Women's Grassroots Mobilization in the MENA Region Post-2011

WOMEN’S GRASSROOTS MOBILIZATION IN THE MENA REGION POST-2011 KELSEY P. NORMAN, EDITOR

CONTRIBUTORS

Yamina El Kirat El Allame, Mohammed V University Rabéa Naciri, L’Association Démocratique des Femmes du Maroc Soumia Boutkhil, Université Mohammed Premier Khedija Arfaoui, Independent Human Rights Researcher Ayşe Ayata, Middle East Technical University Hayat Wahab Arslan, Society of Lebanon the Giver Amal M. El-Kharouf, University of Jordan Islah Jad, Birzeit University INTRODUCTION

There have been significant legislative reforms pertaining to women’s rights in countries across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region in the last several decades. In Morocco, important revisions were made to the family code (Mudawana) in 2004, granting women further equality in areas including marriage, divorce, and family responsibility, and Turkey amended its civil code in 2001, addressing biases that had led to gender inequality in private life. Numerous countries in the region also adopted various forms of gender quotas that sought to mandate the election of women to parliaments. Despite critical advancements, many challenges remain. One difficulty facing women’s rights groups is ensuring the effective implementation of laws, and another is changing patriarchal mentalities and cultural norms around women’s economic and societal roles.

As the following briefs make clear, legislative change is not enough, nor is mandated representation. Evidence from other regions even suggests that mandating the formal participation of women in political positions can lead to the co-optation of women into autocratic systems of governance, or to a backlash against female politicians and a regression of women’s rights. As such, grassroots mobilization on a variety of topics related to women’s rights—from ending sexual harassment and domestic violence to ending gender discrimination in inheritance laws—has continued from below in order to put pressure on governments, institutions, and societies. While there was a heightened international focus on women’s social movements in 2011 as uprisings swept the MENA region, less attention has been paid to women’s grassroots mobilization in the subsequent decade.

The briefs that follow address many facets of women’s mobilization in the second decade of the 2000s. Using detailed case studies of specific countries and movements, the contributing authors—who include scholars and activists from Morocco, Tunisia, Lebanon, Turkey, Palestine, and Jordan—examine which spaces for women’s mobilization have opened and which have closed off. They look critically at how women’s grassroots movements become adopted into formal politics and policy, and to what effect. Lastly, they question the nexus between social movements and outcomes such as legislative reform, asking how—even in cases of successful mobilization—participants are able to develop measures that ensure the transformation of demands into law and effective implementation.

Yamina El Kirat outlines the history of women’s movements in Morocco since independence, arguing that while earlier movements tended to be composed of highly educated women in urban locations, more recent mobilizations—such as the soulalyat movement or the Hirak Rif—have included, and even been instigated by, women from rural areas. Nonetheless, El Kirat concludes that Moroccan women’s movements continue to face many challenges in achieving their goals, which include reducing unemployment among Moroccan women, overcoming cultural barriers to gender equality, and improving women’s literacy.

Rabéa Naciri examines the Moroccan soulalyat movement in depth, explaining how predominantly rural women, with assistance from the Democratic Association of Women of Morocco (ADFM), managed to challenge the gendered system of land inheritance in place since the French Protectorate period. Through a series of testimonies gathered from soulalyats themselves, Naciri shows how the women’s perseverance and solidarity, helped along by the support and supervision of the ADFM, led to a new law in 2019 that guarantees both men and women the right to benefit from communal lands.

Soumia Boutkhil focuses specifically on women’s employment in higher education in Morocco, pointing out that Moroccan universities severely lack female representation at all levels. Boutkhil analyzes institutional barriers to women’s advancement in this key public sector, noting that while academics at the Université Mohammed Premier in Oujda created the Association of Women University Professors in 2016 as a key first step to mobilizing around this issue, many reforms are needed in order to mitigate a negative impact on future generations who are at risk of internalizing the extant patriarchal system. In the Tunisian context, Khedija Arfaoui argues that while women’s mobilization has a long and prominent history in Tunisia leading to numerous gains in the area of women’s rights, women have not yet reached the fully equal status they have struggled for. Despite the 2011 revolution, Arfaoui asserts that many of former President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali’s repressive laws remain as an obstacle to women’s advancement, though she highlights recent examples of successful social movements, particularly in the area of anti-sexual harassment campaigns.

Looking at Turkey, Ayşe Ayata discusses the challenges that secular women’s movements have faced in recent years as a result of the ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) dismissal of gender equality and the party’s support of conservative women’s groups. Ayata focuses on three central issues that constitute the main agenda for the women’s movement in Turkey in recent years—domestic violence, alimony, and child marriage—arguing that the pushback against gender equality is neither specific to Turkey, nor to the MENA region, but is instead reflective of global anti-gender movements.

Hayat Wahab Arslan draws on her personal involvement in Lebanese women’s movements to argue that women’s political empowerment must be accompanied by economic empowerment, outlining the ways in which her organization—the Society of Lebanon the Giver—helped women in rural areas achieve economic independence and encouraged their participation in local governance. While acknowledging that Lebanon is still far behind achieving women’s political participation in line with international recommendations, Arslan argues that positive developments were visible in the 2018 elections, which saw an unprecedented number of female candidates run for office.

In Jordan, Amal El-Kharouf focuses on a disheartening contradiction: Jordanian women have impressively high levels of educational achievement, yet their economic participation rate was just 15.4% in 2018, compared to 55.9% for men. El-Kharouf highlights a number of reforms that the Jordanian government has taken over the last two decades to help improve women’s labor market participation, but ultimately argues that strong political will and further reforms are needed to help Jordanian women achieve participation that is in line with their educational achievement.

Finally, in the Palestinian context, Islah Jad suggests that the “NGO-ization” of women’s organizations since the 1990s has negatively impacted their mobilization potential, resulting in projects and policies that are not necessarily reflective of the broad demands and needs of Palestinian women. Jad argues that this process has empowered NGOs with strong international ties that are adept at speaking to the desires of donors and elites, at the expense of formerly strong grassroots organizations that were more in touch with women’s social, economic, and political reality.

This compilation is based on the “Women’s Grassroots Mobilization in the MENA Region Post-2011” workshops held in Rabat, Morocco and Amman, Jordan in February and March 2020. Thank you to Mohammed Masbah, director of the Moroccan Institute for Policy Analysis, and Barbara A. Porter, director of the American Center for Oriental Research, for hosting the workshops in Rabat and Amman, respectively. In addition to the authors and hosts, I would also like to thank Saloua Zerhouni, professor at Mohammed V University; Mohammed El Hachimi, professor at CERSS and advisor to the president of the National Human Rights Council of Morocco; and Andre Bank, senior research fellow at GIGA, for their participation and feedback at the workshops, which greatly contributed to the discussion around these critical topics. Lydia Wells, a master of global affairs student at Rice University, also provided invaluable assistance in the planning and execution of the workshops and the editing of the briefs. The workshops were funded with the generous support of the Kelly Day Endowment as part of the Baker Institute’s program on Women’s Rights, Human Rights and Refugees.

Kelsey P. Norman, Ph.D. Fellow and Director of the Women’s Rights, Human Rights, and Refugees Program, Center for the Middle East, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy ISSUE BRIEF 06.19.20 Gender Matters: Women as Actors of Change and Sustainable Development in Morocco

Yamina El Kirat El Allame, Ph.D., Professor, Faculty of Letters & Human Sciences, Mohammed V University

In comparison to other countries in Against Women helped encourage the the Middle East and North Africa, the Moroccan feminist movement, leading to Moroccan government has implemented a the launch of feminist journals including considerable number of reforms to improve Lamalif and Thamanya Mars in 1983. In the women’s rights, including a gender quota 1990s, women mobilized around the issue of for parliamentary elections, a revision of reforming the Mudawana. In 1992, a petition the Family Code (the Mudawana), a reform was signed by one million Moroccans, and of the constitution, a law allowing women in 1999, large demonstrations were held in to pass nationality to their children, an Rabat and Casablanca. The reforms to the amendment of the rape law, and a law Mudawana were officially adopted in 2004. criminalizing gender-based violence. The 20 February Movement, associated Despite these reforms, women's rights and with the regional uprisings known as the gender equality have not improved; most “Arab Spring,”1 began with the twenty- of the changes exist on paper, and the legal year-old anonymous journalist student, measures have not been implemented well. Amina Boughalbi. Her message—“I am Moroccan and I will march on the 20th of February because I want freedom and HISTORY OF MOROCCAN WOMEN’S equality for all Moroccans”—mobilized INVOLVEMENT IN SUSTAINABLE several thousand, mainly young, Moroccan Moroccan women have DEVELOPMENT men and women. Most of the people who been integral to the reacted to the call were not active feminists Moroccan women have been integral to and had no affiliation with any feminist country’s development the country’s development through their organization. Nonetheless, women were through their role role in its independence movement, its present at all levels of this movement; they democratization, and in various social justice in its independence experienced police cruelty and represented movement, its movements. Unfortunately, women were the movement nationally and internationally. not heavily involved in nation-building post- The activists believed that women’s rights democratization, independence, and the 1962 Mudawana would be better realized by working together and in various social further codified patriarchy into law. It with men towards mutual goals, rather justice movements. legalized polygamy, established the marriage than isolating women’s issues specifically. age at 15 for women and 18 for men, and Thus, the slogans of the movement and its institutionalized tutelage—or guardianship— demands were largely gender neutral. The in marriage. movement was therefore perceived as a new The U.N. Decade for Women and form of feminism, wherein both men and the adoption of the Convention on the women were fighting for the same claims. Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.19.20

