportunity for their beginning and growth without the interference or disturbance of mainstream churches. The influence of the Korean War and the refugees to the growth of churches in Busan is described as follows:
1959-1974: Emergence of a National Movement, 146. 8 Ibid., 145-47. 9 Ibid., 146-47. 10 Eileen Barker, The Making of a Moonie: Brainwashing or Choice? (Oxford: Basil Blackwell Publisher Ltd, 1984), 63. 206 KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Vol. 49 No. 3
After the Korean War broke out, many more Koreans came to Busan, the only remaining shelter in the Korean peninsula that was not taken by the Communists. Numerous refugees from all parts of Korea, who had different socio-religious backgrounds, came to Busan and had to do whatever they were able to do simply to survive. It was then that many churches were established in the Busan area. Ironically, the tragic Korean War was a turning point of church growth in Busan. Korean Christians had to live together not by their will, but God’s.11
The northwestern part of Korea is like 19th century California which was regarded as an untouchable place from the influence of the Burn-over District and the Bible Belt. The Bible Belt is an region in the southeastern United States where relatively conservative Protestant churches play an influential role in society and “Burned-over District was a name applied to a small region, during a limited period of history, to indicate a particular phase of development. It described the religious character of western New York during the first half of the nineteenth century.”12 The Korean War was a crucial point for the growth of new religious movements as well as the church. Indeed, “the Korean War made the Korean church spread all over the Korean peninsula until it finally reached Busan, the southeast end of the peninsula” and, ironically, “The national crisis provided a chance for church growth and this chance brought about a change on the religious map of Korea. After the cease fire, however, the Christians in Busan unexpectedly faced a critical crisis, which was the schism of the Korean Presbyterian churches.”13 The history of Christianity shows that churches grow in times of religious persecution and social crisis and, while growing, churches have to struggle against so-called heresies.14
11 Ji-il Tark, “Road to Busan: Exploring the Venue for the 10th WCC Assem- bly,” Theology Today (Princeton Theological Seminary, October 2011). 305. 12 Whitney R. Cross, The Burned-over District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800-1850 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1950), vii. 13 Ji-il Tark, “Road to Busan: Exploring the Venue for the 10th WCC Assembly,” 305. 14 Ji-il Tark, Idan [Heresy] (Seoul: Duranno, 2014), 222. Religious Use of Politics or Political Use of Religion? 207
Notably, since the Korea War, it is also noticed that not only the Presbyterian but also Methodist churches had strongly support the government, the First Republic of Korea. Hee-Kuk Lim analyzed as follows:
The Presbyterian Church and Syngman Rhee were unified through pro-America/ anti-Communism alignment. For some time, the Presbyterian Church, especially the church members who were from the North, actively supported Unification by Pushing to North Policy of Syngman Rhee. However, there was a significant transition of support for Rhee’s political party by the Church. The transition was made clear by the differences in the presidential elections of 1952 and 1956. In 1952, members from the Christian Association of Korea and Christian (Protestant) organizations participated with one accord and strength. It was a campaign to make Syngman Rhee president.15
On the other hand, however, Christian-related new religious movements during the Korean War did not seem to be interested in political activities but effectively used the chaotic political situation for their own sakes. However, both some newly emerged religious groups and politics faced a turning point with the appearance of the military dictatorship in 1961.
IV. MILITARY DICTATORSHIP AND ANTI-COMMUNIST CAMPAIGN
With the appearance of the military dictatorships(1961-93), the tendency of the newly emerged religious groups to use political situa- tions for their growth and development began to change to more direct involvement in politics. Some new religious groups tried to actively
15 Hee-Kuk Lim, “Political Participation of the Korean Presbyterian Church Dur- ing the First Republic(1948-1960)” Korean Presbyterian Journal of Theology 44-2 (2012. 7), 38. 208 KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Vol. 49 No. 3 support and participate in the anti-communist movement led by the government. The groups even upgraded the issues from “anti-commu- nism”(反共) to the levels of “defeating communism”(勝共) or “destroy- ing communism.”(滅共) Yet, their attempt to coexist with the military dictatorship was the beginning of their codestruction.16 The anti-communist movement of the newly emerged religious groups brought two significant effects. Firstly, they were able to securely protect themselves from the criticism of mainstream churches who classified them as cults or heresies. Secondly, they were able to rapidly grow with the political guidance of the military dictatorship. The dictatorship provided political and financial benefits as a reward of their blind support of the government’s anti-communism policy. New religious groups needed the protection of the military dictatorship, and the dictatorship also needed enthusiastic supporters, which became an attractive deal for both of them.17 A political scandal involving the impeached president of Korea, Guen Hye Park, and her private advisor, Soon Sil Choi, is in the spotlight. Surprisingly, it is known that the advisor is a daughter of an obscure religious sect leader, Tae Min Choi. Choi, who approached to Park and used her for his own sake. Choi’s daughter has continually maintained the close relationship to Park and not officially but privately influenced her presidency. Tae Min Choi was indeed a shaman who claimed as follows.