guaranteeing the soulalyats’ right to MOVEMENT DEMOGRAPHICS: communal land. In fact, 128 hectares were AN URBAN/RURAL DIVIDE distributed to 867 women, who have since maintained control over the land.4 The majority of women involved in the 20 The movement initiated a country-wide February Movement, as well as most of the discussion about collective lands as national participants in previous women’s movements, heritage, revealing the complexity of their were educated and thus unrepresentative management. The soulalyats prompted the of the country’s demographics. The national government to ensure concrete solutions to female illiteracy rate in Morocco is about this issue. 44%; 35% among urban women and 61% Another example of rural mobilization among rural women. Further, 22% of rural and the largest protest movement in women do not receive any formal education.2 Morocco since 2011 emerged in the same The economic inequality gap is therefore vein as the 20 February Movement. Known very wide among women in Morocco. The as the Hirak Rif or the Rif Movement, it took unemployment rate among women and place in the Berber-speaking Rif region of their lack of access to services in rural areas northern Morocco between October 2016 hinders their potential to join the labor force and June 2017 as a result of the death of or to change their situations. The eradication Mohcine Fikri.5 A woman named Nawal of illiteracy is thus necessary to improve Ben Aisha6 played a key role in the protests gender equality and women’s rights. after the arrest of Naser Zafzafi, the leader Although the activists of the 20 February of the movement, and many mothers and Movement were more educated than the wives of prisoners also participated. These average Moroccan woman, they did express women, the majority of whom are illiterate concern about the inequality between elite and Amazigh monolinguals, have become and illiterate women. The movement also important actors of change. provided an opportunity for women to move Better access to technology and into traditionally masculine public spaces. social media has allowed more women Since then, more women have publicly to participate across the socioeconomic expressed that the interpretation of Islamic spectrum as citizen journalists. Protesting texts, culture, and traditions reduced their has become a daily activity, with women status, rather than Islam itself. Even illiterate documenting and sharing acts of injustice women now utilize male-dominated spaces on social media. Women who were kept to denounce injustice and to ask for the silent for decades denounce rape, sexual rights adopted in the new Family Code harassment, child abuse, and domestic and constitution.3 violence on Facebook and YouTube. The Importantly though, rural women Masaktach (“I won’t be silent”) Movement have not been absent from mobilization in is a new and ambitious example of these Morocco, even if they have fewer resources protests, as it denounces rape on Facebook. with which to demand their rights. A rural Public spaces are also now available for grassroots movement began in 2007 by mobilization; women demonstrate in front women known as the soulalyats, who were of hospitals, schools, public administration demanding rights to land ownership. The buildings, and parliament. Women have movement was sparked by a soulalyat therefore become very visible in the public woman from Kénitra whose male family eye, taking initiatives to participate not members sold and profited off of her only in movements that concern women’s ancestral land. The soulalyat grassroots rights, but also in issues that concern the movement forced the government to give general public. The historic and present-day the women formal access to land. After mobilization of Moroccan women reveals a long struggle, a series of laws (62- that women can play a key role in the 17, 63-17 and 64-17) were promulgated sustainable development of their country. for the management of collective lands,

2 GENDER MATTERS: WOMEN AS ACTORS OF CHANGE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN MOROCCO

WOMEN’S RIGHTS: A LONG WAY TO GO RECOMMENDATIONS

Despite these inspiring accomplishments, The empowerment of women as effective the implementation of new laws is very actors of sustainable development in slow, with no subsequent review. For Moroccan society would require more example, a closer look at the changes reforms and goals, including the following: introduced in the new Family Code reveals a lack of enforcement. Child marriage has Reduce poverty among women by almost doubled in one decade, from 7% prioritizing literacy, guaranteeing education, in 2004 to nearly 12% in 2013.7 Polygamy and facilitating access to jobs. Literacy experienced a similar trend, although to a programs are a key step, particularly for lesser degree: in 2010, nearly 43.41% of women who are beyond schooling age, as 12 applications for polygamy were accepted.8 14.8% of girls aged 15 to 24 are illiterate, The implementation of the constitutional and about seven out of 10 rural women are provision on gender equality has also been illiterate, i.e., 67.4% compared to 36.2% for The 2002 gender urban women and 37.2% for rural men.13 very slow. As Lamrabet argues, even though quotas were a crucial Article 19 of the Constitution gives equality Education will also help reduce poverty, as to women, the practice of equality “does a lack of education accounts for 36.8% of step towards the not and will not exist unless the hearts and poverty among adults and 24% among consolidation of minds of people are changed” and unless the children. Education is especially important democracy and a means for girls in rural areas, as one in 10 girls politicians change.9 Indeed, there were no with which to fight awareness campaigns surrounding the new aged 7 to 12 in rural areas do not attend 14 against the patriarchal Family Code, and the education system did school. Unemployment remains a major not support it. The judges who passed the issue. According to figures from the Higher elements of society; law hold the same patriarchal beliefs about Planning Commission in Morocco, the however, their impact women’s status, due to their interpretation of employment rate for women was 22.2% on women’s status has overall and 70.4% for rural women. Almost religious texts. Based on research conducted been minimal, as the regarding gender issues in Morocco,10 39.3% of employed women work without cultural traditions and the misinterpretation pay compared to only 9.5% of men. For rural political parties are not of religious texts have contributed to women, this figure is closer to 70%. The adhering to the quota. women's subordination. The patriarchal national female employment rate declined 15 misinterpretation of Islam should therefore from 26.8% in 2013 to 22.2% in 2019. be reconsidered, with the inclusion of female Promote and implement the Equality and Muslim scholars, in order for the new Family Parity policy and encourage women’s Code to positively impact women. access to decision-making positions. Despite the ratification of international Only about 6% of Moroccan women hold conventions and the establishment of entities decision-making positions.16 such as the Equality and Parity Commission, Guarantee access to health services for only 22% of women held positions of power women. Maternal health in rural areas is in public administration in 2016, and 81 out particularly important, as the rural maternal of 395 deputies serving in parliament are mortality rate remains twice as high as 11 currently women. Obviously, in practice, the urban rate. About 20.4% of pregnant the situation has not drastically changed. women did not receive any antenatal The 2002 gender quotas were a crucial step consultations in rural areas in 2018, towards the consolidation of democracy compared to 4.4% in urban areas.17 and a means with which to fight against the patriarchal elements of society; however, Reform the Family Code of 2004. Female their impact on women’s status has been Muslim scholars should be included in minimal, as the political parties are not the reinterpretation of the Quran and the adhering to the quota. revision of the Family Code. The new reform should be more focused and should clarify laws around early marriage and polygamy.

3 RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.19.20

The inheritance law should also be revised, 5. A 31-year-old fish seller, Mohcine as more women are now sole providers for Fikri was crushed to death in a rubbish their families. bin on October 28, 2016 in Al Hoceima Implement the gender budgeting policy. while trying to recover his confiscated Despite the state’s adoption of the gender merchandise. approach in resource distribution within 6. A 36-year-old mother of four, Nawal the budget, the situation has not changed Ben Aisha became the spokesperson for the significantly. protests, which were held every evening after the breaking of the Ramadan fast in Al Establish a culture of transparency and a Hoceima. She is now a political refugee in review of law implementation. the Netherlands. Promote a culture of gender equality 7. Droit & Justice, an organization in schools. Within school curriculum, promoting the rule of law in Morocco, found stereotypes about women should be that of the 33,253 marriage contracts in abolished, and the general representation of 2009 and 35,152 in 2013, a total of 30,000 women should be reviewed. involved females under the age of 18. Promote a culture of gender equality 8. Conseil National Des Droits de through media awareness campaigns such L’homme,“Etat de l’égalité et de la parité as the valorization of women’s success au Maroc: Préserver et rendre effectifs stories in advertisements. Awareness les finalités et objectifs constitutionnels,” campaigns focusing on female equality October 2015, https://docs. should not be limited to International euromedwomen.foundation/files/ermwf- Women’s Day. Moroccans should be made documents/6806_3.26.etategalitefinal22.pdf. aware of the value of empowering women 9. Karla M. McKanders, “Anatomy to act as full members of society. of an Uprising: Women, Democracy, and the Moroccan Feminist Spring,” Boston University International Law Journal 32, no. ENDNOTES 1, 2014, https://ssrn.com/abstract=2364578. 10. I have supervised a number of 1. The term “Arab Spring” is rejected doctoral theses on different gender in the region because it does not include issues—e.g., “Women’s Representation in the other ethnic, religious, and linguistic the Moroccan Media,” “Gender Discourse groups, namely the Amazigh people, Copts, after the Moudawana Reform,” “Women’s and others. Representation in the Moroccan English 2. Haut-Commissariat au Plan, Textbooks,” “Household Labour Division “La Femme Marocaine en Chiffres: Evolution among Dual-Earner Couples,” “Women’s des Caractéristiques Démographiques et Political Participation,” and “Women’s Socioprofessionnelles,” 2019, http://www. Associations”—all of which have revealed hcp.ma. that the status of women has not wholly 3. Examples of movements where improved. women took the lead include the Hirak Rif, 11. Haut-Commissariat au Plan, the Soulalyat Movement, the “On the Road “La Femme Marocaine en Chiffres.” 96 Movement” (Imider), the Masaktach 12. bid. Movement, etc. 13. Conseil National Des Droits de 4. Women's Learning Partnership, L’homme, “Etat de l’égalité et de la parité “Caravan of Soulaliyates Pushes for au Maroc.” Moroccan Women’s Right to Land Access,” 14. Haut-Commissariat au Plan, The Partnership Blog, April 9, 2018, “La Femme Marocaine en Chiffres.” https://learningpartnership.org/blog/ 15. Ibid. caravan-soulaliyates-pushes-for- 16. Ibid. moroccan-womens-right-land-access. 17. Ibid.

4 GENDER MATTERS: WOMEN AS ACTORS OF CHANGE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN MOROCCO

REFERENCES ABOUT THE SERIES

Booth, Robert, Angelique Chrisafis, Tom Finn, This brief is part of a series on “Women’s Katherine Marsh, Harriet Sherwood, Grassroots Mobilization in the MENA Region and Xan Rice. “Women Have Emerged Post-2011.” The briefs were presented as Key Players in the Arab Spring.” The at workshops in Rabat, Morocco and Guardian, April 22, 2011. https://www. Amman, Jordan in February and March theguardian.com/world/2011/apr/22/ 2020 hosted by the Moroccan Institute women-arab-spring. for Policy Analysis and the American Conseil National des Droits de l’Homme. Center for Oriental Research and involving “Gender Equality and Parity in Morocco: scholars and activists from Morocco, Tunisia, Preserving and implementing the aims Lebanon, Turkey, Palestine, and Jordan. The and objectives of the Constitution.” workshops were funded with the generous Conseil National des Droits de l’Homme, support of the Kelly Day Endowment as part 2015. https://www.cndh.org.ma/an/ of the Baker Institute’s program on Women’s thematic-reports/gender-equality- Rights, Human Rights and Refugees. and-parity-morocco-preserving-and- implementing-aims-and-objectives. AUTHOR Gheytanchi, Elham and Valentine N. Moghadam. “Women, Social Protests, Yamina El Kirat El Allame, Ph.D., is a professor and the New Media Activism in at the Faculty of Letters & Human Sciences at the Middle East and North Africa.” Mohammed V University in Rabat, Morocco. International Review of Modern Her research focuses on anthropological Sociology 40, no. 1 (Spring 2014): linguistics, cultural anthropology, minority 1-26. https://www.jstor.org/ languages, cultures and identities, and gender stable/43496487. and migration issues. She was a Fulbright See more issue briefs at: Inglehart, Ronald and Pippa Norris. Rising Visiting Scholar at Greenville Tech in 2010 www.bakerinstitute.org/issue-briefs Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural with the “Direct Access to the Muslim World” Change Around the World. New York: program. Her interest in these issues stems This publication was written by a Cambridge University Press, 2003. from her personal experience in the linguistic, researcher (or researchers) who participated in a Baker Institute project. cultural, social, educational, and political Maktabi, Rania. “Enfranchised Minors: Wherever feasible, this research is Women as People in the Middle East issues in North Africa in general and Morocco reviewed by outside experts before it is after the 2011 Arab Uprisings.” Laws 6, in particular. released. However, the views expressed no. 1 (2017): 4. https://doi.org/10.3390/ herein are those of the individual author(s), and do not necessarily laws6010004. represent the views of Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy.

© 2020 Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy

This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy.

Cite as: El Kirat El Allame, Yamina. 2020. Gender Matters: Women as Actors of Change and Sustainable Development in Morocco. Issue brief no. 06.19.20. Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy, Houston, Texas.

5 ISSUE BRIEF 06.22.20 The Moroccan Soulalyat Movement: A Story of Exclusion and Empowerment

Rabéa Naciri, Activist, L’Association Démocratique des Femmes du Maroc

Moroccan women began mobilizing for their 2004 Family Code preserved the economic rights long before the country's independence and symbolic foundation of the patriarchal in 1956. However, between 1998 and 2003, a contract of Qiwâma. confrontation emerged between a pro-gender Qiwâma, a system considered to equality movement and a conservative be natural and divine, refers to a strict movement, leading to the reform of hierarchical distribution of tasks performed the Personal Status Code (Mudawana) by men and women. It is endowed with in 2004. This landmark reform involved such symbolic and cultural force that it goes many changes, including the requirement beyond the framework of family relations that spouses share responsibilities rather to permeate the entire legal system and all than obligating a wife’s obedience, the public policies. Under this system, men are abolishment of marital guardianship for adult tasked with taking responsibility for their women, the establishment of a minimum female relatives. Nevertheless, the old family age of 18 for marriage for both genders, and and tribal order which guaranteed a certain the implementation of new procedures to security to women is disappearing. Various facilitate a woman’s right to divorce. factors have reshaped the model of the Emerging out of pressure from the traditional patriarchal family, including sharp feminist movement, new governmental declines in consanguineous marriages and These changes have reforms resulted in the recognition of the right fertility rates, the increase in urbanity, and had an impact on the of women to transmit their nationality to their the fact that people are getting married customs governing children in 2007, the establishment of positive at younger ages. These changes have had discrimination mechanisms in national and an impact on the customs governing the the management of local elected offices, the revision of certain management of collective lands in Morocco collective lands in provisions of the penal code, and, finally, the and have particularly impacted women, most Morocco and have adoption of a law combating violence against of whom lack their own resources and are particularly impacted women in 2018. The 2011 constitutional excluded from owning land. reform also enshrined equality and parity women, most of whom between men and women in all fields. lack their own resources However, these reforms—among the THE ISSUE OF LAND INHERITANCE and are excluded from most advanced for Arab countries—have not owning land. helped to reduce large gender inequalities in Morocco has nearly 12 million hectares of many areas. By maintaining the obligation of land belonging to 4,631 ethnic communities the husband to provide for the needs of his (soulala), comprised of 2.5 million rights- wife, by not recognizing domestic work and holders. These lands are collective, 1 care performed by women, and by continuing undivided, and inalienable, and can either the practice of inheritance inequality, the be assigned in shares allocated to rights- holders, or not assigned and operated on RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.22.20

behalf of the community.2 These lands “I helped my brother financially in his represent the highest concentration of land studies, but afterwards, he fiercely in Morocco and present critical political, opposed my right to the usufruct of economic, and social issues. the land.” After independence, Morocco did —Rkia, Haddaa-Gharb not break with the customary practices of the French Protectorate era, which, in “Right after my father died, my brothers most cases, did not recognize women as asked me to renounce my rights beneficiaries and excluded them from following the ancestral example of the compensation after the transfer of land. As women of the tribe. When I dared to ask one soulalyat interviewee explained, them why, the answer was: ‘this is how things work in the tribe. The woman is “I am a widow, with a family of six not even entitled to the private melk and children and no financial resources. I was now you raise the question of her right convinced that God wanted it that way. to collective lands.’ To claim my right, I My feelings of injustice were exacerbated spent two years staying all day outside on the eve of Eid al-Adha in 2007. My the door of the Caïd4 without daring brother received 270,000 dirhams as to enter because I was afraid that my compensation for the transfer of land family, informed of my attempt, would and bought the most expensive sheep accuse me of having brought shame and without paying attention to the needs dishonor on them.” of my family. Since then, I have sworn to take back my rights and those of my —Fatima, Meknes Region sisters, and that was the start.” The soulalyats movement is unprecedented 3 —Mennana, Mehdia-Gharb in Morocco. Historically, women had no access to land, whether collective or As this excerpt shows, the situation of the privately-owned (melk).5 In general, they soulalyats could no longer be governed by ceded their share to their male relatives so customs or reliance on the goodwill of the as not to be excluded from the family and representatives of the ethnic community— the tribe. Male family members and tribal who were exclusively men. leaders thus felt threatened by the new demands of women. THE UNPRECEDENTED SOULALYAT “The representatives of the Jmaâ told MOVEMENT me: if you succeed in obtaining your rights, then you could wear the djellaba The momentum of reforms surrounding [traditional male dress] and the beard women’s rights in Morocco contributed to and we men, we will wear the caftan the emergence of the soulalyat movement [traditional female dress]. At our age, we beginning in 2007. Supported by the are not going to give rights to dogs.” Democratic Association of Moroccan Women (known by its French acronym ADFM), the —Zahra, Ait Ouahi-Moyen Atlas soulalyats formed groups in several regions Overcoming this prejudice and to end the hogra—feelings of injustice and discrimination was a matter of initiating humiliation—and began to confront their a multi-staged process. First, the issue families, representatives of the tribe, and needed to be brought to the attention of even local authorities to demand equality in the public. This involved an educational land ownership and inheritance. campaign of alerting the general populace Often the strongest resistance came to the issues faced by women living on from family members. Several women found collective lands. Second, the movement their male siblings vehemently opposed to favorably shaped public opinion through granting them inheritance rights. organizing conferences, inviting national and international media to report on the 2 THE MOROCCAN SOULALYAT MOVEMENT: A STORY OF EXCLUSION AND EMPOWERMENT

experiences of women, and arranging field In terms of material achievements, the visits for journalists. Third, it was necessary Moroccan Ministry of the Interior issued two for the movement to take the issue up with circulars in 2009—the first pertaining to the decision-makers and leaders. It did so by Gharb region and the second to the country making complaints to administrative courts as a whole—which enshrined the right of in order to ask for compensation for women, the soulalyats to benefit from the income calling for protests in the capital city of generated by the transfer of the land. After Rabat and other regions, and maintaining an the adoption of the 2011 Constitution, a third ongoing dialogue with competent authorities circular issued in 2012 incorporated their right at both the central and local levels. to land ownership, including land that has not been transferred. Even though they lacked the force ADOPTED APPROACHES: LEARNING of law, these circulars still allowed many AND SOLIDARITY women to obtain their rights, thus helping to further mobilize new groups of women. In response to requests from women However, given the administrative nature of who were mostly illiterate and poor, the While the struggle the circulars and the extent of the resistance challenge for the ADFM was to help the of the soulalyats is from men and tribal leaders, their effective soulalyats clearly formulate their requests implementation was not always guaranteed. primarily economic, it is and build a united movement. The ADFM After years of struggle, Law 62-17 also a story of collective used its expertise in advocacy and its was passed in August 2019 concerning empowerment that has knowledge of Moroccan institutions ethnic communities and the management to support the soulalyats so that they fostered the emergence of their property. The law stipulated that themselves could mobilize and achieve of a feminist conscience members of ethnic communities, both their goals. The success of this approach is men and women, can obtain usufruct of all and engendered feelings evident in testimonies: community properties to which they belong of confidence and pride. “These acquired abilities have made us (article 6) and that both genders have credible. The men of the tribe and the access to the representative bodies of their local authority, who made fun of our communities (article 9). demands, take us seriously now because While the struggle of the soulalyats they know we can win. They see us on is primarily economic, it is also a story of television, in the newspapers, and collective empowerment that has fostered that counts.” the emergence of a feminist conscience and —Mennana, Kenitra Region engendered feelings of confidence and pride. As two women explained, “Without collective action and knowledge, “When my right to land was recognized, I acquired thanks to the Association, none started to be treated with respect by my of us could have obtained our rights. community and this encouraged other When we had to meet the local authorities, women to claim their rights. In fact, I we were prepared: what to say and the realized that my problem is just a small questions to ask. It was the only way for part of a larger one.” them to listen and respect us.” —Laaziza, Ain Cheggag- Middle Atlas —Hajiba, Kenitra Region “When the first circular of the Ministry The material and non-material achievements of the Interior was published, I had not of this campaign—underway since 2007— yet gained my rights, but my joy and my can be attributed to the perseverance and pride were limitless because I knew that solidarity of the soulalyats as well as the I had contributed in one way or another. political support and close supervision of Knocking on the Association’s door was the ADFM. the most important step. I understood the roots of my problem.” —Mennana, Kenitra Region 3 RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.22.20