This is the word from the spiritual world.... The creator, the master of the spiritual world, sent his ambassador[Tae Min Choi] to Korea and accomplished the realization of Buddhism, the coming of the holy spirit of Christianity, and the equality of human rights of Cheondokyo.... Come and see the miracles of the ambassador.... The ambassador will cure any incurable diseases and heal all kinds of disasters. From the ambassador of the spiritual world.18
16 Myeong Hwan Tahk, Hangukeui Sinheungjonggyo [New Religions in Korea] 1, (Seoul: The International Religions Research Institute, 1972), 218, 234-35, 247. 17 Ji-il Tark, Idan, 70. 18 Tae Min Choi, Advertisement of Daejeonilbo [Daejeon Daily] (May 13, 1973). Religious Use of Politics or Political Use of Religion? 209
Tae Min Choi was an anti-communism activist. He used “destroying communism” as the main slogan of his movement. Chung Hee Park, the former president and the father of Geun Hye Park, positively recognized him due to his anti-communist attitude. There is no doubt that the story of today’s political scandal began from here. The coexistence between the shaman and the dictator looked successful, but concluded in codestruction today. Soon Sil Choi, the private advisor of Park and the daughter of the shaman, was publicly blamed and imprisoned, and her advisee, Guen Hye Park, was finally impeached. Tae Min Choi possibly followed what Sun Myung Moon had done. Moon learned a significant lesson from his followers’ activities in the United States, namely, supporting the Vietnam War, which helped them to gain nationwide recognition from the US government. It was almost then that the military dictatorship took over the political power by force in Korea. Moon decided to approach the dictatorship by supporting the anti-communism policies of the government. Moon had already had a lesson in the United States and was certain that many benefits would return to him.19 As he expected, not surprisingly, the Unification Church began to achieve both financial and political success both in Korean and the States by the incident of the Watergate Scandal(1972) and Moon’s imprisonment(1984-85) for tax evasion.20 For example, regarding the contract extension of M-16, the Unification Church negotiated the defense industry of Korea with the Colt on behalf of the Korean government in 1977.21 The Unification Church had been actively used by the military dictatorship since Jong- Pil Kim, one of its tight inner circle, visited the United States in 1962 right after the military coup.22
19 Ji-il Tark, Idan, 70. 20 Ji-il Tark, Family-centered Belief & Practice in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints & the Unification Church (New York: Peter Lang, 2003), 39. 21 The Subcommittee on International Organizations of the Committee on International Relations U.S. House of Representatives, Investigation of Korean-American Relations, Trans. Kim Byeongnyeon, Fraser Bogoseo (Seoul: Redbook, 2011), 136. 22 Ibid., 545-46. 210 KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Vol. 49 No. 3
Along with Sun Myung Moon and Tae Min Choi, numerous other newly emerged religious leaders in those days were interested in the anti-communism movement led by the military dictatorship and were able to obtain both political and financial security for their strong support of the dictatorship. Sometimes, the anti-heresy efforts of churches were regarded as anti-government activities, which was exactly what newly emerged religious groups wanted.
V. SOCIAL CHANGES AND NEW STRATEGIES OF THE NEWLY EMERGED RELIGIOUS GROUPS
Since the end of the military dictatorship in 1993, Korean society has been faced with various and rapid social changes. After the collapse of the military dictatorship, both newly emerged religious group and church leaders who had supported the dictatorship tried to erase and hide their shameful past. Both of them deeply realized how dangerous it was to have close political relationships. The newly emerged religious group leaders began to focus more on financial success than political influence. In addition, they tried to change their negative image by doing voluntary social works. Nowa- days, community social service activities become the representative characteristic of the groups, notably, the World Mission Society Church of God and Shincheonji.23 By doing so, they want society to positively recognize them not as destructive or doomsday cults or heresies but good neighbors, which looks very effective. The Christian rate in Korea is approximately calculated as 19.7 percent(9,676,000) of the total population(49,052,000).24 Based on the above result, here is a simple question: If the newly emerged religious groups expose themselves as selfless people caring for others while churches are seen as selfish people considering only themselves, who does the surrounding community people think are more necessary and