In turn, this new confidence generated determination. Perhaps the most important CONCLUSION gain has been the ability to overcome fear The empowerment of predominantly poor and to realize the importance of solidarity women and their proven abilities to resist, among women. mobilize, and organize, have challenged “This piece of land that I have plowed has existing power relations within the family, given me priceless value before the community, and the patriarchal contract my family, the tribe and local authorities of the Qiwâma. This model of empowering and gave courage to the other women the most economically and socially of the tribe to fearlessly address the vulnerable women in society to demand authorities. I achieved a lot thanks to our inheritance equality and access to private movement. I helped limit the power of land can be utilized in other legislative tribal representatives who can no longer fields that are characterized by direct sign or speak for women. I finally taught discrimination against women and where the local authority to respect women.” resistance is needed at both the political and social levels. —Fatima, Meknes Region

This movement has also generated new female leadership. Currently, nearly 30 ENDNOTES women sit in the representative bodies of 1. In 1951, the law authorized the their communities (naibates), which were transfer of collective land located near previously exclusive to men. Their numbers cities to the state, public institutions, and will increase in line with the promulgation local communities. Between 1970 and of the new law on the management of 1980, the transfer of these lands for the collective lands. implementation of economic and social “As the first soulalyat to run for Naib, projects and the access of those entitled to I faced enormous difficulties. But the compensation were regulated. In 1969, the hardest part was the requirement to Agricultural Investment Code transformed produce 12 male tribe witnesses to collective land from irrigated perimeters into support my candidacy. Again, I had to undivided privately-owned lands (melk). fight for gender equality in the witness 2. Land ownership in Morocco is group and I won the battle. It was a matter governed by customs and traditions, of principle because I could not accept this including Sharia and the jurisprudence of systematic rejection of women.” Islamic law, and by modern legal systems. —Rkia, Haddaa-Gharb 3. This testimony and those that follow are taken from a series of interviews conducted by the ADFM (Association démocratique des femmes du Maroc) with ten soulalyats in 2018 and translated from Arabic by the author. 4. The Caîd is the representative of the Ministry of the Interior at the local level. 5. According to Sharia law, women have the right to inheritance even if, placed in the same degree of kinship with respect to the deceased, their share is lower than that of men.

4 THE MOROCCAN SOULALYAT MOVEMENT: A STORY OF EXCLUSION AND EMPOWERMENT

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This article was originally written in French. Thank you to the Moroccan Institute for Policy Analysis for translation assistance.

ABOUT THE SERIES

This brief is part of a series on “Women’s Grassroots Mobilization in the MENA Region Post-2011.” The briefs were presented at workshops in Rabat, Morocco and Amman, Jordan in February and March 2020 hosted by the Moroccan Institute for Policy Analysis and the American Center for Oriental Research and involving scholars and activists from Morocco, Tunisia, Lebanon, Turkey, Palestine, and Jordan. The workshops were funded with the generous support of the Kelly Day Endowment as part of the Baker Institute’s program on Women’s Rights, Human Rights and Refugees.

AUTHOR

Rabéa Naciri is a founding member of the See more issue briefs at: Association Démocratique des Femmes du www.bakerinstitute.org/issue-briefs Maroc (ADFM), one of the largest Moroccan This publication was written by a NGOs focused on women’s rights and is researcher (or researchers) who based in Rabat, Morocco. participated in a Baker Institute project. Wherever feasible, this research is reviewed by outside experts before it is released. However, the views expressed herein are those of the individual author(s), and do not necessarily represent the views of Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy.

© 2020 Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy

This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy.

Cite as: Naciri, Rabéa. 2020. The Moroccan Soulalyat Movement: A Story of Exclusion and Empowerment. Issue brief no. 06.22.20. Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy, Houston, Texas.

5 ISSUE BRIEF 06.23.20 The Cost of Women’s Absence in Decision-making Positions in Moroccan Academia

Soumia Boutkhil, Ph.D., Professor and Director, Gender, Society, and Human Development Master’s of Arts Program, Université Mohammed Premier

Morocco has undertaken a series of reforms It was not until 2002 that a woman targeting the status of women. Yet the was appointed president of a university in country’s Global Gender Gap Index1 score Morocco: Rahma Bourqia became the first, remains extremely low, at 143 out of 153 at Université Hassan II in Mohammedia. nations, and far behind other countries Presently, only two universities in Morocco in the Maghreb region. The country has are governed by women out of more than continued to fall in the rankings since 20: Université Hassan Premier Settat is 2006, despite measures to combat gender headed by Khadija Essafi and Université discrimination, such as the adoption of Hassan II Casablanca is headed by Aawatef the Gender-Sensitive Budget in 2002, the Hayar. Such positions are perceived as adoption of the quota system in politics and political, so excellence and distinction are other sectors, the family code reform, and not the only criteria for selecting a president. the institutionalization of gender parity in the Very often, women lack leverageable country’s 2011 constitutional reforms. The support from political parties. Additionally, feminization of key sectors such as education, no quota system exists within the selection health, and justice have clearly failed to process, as is the case with decision-making reduce the gender gap and address the lack positions in other sectors. These aspects of women employed in those sectors.2 weaken women’s applications. Research conducted at Université Mohammed Premier in Oujda depicts particularly high levels of Discrimination against WOMEN IN ACADEMIA IN MOROCCO marginalization for women, reflected not women in academia only in their low representation (20% of The gender gap in academia is particularly is not limited to the entire faculty), but also in their absence important. Moroccan universities have appointments in key from governing bodies at the university. greatly helped to orchestrate fundamental Only three women (0.35%) hold positions in positions; it is present changes in society.3 Academics train, shape, the medical school and on university boards, from recruitment until and form the elite of the country across demonstrating the barriers that female sectors.4 The presence of women in higher the end of their career. faculty face in obtaining leadership positions. education is, therefore, likely to change Discrimination against women in social norms.5 The feminist movement, academia is not limited to appointments in for example, owes much to female key positions; it is present from recruitment academics pushing to transform institutions until the end of their career. Official statistics through research, teaching, and board from the Ministry of Higher Education’s representation. Yet research shows that annual report show that women are often Moroccan universities severely lack female excluded from pursuing this career: representation at all levels. RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.23.20

TABLE 1 — NUMBER OF GRADUATES BY FIELD AND BY CYCLE (2017-2018)

Undergraduate Master Ph.D. Disciplines Male Female Male Female Male Female Economy, law & social sciences 17,911 18,153 2,961 2,316 402 166 Humanities 13,339 14,166 1,332 806 355 159 Science 6,569 6,161 1,684 1,530 307 206 Science & technology 1,860 2,216 562 582 140 120 Medical School 559 1,083 25 38 96 41 Dental school 79 249 4 15 9 16 Engineering school 1,639 1,355 200 131 40 20 Business school 908 1,488 132 222 5 11

SOURCE Ministère de l’Enseignement Supérieur (Ministry of Higher Education), L’enseignement supérieur en chiffre, 2019

even though girls succeed throughout high 2018-19, women at the associate rank school, female enrollment numbers drop (habilité) number 62 in the 35 to 39 significantly as gendered career patterns age range, compared to 242 men. This start to emerge. The issue continues in the outcome is disheartening, as this age transition from undergraduate to graduate range is considered the most productive school: women compose almost half of and competitive period for academics. In The issue continues all enrolled students in undergraduate the absence of a clear study, one could in the transition education across disciplines, but these speculate that a pattern of self-censorship from undergraduate figures drop significantly at the graduate exists, as women are made to feel less to graduate school: level and especially at the doctoral level, qualified than men and do not apply for as shown in Table 1. No comprehensive promotions. One could also interpret the lack women compose study has been conducted to understand of female participation in research as the almost half of all the reasons why female graduates are result of a preference for a secure job where enrolled students discouraged from pursuing doctoral studies. the pressure to publish is not so high. Many in undergraduate The fact that this is not addressed as a female academics may also be unable or serious policy problem shows that the issue unwilling to set aside family priorities for the education across of gender inequity in academia is far from sake of job advancement. As a result, by the disciplines, but these being resolved. time women reach their mid-50s, they are figures drop significantly Patterns of exclusion continue post- largely disadvantaged in terms of promotion. at the graduate level graduation: fewer female candidates receive Thus, we can see clearly the contours of the permanent jobs in academia, as shown glass ceiling, as women constitute barely and especially at the in Table 2. In general, women in higher 21.36% of faculty nationwide. The limitation doctoral level. education are not well represented. The of the ministry’s annual report is that it low proportion of entry-level assistant never publishes statistics on women in high professor positions highlights the unequal ranking academic positions, which would consideration that female applicants receive inevitably show the meager number of from hiring committees. women represented in such positions. Further, the promotion path statistics reflect the pattern of discrimination and barriers to advancement that women face as university professors. For instance, in

2 THE COST OF WOMEN’S ABSENCE IN DECISION-MAKING POSITIONS IN MOROCCAN ACADEMIA

TABLE 2 — STATISTICS OF PUBLIC TEACHING STAFF NATIONWIDE (SEGREGATED BY AGE, SEX, SENIORITY)

Professeur Professeur Professeur Professeur Maître Assistant Total (PES) Habilité agrégé Assistant Assistant Other* Age Range M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F 25-29 0 0 0 0 - - 37 16 0 0 0 0 11 5 48 21 30-34 0 0 27 8 - - 490 194 0 0 0 0 49 25 566 227 35-39 5 4 242 62 66 39 905 277 0 0 0 0 82 36 1,300 418 40-44 230 115 564 136 88 41 894 259 0 0 0 0 137 82 1,914 633 45-49 581 169 680 191 51 7 682 189 0 0 0 0 152 79 2,147 635 50-54 1,351 313 489 116 27 5 516 176 0 0 1 1 105 40 2,489 651 55-59 2,172 464 307 90 2 _ 400 131 1 1 1 0 110 37 2,993 723 60-64 1,750 312 142 41 2 - 346 112 0 0 3 0 31 9 2,274 474 65+ 491 50 36 5 - – 129 23 2 0 9 0 3 0 670 78 Total 6,580 1,427 2,487 649 236 92 4,399 1,377 3 1 14 1 681 313 14,400 3,860

SOURCE Ministère de l’Enseignement Supérieur (Ministry of Higher Education), L’enseignement supérieur en chiffres, 2018-2019 NOTE *Other = Non-research teachers (Engineers, high-school teachers, primary school teachers, administrators, etc.)

Indeed, bureaucracy becomes a tool INSTITUTIONAL BARRIERS TO to stifle the determination and persistence ADVANCEMENT of female faculty who hold or wish to hold The assumption that the changing laws and influence. Examples include administrative the presence of women down the pipeline authorities closing female faculty-led in academia will inevitably yield access to programs, especially gender studies decision-making positions is simply false. programs, or refusing to allocate funds Women are still stuck in lower positions, and resources for such programs. Even even 60 years after independence and students of these programs are affected by decades after major reforms. Many women these actions, through delays in receiving have become unmotivated and show diplomas and scholarship rescindment. As no interest in seeking decision-making a result, only four gender studies master’s positions. Research also shows that women programs in Morocco are still functioning, are victims of internalized stereotypes out of eight originally, and out of 13 gender 7 and thus are more likely to face barriers research units, five have been closed. when entering male-dominated jobs for Additionally, the meager state support the first time.6 This research highlights for research means female academics the pressure women experience in these often have to fund their own research. positions, as they face issues adjusting to This adds a significant financial constraint an environment entirely defined by men, that exacerbates the ability to balance the where their performance is closely watched teaching load with research and family. As and they are constantly required to prove research structures are male-dominated, themselves. The assumption that men are female faculty rarely lead a research team; chosen on merit is equally refutable: many they are often unable to gather the number women in academia are as qualified as their of members required for accreditation, so male counterparts, if not more. Because of they are forced to join existing teams where the lack of political will, however, women’s their input goes unnoticed. Female faculty presence in leadership positions remains are also rarely called on to lead thesis defense aspirational. juries or appointment commissions and are not elected as members of their institutions’ 3 RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.23.20

scientific committees. The weak and Professors in 2016 at Université Mohammed patriarchal infrastructure at universities also Premier in Oujda. The association’s objective means most faculty offices are shared by at is to promote the contribution that female least three or more colleagues, the majority faculty make to academia and to call of whom are male. Consequently, female for greater representation of women in faculty members are often confined in a tight university decision-making positions. The space with male colleagues, which forces creation of the association is the first of them to desert their offices out of discomfort. many necessary steps toward resolving the Female faculty avoid confrontation with issue of gender inequality in academia, but the administration due to these practices there are other important steps that could and resign themselves to focusing on be taken at the governmental level to help teaching classes, thereby reinforcing the further this agenda. These include: perception that they are unqualified to • Align strategies toward gender equality assume responsibilities beyond teaching. at all levels of higher education In a university-wide survey among female management. faculty in 2013, 52.2% of female faculty • Introduce a mandatory quota system prioritized their homes and family over their in university governing bodies. career, 13% refused to answer the question, • Form the university’s general budget 34.8% prioritized their career, and 47.8% with a gender-sensitive lens. 8 experienced work-related depression. The • Create safe campuses for women. survey also revealed a feeling of loneliness • Create a national coalition of women among female faculty who face intimidation in academia in Morocco. and lack of support. Further, the attacks on ambitious female faculty result not in expressions of ENDNOTES solidarity among female colleagues, but in animosity or even jealousy towards the 1. World Economic Forum. 2020. Global victims. In the absence of a culture that Gender Gap 2020. [online] Geneva: World recognizes female excellence, women in Economic Forum, pp.253-254. Available academia become victims of their own at: http://www3.weforum.org/docs/ ambition; they are seen as enemies and WEF_GGGR_2020.pdf, accessed January 16, isolated from other colleagues. 2020]. As a result of these systemic issues, 2. Soumia Boutkhil, “Who’s Under the female faculty limit their presence on Robe? On Women in the Judicial System in campus to the classes they teach and their Morocco,” in North African Women after the voices are not heard when developing Arab Spring: In the Eye of the Storm, eds. institutional policies. Soumia Boutkhil, Chourouq Nasri, and Larbi Touaf (Palgrave Macmillan, 2017). 3. Rahma Bourqia, “Valeurs et CONCLUSION changement social au Maroc,” Quaderns de la Mediterránia 13 (2010): 105-115, https:// The absence of women from decision-making www.iemed.org/publicacions/quaderns/13/ positions in universities will have a negative qm13_pdf/14.pdf. impact on future generations, as they will 4. Radhe Shyam Sharma, "The Role internalize the extant patriarchal system. of Universities in Development of Civil This issue will have a widespread impact on Society and Social Transformation," in 17th Morocco’s development, as studies have International Academic Conferences, eds. shown that human capital wealth is greatly Jiri Rotschedi and Kiara Cermakova (Vienna: 9 reduced by gender inequality. International Institute of Social and Economic Aware of the psychological constraints Sciences, 2015), https://www.iises.net/ and the numerous injustices female faculty proceedings/17th-international-academic- face in Morocco, a group of academics conference-vienna/front-page. created the Association of Women University 4 THE COST OF WOMEN’S ABSENCE IN DECISION-MAKING POSITIONS IN MOROCCAN ACADEMIA

5. Samina Malik and Kathy Courtney, “Higher Education and Women's ABOUT THE SERIES Empowerment in Pakistan,” Gender and This brief is part of a series on “Women’s Education 23, no.1 (2011): 29-45. Grassroots Mobilization in the MENA Region 6. Rosabeth Moss Kanter, “Some Effects Post-2011.” The briefs were presented of Proportions on Group Life: Skewed Sex at workshops in Rabat, Morocco and Ratios and Responses to Token Women,” Amman, Jordan in February and March American Journal of Sociology 82, no. 5 2020 hosted by the Moroccan Institute for (1977): 965-990; Lynn Zimmer, “Tokenism Policy Analysis and the American Center for and Women in the Workplace: The Limits of Oriental Research and involving scholars Gender-Neutral Theory,” Social Problems 35, and activists from Morocco, Tunisia, no. 1 (1988): 64-77. Lebanon, Turkey, Palestine, and Jordan. The 7. Rajaa Nadifi and Gaelle Gillot. Le Genre workshops were funded with the generous et l’Université au Maroc: État des Lieux, support of the Kelly Day Endowment as part Enjeux et Perspectives (Rabat: UNESCO, 2018). of the Baker Institute’s program on Women’s 8. Maha Badissy and Soumia Boutkhil, Rights, Human Rights and Refugees. “La Femme Instruite dans la Ville d’Oujda un Agent de Changement? Enquête Menée auprès du Corps Enseignat Féminin de AUTHOR l’Université Mohammed Premier,” in Question de Genre: Analyse des Inégalités Soumia Boutkhil, Ph.D., is a professor, Hommes-Femmes au Maroc, ed. Chourouq Fulbright scholar, and director of the Gender, Nasri, Larbi Touaf, and Soumia Boutkhil Society, and Human Development Master’s (Oujda: Université Mohammed Premier, 2013). of Arts Program at Université Mohammed 9. Bénédicte Briére and Quentin T. Premier in Oujda, Morocco. Her research Wodon, “Unrealized Potential: The High focuses on women and gender studies, Cost of Gender Inequality in Earnings,” postcolonial literature and theory, feminist See more issue briefs at: (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 2018), theory, North African studies, Francophone www.bakerinstitute.org/issue-briefs https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/ literature, and Arabic studies. gender/publication/unrealized-potential- This publication was written by a researcher (or researchers) who the-high-cost-of-gender-inequality-in- participated in a Baker Institute project. earnings. Wherever feasible, this research is reviewed by outside experts before it is released. However, the views expressed herein are those of the individual author(s), and do not necessarily represent the views of Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy.

© 2020 Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy

This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy.

Cite as: Boutkhil, Soumia. 2020. The Cost of Women’s Absence in Decision-making Positions in Moroccan Academia. Issue brief no. 06.23.20. Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy, Houston, Texas.

5 ISSUE BRIEF 06.24.20 Women in Action in Tunisia

Khedija Arfaoui, Ph.D., Independent Human Rights Researcher

Tunisia has long been recognized for its concern is the status of women in state progressive attitude toward women,1 with institutions, including courts, police stations, feminist organizations emerging as early and gendarmeries. Nine years after the as 1936.2 Moroccan author Tahar Ben 2011 uprisings, Tunisian women have not Jelloun suggests that, “[Tunisia] is the most lost any of their rights, but the move for progressive country in the Arab world.”3 equality is far from over and the need to Caroline Perrot asserts that “Tunisia is seen change societal norms remains a core issue. as a forerunner for women's rights in the Discrimination has persisted in Tunisia and it Arab world.”4 Valentine Moghadam shares seems the freedoms granted to women were the same view, stating, “Legal reforms mostly implemented in order to improve made Tunisia the most liberal country in the country’s reputation in the West. This the Arab world.”5 Women have been able brief aims to further an understanding of the to successfully lobby the government to substantive changes, if any, that women in ratify the Commission on the Elimination of Tunisia have experienced. Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)6 and have demanded action against all forms of discrimination and violence.7 Women RECENT ACHIEVEMENTS AND continued to elevate their status after the SETBACKS IN WOMEN’S EQUALITY 2011 uprising using grassroots mobilization Education efforts, leading to support from politicians. Previously, decisions about women’s The government’s will to decrease gender status were made at the government level inequality has allowed women’s access to and women were not consulted. This was education in Tunisia to continue to expand. the case with the Code of Personal Status Tunisia’s prioritization of female education is (CSP)—a series of progressive laws that admirable and bound for success. Tunisia’s Nine years after aimed to promote gender equality—adopted future looks much more liberal and altruistic the 2011 uprisings, in 1957. The CPS was said to be “a gift on a than many of its regional counterparts, silver tray” to women because, as President though only time will tell if this leads to Tunisian women have Habib Bourguiba argued, it was created genuine change for the country.10 not lost any of their without any demands from women.8 Nearly 100% of the country’s girls rights, but the move for The shift toward women’s autonomy are educated — a higher percentage than equality is far from over boys.11 According to UNESCO figures , the and the power to enact change was quite and the need to change an achievement, as the Tunisian Association education rate between young men and of Democratic Women (ATFD)9 experienced women in Tunisia is almost equal; in 2007, societal norms remains difficulties denouncing matrimonial violence 96.7% of girls and 95.5% of boys were a core issue. and marital rape under the repressive enrolled in primary education.12 Sexual regime of President Zine el-Abidine Ben health education has also increased after Ali (1987-2011). Now, a growing area of a backlash regarding a teacher who raped over 20 children in a small city in southern RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.24.20