23 Ji-il Tark, Gyohoewa Idan [Church and Heresy] (Seoul, Duranno, 2016), 180-81. 24 Statistics Korea,
VI. CONCLUSION: COEXISTENCE CAUSING CODESTRUCTION
Some of the newly emerged religious groups’ use of politics and the political use of groups does not seem to be successful in the modern
25 Alister McGarath, Heresy: A History of Defending the Truth, Translated by Hong Byungryong, Geudeuleun eoddeoge idani deoieoneunga (Seoul: Poiema, 2011), 25-27. 212 KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Vol. 49 No. 3 history of Korea. However, groups and politics have kept trying to coexist because one had what the other did not. Groups wanted to have political power to protect against the absence of religious orthodoxy while politics needed faithful followers to secure against the absence of legitimacy. The recent political scandal in Korea has shown again the inappro- priateness of the coexistence between religion and politics. The close relationship between the Choi family and the impeached president has caused serious tensions and crisis in Korean society. Politics still uses newly emerged religious groups for political purpose while those groups want to be used for their own desires. Such relationships seem to cause codestruction, not coexistence. Religious Use of Politics or Political Use of Religion? 213
Bibliography
Barker, Eileen. The Making of a Moonie: Brainwashing or Choice?. Oxford: Basil Blackwell Publisher Ltd, 1984. Choi, Tae Min. Advertisement of Daejeonilbo [Daejeon Daily] (May 13, 1973). Cross, Whitney R. The Burned-over District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusi- astic Religion in Western New York, 1800-1850. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1950. Lim, Hee-Kuk. “Political Participation of the Korean Presbyterian Church During the First Republic (1948-1960).” Korean Presbyterian Journal of Theology 44-2 (2012. 7). McGarath, Alister. Heresy: A History of Defending the Truth. Translated by Hong Byungry- ong. Geudeuleun eoddeoge idani deoieoneunga. Seoul: Poiema, 2011. Mickler, Michael L. A History of the Unification Church in America 1959-1974: Emergence of a National Movement. New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1993. Moon, Sun Myung. Divine Principle. New York: The Holy Spirit Association for the Unifica- tion of World Christianity, 1973. Simmons, John K. and Brian Wilson. Competing Visions of Paradise: The California Experi- ence of 19th Century American Sectarianism. Santa Barbara, CA: Fithian Press, 1993. The Subcommittee on International Organizations of the Committee on International Re- lations U.S. House of Representatives. Investigation of Korean-American Relations. Translated by Kim Byeongnyeon. Fraser Bogoseo. Seoul: Redbook, 2011. Tahk, Myeong Hwan. Hangukeui Sinheungjonggyo [New Religions in Korea] 1. Seoul: The International Religions Research Institute, 1972. . Gidokgyoidanyeongu [The Research on Christian Cults]. Seoul: The International Religions Research Institute, 1986. Tark, Ji-il. Family-centered Belief & Practice in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints & the Unification Church. New York: Peter Lang, 2003. . “The Korean War and the Rise of Christian New Religious Movements in Korea.” Korea Journal of Christian Studies 45 (2006). . “Road to Busan: Exploring the Venue for the 10th WCC Assembly.” Theology Today (Princeton Theological Seminary, October 2011). . Idan [Heresy]. Seoul: Duranno, 2014. . Gyohoewa Idan [Church and Heresy]. Seoul, Duranno, 2016. 214 KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Vol. 49 No. 3
한글 초록
종교의 정치적 이용인가, 정치의 종교적 이용인가? ‐ 한국전쟁 이후 정치와 신흥종교운동의 관계 연구
탁지일 부산장신대학교 교수, 교회사
대통령의 탄핵으로 이어진 국정농단 사건이 종교적으로 주목받는 이유가 있다. 바로 사건의 원인을 제공한 것으로 알려진 최태민의 종교적 배경 때문이다. 최태민은 1974년까지는 무속인이었으나, 단 일 년 만에 목사의 신분으로 변신한 후, 유신정권 당 시 강력한 영향력을 지닌 대한구국선교단을 이끌면서, 반공운동의 적극적인 지지자로 활동한다. 이후 최태민과 그의 딸 최순실은 박근혜 전 대통령과 밀접한 관계를 맺는다. 과연 최태민이 권력자들을 종교적으로 이용한 것인지, 아니면 권력자들이 최태민과 최 순실을 정치적으로 이용한 것인지 의문이다. 분명한 사실은 ‘정치적 정통성’이 부족했던 군사정권은 최태민과 같은 적극적인 지지자가 필요했고, 한편 ‘종교적 정통성’이 부재했 던 최태민에게는 군사정권의 강력한 보호막이 필요했다는 것이다. 한국 현대사는 일제 강점기, 한국전쟁, 군사정권으로 이어지는 불안정의 연속이었다. 이러한 불확실한 사 회적 배경은 기독교계 신흥종교운동들이 발흥할 수 있는 최적의 조건을 만들었다. 기독 교계 신흥종교운동들과 정치권력의 공존이 성공했던 사례는 없었음에도 불구하고, 그 공존을 위한 지속적인 시도가 이루어지고 있다. 왜냐하면 지지기반이 불안정한 정치권 력은 열성적인 정치적 지지기반과 재정적 후원이 필요하고, 기독교계 신흥종교운동들 은 사회와 교회로부터 자신들을 보호해줄 수 있는 강력한 정치적 후견자가 필요하기 때 문이다. 본 논문의 목적은, 한국전쟁 이후 정치적 영향력의 확대를 시도했던 기독교계 신흥종교운동들과 정치권력과의 공존 시도에 대한 사례연구를 통해, 그 사회적 역기능 의 원인과 결과를 분석하여, 향후 유사 문제의 재발에 대해 경계하는 것이다.
주제어
기독교계 신흥종교운동, 정치와 종교, 이단, 한국전쟁, 통일교, 최태민
Date submitted: June 13. 2017; date evaluated: July 26. 2017; date confirmed: July 31. 2017.