Tunisia. In 2018, Yamina Zoghlami, a Following Essebsi’s death in July 2019, conservative member of parliament and of conservative politicians were elected to the Islamic Ennahdha party, unexpectedly the position of president (Kais Said) and supported this move, saying, “There are head of parliament (Rached Ghannouchi, young Tunisians who consider the body the head of Ennahdha). President Said was to be haram [forbidden in Islam]. The elected with 72.8% of the vote, despite his ministry of education is very outdated on lack of political experience. He promised this subject; young people must be taught to “make the most of his popularity to bring scientific sex education so that they can about substantial changes."16 After several 13 Despite its modern protect themselves and others.” months of debate, a new cabinet was Women would not have been able to finally proposed in February 2020, which— approach to many move forward in their struggle for equality unfortunately—contains too few women. issues, Tunisia has without an education, though many in poor Despite its modern approach to many not been able to bring and rural areas still face major barriers, such issues, Tunisia has not been able to bring about needed changes, as a lack of public transport or a shortage of about needed changes, partly as a result water. In these rural regions, primary and of the number of extreme Islamists and partly as a result of the secondary school children may still have Shari’a proponents who are increasingly number of extreme to walk kilometers to school, facing many found in parliament. There are a total of 74 Islamists and Shari’a risks. In 2019, a young girl named Maya Islamists in Tunisia’s parliament out of 217 proponents who are had to walk through a flooded river to get members, one third of whom are women.17 increasingly found home from school. She died, resulting in In March 2020, Mohamed Affes, the deputy substantial media attention. Maya was the from the Al-Karama coalition, proudly in parliament. daughter of a poor couple who lived in utter and vociferously defended takfir-ism—or poverty. They viewed her education as a accusing non-believers of being infidels— path to stable employment and to helping when he proposed that security agents her parents lead more comfortable lives. should cut off the hands of thieves, as is While this incident led to demands that done in more religiously conservative states the government spend more on educational such as Saudi Arabia. Such pronouncements institutions and hospitals, rather than indicate that extreme Islamist government mosques, such requests inevitably provoke officials would like to see a move away from the ire of Islamists who consider them to a secular state and a return to Shari’a law.18 be blasphemy. Additionally, there are several restrictive laws impeding progress on women’s rights. Government Bochra BelHmida, a lawyer, former president Tunisia owes much of its success in the area of ATFD, a former member of parliament, of women’s rights to former President Habib and chair of the special commission created Bourguiba, “who introduced the concept by former President Essebsi for the defense of modernity with a secular spirit and of individual rights (COLIBE), has noted respecting female rights” and dared to speak several violations of human rights in existing 19 about equal rights to inheritance.14 Women’s laws. For example, a couple caught kissing demands also led the late President Beji in a car in the northern suburb of Tunis Caied Essebsi—a follower of Bourguiba who resulted in the man—who was a foreigner— was very supportive of women’s equality— being jailed for days. There was also the to appoint a commission dedicated to case of a woman who was refused service women’s rights. Kemal Daoud, an Algerian at a courthouse because a female public writer, wrote of Essebsi, “The president of servant said she was dressed indecently. Tunisia has become the leading figure of These are just some of the tactics currently reformism in the Arab world by advocating used by Islamists to change the fabric of life equal inheritance rights for Muslim women in Tunisia. and their right to marry non-Muslim foreigners.”15

2 WOMEN IN ACTION IN TUNISIA

Activism Against Sexual Harassment Aswat Nissa took part in this defensive Tunisian feminists have followed the global feminist wave against sexual harassment. “#MeToo” movement. Headed by Aswat They organized an event and created a Nissa (Women’s Voices) and other feminist corresponding app called the 2019 Electric NGOs, “Me Too” became “EnaZeda ” in Dunes, which they used to denounce sexual Tunisia. The aim was to encourage female harassment through various slogans and and male victims of sexual violence to break methods of storytelling. Slogans they used their silence.20 Aswat Nissa now comprises included: “Don’t tell me how to dress, 32,648 members who share their stories and tell them not to rape,” and “Have your experiences on a daily basis via organized whistle on you in order to denounce.” A meetings, seminars, press conferences, and former Ennahdha minister and member of radio interviews. parliament also spoke out as part of this In 2019, a Tunisian schoolgirl accused movement by reporting her own sexual 24 one of her teachers of sexual harassment, harassment at age 12. which he denied. The parents removed their Other recent mobilizations include a daughter from that school, but when no sit-in organized by the Tunisian Association action was taken against the teacher, the of Democratic Women (ATFD) on January father sued and the teacher was jailed. In 23, 2020, at the Tunis Tribunal. It was mid-January 2020, the teacher’s colleagues organized in support of Rachida Kouki, who went on strike on his behalf with the support experienced workplace violence. On January of the Tunisian Workers’ Union (UGTT). 28, 2020, human rights activist Lina Ben However, there has also been solid support Mhenni was carried to the El Jellaz cemetery of the school girl. On January 29, 2020, and buried by women instead of men, even Aswat Nissa organized a press conference on though this is against a strict tradition in her behalf, with witnesses who are currently Muslim communities. receiving death threats for speaking up. At present, the plaintiff has not been able to prove the sexual harassment and the IMAGE 1 — LINA BEN MHENNI’S FUNERAL investigation conducted by the school administration was not able to find any evidence in support of the accusation.21 In October 2019, a young student reported a parliamentary candidate for allegedly masturbating in front of her school. A video of the shameful event was published on Facebook and widely shared. He attempted to hide behind his parliamentary status, which granted him immunity, but on December 14, 2019, a mass demonstration was organized against this exhibitionist in front of the government headquarters. He was subsequently jailed but after a trial failed to find him guilty he was released on February 13, 2020.22 The demonstration against him was organized by a new feminist group, “Falgatna” (“We’re Fed Up”), which prides itself on being “an SOURCE Karim Benabdallah, via the International Observatory of Human Rights independent, feminist, citizenry movement that aims to resist patriarchy, discrimination, and violence against women assigned at birth or those identifying as women.”23

3 RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.24.20

This upending of tradition bred anger, of course, among many Tunisian conservatives. CONCLUSION: A LONG ROAD AHEAD Yet it was not the first time that Tunisian Although women have made numerous women have broken this taboo. For example, gains in Tunisia, they have yet to attain in January 2017, my daughter and I followed full, equal rights. Former President Ben Ali’s the coffins of my son and his wife to the repressive laws were much feared and they cemetery; they were among the 39 people still remain an obstacle for anyone who killed in a terrorist attack in Istanbul on dares to express criticism. Labor laws and January 1, 2017. We took this action despite the Penal Code need to be homologated in opposition and shock from our relatives. In line with the 2014 Constitution. Tunisian the past, this would have never occurred, women have not lost any of their rights, but but attitudes are changing. unfortunately, the move toward equality was somewhat halted after the death of former President Beji Caied Essebsi. He IMAGE 2 — MOHAMED ALI AND SENDA AZZABI'S FUNERAL was a strong supporter of women’s rights, encouraging the creation of the COLIBE committee to report on legislative reforms concerning individual freedoms and equality. In order to truly gain parity in the political sphere and promote female leadership, the glass ceiling must be broken. Indeed, although both horizontal and vertical parity have been integrated into electoral legislation on municipalities, gender equality has not yet been reached. While the Parity Law adopted in 2011 mandated that candidate lists must include alternating male and female candidates in any election, women remained under- represented. Hela Gharbi, president of the National Union of Public Works Councillors, declared that men cannot understand NOTE Khedija Arfaoui (left) and daughter Mouna Azzabi at the funeral of Mohamed Ali (Arfaoui’s son) women’s intrinsic problems; they believe and Senda Azzabi (his wife) in Tunis. Ali and Azzabi were killed during a terrorist attack in Istanbul in January 2017. Traditionally coffins in Tunisia are carried solely by men, but Arfaoui and a large group that women’s political activism can only be of women joined the procession. of secondary significance. She added that SOURCE Sofienne Hamdaoui, Agence France-Presse men alone speak in public, “as if one was conveying the message that women cannot be leaders.”25 More broadly, Tunisia ranks toward the bottom of the Global Gender Gap Report, 124th out of 153 countries.26 As Amna Guellali, director of Human Rights Watch in Tunisia, has argued, women’s rights will remain threatened as long as repressive laws do not allow for “key safeguards against abuse.”27

4 WOMEN IN ACTION IN TUNISIA

until 2011. They worked despite close scrutiny ENDNOTES from Ben Ali’s police, without any help from 1. Mounira M. Charrad and Amina Zarrugh, the media. They formed working groups and “The Arab Spring and Women’s Rights in alliances with women activists elsewhere in Tunisia,” E-International Relations, September the world, in particular in Morocco, Algeria, 4, 2013, https://www.e-ir.info/2013/09/04/ Mauritania, and more recently Libya. They the-arab-spring-and-womens-rights-in- sought to “to reinterpret the Islamic texts tunisia/; Tucker Hallowell, “Tunisia Makes from a gender sensitive perspective” (Hatem, Strides for Women’s Rights in the Arab World,” 47). Their objective since the beginning has The Borgen Project, August 28, 2017, https:// been to eliminate all forms of discrimination borgenproject.org/womens-rights-in-the- against women (CEDAW). They have not arab-world/. reached this goal, as the battle for equal 2. Khedija Arfaoui, “The Development inheritance continues. of the Feminist Movement in Tunisia: 10. Daniel Lehewych, “Continuing the 1920s-2000s,” The International Journal of fight for girls’ education in Tunisia,” Borgen the Humanities 4, no. 8 (2007): 4. Project, July 18, 2018, https://borgenproject. 3. Tahar Ben Jelloun, “Tahar Ben org/girls-education-in-tunisia. Jelloun: Courageuse Tunisie,” Le Point, 11. Sophie Bessis, Les Arabes, Les Femmes, March 5, 2018, https://www.lepoint.fr/ La Liberté (Albin Michel Editions, 2007), 43. invites-du-point/tahar-ben-jelloun/ 12. Jordan Powell, "7 Facts about tahar-ben-jelloun-courageuse- Education in Tunisia," Borden Project, March tunisie-03-05-2018-2215617_1921.php. 8, 2019. In https://borgenproject.org/7- 4. Caroline Nelly Perrot, “A World facts-about-education-in-tunisia/ Redrawn: Re-think gender roles, says 13. Sarah Leduc, “Tunisia’s 'trailblazing' Tunisian feminist Bochra Belhaj Hmida,” AFP, sex-ed programme struggles out of starting May 28, 2020, https://news.yahoo.com/ blocks,” France 24, January 29, 2020, world-redrawn-think-gender-roles-says- https://www.france24.com/en/20200129- tunisian-feminist-014545724.html. tunisia-s-hailed-sex-education-launch- 5. Valentine M. Moghadam, Modernizing struggles-off-starting-blocks#_=. Women: Gender and Social Change in the 14. Tahar Ben Jelloun, “Tahar Ben Middle-East (Lynne Reiner Publishers: Jelloun: Courageuse Tunisie,” Le Point, 2013), 44. March 5, 2018, https://www.lepoint.fr/ 6. Both Tunisia and Egypt ratified the invites-du-point/tahar-ben-jelloun/ CEDAW in 1985, with some reservations. tahar-ben-jelloun-courageuse- 7. Mervat F. Hatem, “In the Shadow tunisie-03-05-2018-2215617_1921.php. of the State: Changing Definitions of Arab 15. Kamel Daoud, “The next Arab Women’s Developmental’ Citizenship Rights,” Spring? Women’s Rights,” New York Times, Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies 1, October 1, 2017, https://www.nytimes. no.3 (Fall 2005): 42. com/2017/10/01/opinion/the-next-arab- 8. Mounira M. Charrad, States and spring-womens-rights.html. Women’s Rights: The Making of Postcolonial 16. Thierry Brésillon, “Tunisia: For Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco, (Berkeley, Los President Kais Saied, Democracy Can Be a Angeles and London: University of California New Idea,” Orient XXI, November 6, 2019, Press, 2001), 219. https://orientxxi.info/magazine/tunisia- 9. ATFD, or the Tunisian Association for-president-kais-saied-democracy-can- of Democratic Women, was accepted as be-a-new-idea,3402. an autonomous women’s organization 17. Lisa Bryant, “Tunisian Women Hope in 1989, two years after Ben Ali came to to Secure Gender Parity Gains in Legislative power, and at the same time as AFTURD Vote,” VOA News, February 10, 2019, (Association of Tunisian Women for Research https://www.voanews.com/africa/ on Development). They were to be the only tunisian-women-hope-secure-gender- autonomous women’s rights organizations parity-gains-legislative-vote.

5 RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.24.20

18. M.B.Z., “Mohamed Affes: nous 26. Gharbi, Chokri, “Parité hommes- n’avons pas honte d'émettre des femmes en Tunisie: Au dessous de la accusations d'apostasie!” Business News, moyenne mondiale,” La Presse, June 5, March 3, 2020, https://www.businessnews. 2020, https://lapresse.tn/48915/parite- com.tn/mohamed-affes--nous-navons- hommes-femmes-en-tunisie-au-dessous- pas-honte-demettre-des-accusations- de-la-moyenne-mondiale/. dapostasie,520,95824,3. 27. ANSAmed, “Tunisia’s lack of 19. Asharq Al-Awsat, “Tunisia: Civil constitutional court hinders rights, HRW,” Society Urges Adoption of Code for Individual January 16, 2020, http://www.ansamed. Freedoms,” January 31, 2020, https:// info/ansamed/en/news/sections/ aawsat.com/english/home/article/2108466/ politics/2020/01/16/tunisias-lack-of- tunisia-civil-society-urges-adoption-code- constitutional-court-hinders-rights- individual-freedoms. hrw_2385138d-00f8-48ec-a346- 20. Mariam Nabbout, “Arab women e75b1faad67c.html. were unstoppable, loud, and tenacious in 2019,” Step Feed, December 17, 2019, https://stepfeed.com/arab-world-s-iconic- REFERENCES date-palm-culture-recognized-by-unesco- Allouche, Yasmina. “Hero of Tunisia’s 2011 heritage-list-9082 revolution, Lina Ben Mhenni dies at 21. A Tunisian newspaper reported that 36.” Middle East Eye, January 27, 2020, the girl had been upset at her teacher who https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/ had refused her proposals, and that she tunisian-activist-dies-after-battle- had likely invented the story. See Le Temps, chronic-illness. January 19, 2020, Société plus. Du côté du prétoire, page 5. Brésillon, Thierry. 2019. “Tunisia: For 22. Unfortunately, nothing came out President Kais Saied, Democracy Can Be of this, and he remained in parliament. An a New Idea.” Orient XXI, June 10. explanation provided in activist circles on Daoud, Kamel. 2017. “The Next Arab Spring? Facebook was that being diabetic, he had Women’s Rights.” New York Times, “disturbances” while he was in his car, with October 1. https://www.nytimes. a violent need to urinate. So he used a bottle com/2017/10/01/opinion/the-next- to urinate and the girl took a photo while he arab-spring-womens-rights.html. was urinating into the bottle. Delmas, Benoît. 2020. “Coup de tonnerre 23. The Arab Weekly, “Tunisian women politique en Tunisie.” Le Point, build momentum in fight against sexual January 11. www.lepoint.fr/afrique/ violence,” December 22, 2019, https:// coup-de-tonnerre_politique-en- thearabweekly.com/tunisian-women- tunisie-11-01-2020-2357227_3826.php. build-momentum-fight-against-sexual- Ghanmi, Lamine. 2020. “In Tunisia violence-0. ‘normalisation’ debate invades tennis 24. Faïrouz Ben Salah, “#EnaZeda, courts.” The Arab Weekly, February 8. Tunisian ‘MeToo’ movement, meets with https://thearabweekly.com/tunisia- both support and swear tactics,” Middle normalisation-debate-invades- East Eye, February 22, 2020, https://www. tennis-courts. middleeasteye.net/news/enazeda-tunisian- Hatem, Mervat. 2002. “Gender and Islamism me-too-movement-support-smear- in the 1990s.” Middle East Report 222: campaigns. 44-47. 25. Karim Ben Said, “Briser le plafond de Leroux, Luc. 2019. “La lutte contre les verre,” La Presse, April 16, 2017, 6. féminicides bouleverse les pratiques de la justice.” Le Monde, December 3, 12.

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Marzouki, Ilhem. 1993. Le mouvement des femmes en Tunisie au XXème siècle: ABOUT THE SERIES Féminisme et politique. Tunis: Cérès This brief is part of a series on “Women’s Productions. Grassroots Mobilization in the MENA Region Njuki, Jeminah. 2020. “Generation equality: Post-2011.” The briefs were presented 4 ways to accelerate progress.” IPS at workshops in Rabat, Morocco and News, February 21. http://www. Amman, Jordan in February and March ipsnews.net/2020/02/generation- 2020 hosted by the Moroccan Institute equality-four-ways-accelerate- for Policy Analysis and the American progress/. Center for Oriental Research and involving Kiunguyu, Kylie. 2020. “Tunisia’s Ons Jabeur scholars and activists from Morocco, Tunisia, Is the First Arab Woman to Reach a Lebanon, Turkey, Palestine, and Jordan. The Grand Slam Quarter-Final.” Alla Africa, workshops were funded with the generous January 30. https://allafrica.com/ support of the Kelly Day Endowment as part stories/202001300944.html. of the Baker Institute’s program on Women’s Saidi, Marwa. 2019. Promouvoir le Rights, Human Rights and Refugees. leadership féminin: Briser le plafond de verre. La Presse, June 16. https:// AUTHOR lapresse.tn/12025/promouvoir-le- leadership-feminin-briser-le-plafond- Khedija Arfaoui, Ph.D., is an independent de-verre/. human rights and feminist researcher, and a Seager, Joni. 2018. The Women’s Atlas. New Tunisian activist based in La Marsa, Tunisia. York: Penguin Books. She is the author of two books, The Tunisian Tanit, Sara. 2019. “EnaZeda: Le mouvement Women’s Rights Movement: From Nascent qui désire sensibiliser et lever les tabous Activism to Influential Power-broking (Taylor sur le harcèlement sexuel en Tunisie.” & Francis, 2017), co-authored with Jane D. Tekiano, November 22, https://www. Tchaicha; and Views of American Female See more issue briefs at: tekiano.com/2019/11/22/enazeda-le- Identity in the Sixties and Seventies (Presses www.bakerinstitute.org/issue-briefs mouvement-qui-desire-sensibiliser-et- Académiques Francophones, 2018). lever-les-tabous-sur-le-harcelement- This publication was written by a researcher (or researchers) who sexuel-en-tunisie-videos/. participated in a Baker Institute project. Women Living Under Muslim Laws. 2011. Wherever feasible, this research is “Tunisia: New Electoral Law Prescribes reviewed by outside experts before it is Gender Parity in Upcoming Constituent released. However, the views expressed herein are those of the individual Assembly Elections.” July 22. www. author(s), and do not necessarily wluml.org/node/7452. represent the views of Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy.

DEDICATION © 2020 Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy This brief is dedicated to Lina Ben Mhenni, a Tunisian blogger, author, and human This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, rights activist who denounced violence provided appropriate credit is given to and abuse under former President Zine the author and Rice University’s Baker el-Abidine Ben Ali and beyond. She was Institute for Public Policy. known best for her book, A Tunisian Girl (2011). She died at age 36 on January 27, Cite as: 2020, after a chronic illness. Arfaoui, Khedija. 2020. Women in Action in Tunisia. Issue brief no. 06.24.20. Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy, Houston, Texas.

7 ISSUE BRIEF 06.25.20 State and Women’s Grassroots Activism in Turkey

Ayşe Ayata, Ph.D., Political Science and Public Administration Chair, Middle East Technical University

Turkey’s gender equality record is marked in private life, eliminated references to with contradictions and controversies. The traditional values in the penal code, and country was the first in the Middle East to established positive gender discrimination recognize equal rights for women in public in the constitution. These legal reforms and private life. As early as the 1930s, the culminated in the signing of the 2011 state encouraged women to obtain an Istanbul Convention.4 education, pursue diverse professions, run Until 2010, the Justice and Development for parliament, and participate in public Party’s (AKP) government perceived gender life beyond spousal duties. However, the equality as an important requirement for country still scores low in global gender EU accession and was prepared to take disparity rankings.1 The state is heavily necessary steps. However, in light of the involved in the gender equality narrative, diminishing interest in EU membership conservative groups have a strong voice over the last decade, the government in the implementation of laws, and various now dismisses gender equality.5 President women’s movements are divided. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan stated in a meeting with women’s organizations in 2010 that he does not believe in gender equality.6 PHASES OF WOMEN’S GRASSROOTS He has further remarked, “Women are ACTIVISM IN TURKEY obviously different from men. You cannot bring women and men to the same position Until the 1980s, state feminism dominated because it contradicts the creation (fıtrat). mobilization efforts in Turkey.2 Scholars What is correct is the equality of men to Due to these efforts, argue that the state labeled women as either men and equality of women to women.”7 private life now de-feminized citizens or national mothers.3 While some women’s organizations agreed Women’s organizations downplayed this represents one of the with this sentiment, others vehemently issue and bargained for equal citizenship. most important sources disagreed, leading to a highly divided front. In the 1980s, a group of feminists began of struggle between to question this view and challenged the Turkish secularists, patriarchy in public and private life. Due to SPECIFIC ISSUES SURROUNDING Islamists, liberals, and these efforts, private life now represents one WOMEN’S MOVEMENTS of the most important sources of struggle conservatives. between Turkish secularists, Islamists, Three specific issues constitute the main liberals, and conservatives. agenda for Turkey’s women’s movement in Between 1990 and 2010, the feminist recent years: domestic violence, alimony, movement’s endeavors led to significant and child marriage. Different women’s groups achievements: Turkey signed the have positioned themselves as for or against Convention on the Elimination of All Forms these issues.8 This controversy stems from a of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), classic debate on whether women should be changed the civil code to enhance equality glorified as mothers or considered equals in RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.25.20

society. The distinction is reflected in many The lobby against the Istanbul Convention debates, including in the Istanbul Convention. mainly consists of men, but has also revealed The debate is not only discussed by women; divisions among women’s organizations. All the conservative and male-dominated media, of the women’s organizations recognize the the president’s office, the AKP Parliamentary rights acquired by the Istanbul Convention, group, the Ministries of Justice and Family, but some are not proactive in its promotion. and the president’s wife also participate in On November 25, 2019—the International this discussion, often taking contradictory Day for the Elimination of Violence against positions. The conservative circles criticize Women—the president and his wife the Istanbul Convention for promoting gender announced their determination to eradicate equality, rather than the recognition of intrafamily violence and their recognition biological and sexual differences (fıtrat). that violence against women is a violation of human rights.10 Simultaneously, however, Domestic Violence police used pepper gas to intervene in feminist protests in Istanbul. The state Violence against women is a major issue therefore did not actively implement the in Turkey; in 2019 alone, 474 women were president’s public determination. Only Emine killed, mostly by their husbands. Moreover, Erdoğan (the president’s wife), KADEM 40% of women claim they have personally (a pro-government gender-based NGO experienced intrafamily violence.9 The organized by Sümeyye Erdoğan Bayraktar, government claims it is sensitive to the the president’s daughter), and the state’s issue and will take legal action against gender mechanisms were given visibility perpetrators. Unlike some radical Islamist on that day. The same day, the Minister theologists, the government does not agree in Charge of Family launched a campaign that husbands have the right to commit strengthening women’s roles as mothers, domestic violence; it is seen as a crime saying, “prosperous and powerful nations are and a basis for divorce in Turkey. In fact, the ones where happy individuals live under even though the victim’s protection may congenial families.”11 In opposition to this, The conservative be difficult to ensure, intrafamily violence secular feminists claimed that the patriarchal may lead to an emergency barring of the circles criticize the society’s view of the family unit is only one of perpetrator from the home by the court. Istanbul Convention the reasons for domestic violence; the state’s Nonetheless, the Istanbul Convention and unwillingness to take precautions—such as for promoting gender national law forbid any mediation after the through educational programs, safe houses, equality, rather than initial emergency barring. Male AKP members or treatment for perpetrators—and its of parliament disagree with emergency the recognition of unwillingness to implement existing law also barring, claiming that three million men have biological and sexual contribute to the issue. been forced from their homes. The female differences (fıtrat). AKP members suggest such court orders only Alimony total 69,500. Conservative groups do not agree at all with state intervention and would A change to alimony and property laws rather family elders and local leaders deal in 2002 also produced controversy. The with the problem. conservatives oppose the equal division of Another controversy surrounding the property as alimony, claiming it facilitates Istanbul Convention concerns the concept divorce and encourages women not to of gender. Conservatives criticize the remarry. Male AKP parliament members convention’s view of gender, as it is based on agreed that proposed alimony amounts a social view of femininity and masculinity were too high and long-lasting. Female AKP rather than biological features, which they members of parliament retorted that the argue challenges the traditional sexual average monthly income from alimony is division of labor and the familial authority around one-tenth of the minimum wage. structure. The conservatives further criticize KADEM is actually more proactive on the the inclusion of LGBT people in the concept of alimony issue than on intrafamily violence. gender, as it is seen as a deviation from God- It published a report in 2019 recognizing 2 created order. STATE AND WOMEN’S GRASSROOTS ACTIVISM IN TURKEY

the right to alimony, but it compromises drafted charters, conventions, and funded by proposing mediation and reemphasizing significant projects for policy formation that continuing alimony is not obligatory but and implementation. However, a backlash instead depends on the decisions of courts.12 followed the Beijing conference and grew more prevalent with the rise of right-wing 14 Child Marriage populist movements. In the mid-2000s, the Catholic Church drew attention to same-sex A similarly controversial issue is that of child marriages, critiquing their “gender ideology,” marriage. Presently, Turkish civil law allows “gender theory,” and “(anti-) genderism.”15 marriage at 18, with the option to marry The pushback against gender equality is at 16 under exceptional circumstances. therefore neither specific to Turkey, nor to Perpetrators who marry outside of these age MENA countries. It runs parallel to and is minimums are charged with child abuse. The inspired by the anti-gender movements conservatives claim that this ruling came too that have developed globally. However, an late and is against Islamic jurisprudence. additional dimension exists in the MENA KADEM officially argued against region, not only because of the existence 13 child marriage in 2014. Since then, the of Islamic fundamentalists, but also due to government stance has not changed, and the authoritarian populist nature of these KADEM has been notoriously silent, as the countries’ governments. organization refuses to take sides. AKP’s women’s organizations are also silent over child marriage. Many conservatives argue ENDNOTES that the child marriage law leads to the breakup of families. 1. World Economic Forum, “Global Conversely, secular women’s groups take Gender Gap Report 2020” (Geneva: World a strong stance against lowering the marriage Economic Forum). age and decriminalizing perpetrators; they 2. D. Kandiyoti, “Emancipated but argue that such laws, if enacted, would not Unliberated? Reflections on the Turkish Case,” only violate gender equality by restricting Feminist Studies 13, no. 2 (1987): 317-338. women to the role of motherhood but will 3. Ş. Tekeli, “Emergence of the Women’s also lead to abuses of a child’s rights. Movement in Turkey,” in The New Women’s Movement, ed. D. Dahlerup (London: Sage, 1986): 179-199. CONCLUSION: TURKEY IN THE GLOBAL 4. F. Acar and G. Altunok, “The ‘Politics of CONTEXT Intimate’ at the Intersection of Neo-Liberalism and Neo-Conservatism in Contemporary This brief highlights some of challenges that Turkey,” Women’s Studies International women’s rights organizations face in Turkey, Forum: Gendering Social Policy and Welfare including conservative governance and a State in Turkey 41, no.1 (2013): 1-88. highly involved state as well as a fractured 5. The landmarks of this period differ, but gender movement. While Turkey is unique a general consensus exists that AKP’s attitude in some regards, its struggle for gender toward the EU and liberalism consists of two equality also follows global patterns. Since adverse periods. the 1995 Beijing conference on equality for 6. Cumhuriyet, “Buz gibi sözler (Words women, there have been significant advances Like Ice),” July 20, 2010, http://www. in gender rights around the world. Many cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/buz-gibi- governments have taken steps forward by sozler-164212. establishing mechanisms such as legislative 7. BBC News Türkçe, “Erdoğan: quotas and affirmative action. Feminist Kadın-Erkek Eşitliği Fıtrata Ters (Erdogan: movements reaffirmed that gender equality Gender Equality Contradicts Human Nature),” not only means equality under the law, but November 14, 2014, https://www.bbc. also within social structures, culture, politics, com/turkce/haberler/2014/11/141124_ and the economy. International organizations kadininfitrati_erdogan. 3 RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.25.20

8. E. Kaplan, “AKP’de ‘İstanbul’ 13. KADEM, Erken Yaşta ve Zorla isyanı (‘Istanbul’ rebellion in AKP),” Evliliklere Karşı Mücadele Çalıştay Raporu. Cumhuriyet, February 21, 2020, http:// Kadın ve Demokrasi Derneği,” (Combating www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/akpde- Early Marriage and Forced Marriages istanbul-isyani-1722249; Köklü, K. “Istanbul Workshop Report, Women and Democracy Sözleşmesi’nin Yeniden Ele Alınma İsteğine Association), 2014, https://kadem.org.tr/ Tepkili: Korkunç Olur (Women React to erken-yasta-ve-zorla-evliliklere-karsi- Request to Review the Istanbul Charter: It mucadele-calistay-raporu/. Would Be Terrifying),” Cumhuriyet, February 14. D. Paternotte and R. Kuhar, 23, 2020, http://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/ “Disentangling and Locating the ‘Global Right’: haber/kadinlar-istanbul-sozlesmesinin- Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe,” Politics yeniden-ele-alinma-istegine-tepkili- and Governance 6, no.3 (2018): 6-19. korkunc-olur-1722679. 15. E. Kováts, “The Emergence of 9. Kadın Cinayetlerini Durduracağız Powerful Anti-Gender Movements in Europe Platformu 2019 Raporu (We Will Stop and the Crisis of Liberal Democracy,” in M. Femicide Platform 2019 Report), http:// Köttig, R. Bitzan, and A. Petö, Gender and Far kadincinayetlerinidurduracagiz.net/ Right Politics in Europe (Palgrave Macmillan, veriler/2889/kadin-cinayetlerini- 2017): 175-189. durduracagiz-platformu-2019-raporu. 10. T.C. Aile, Çalışma ve Sosyal Hizmetler Bakanlığı, “Kadına Yönelik ABOUT THE SERIES Şiddete Karşı “Mercan Seferberliği’ This brief is part of a series on “Women’s Başlatıldı, Başlatıldı,” Çalışma ve Sosyal Grassroots Mobilization in the MENA Region Hizmetler Bakanlığı Kadının Statüsü Genel Post-2011.” The briefs were presented Müdürlüğü (“‘Coral Mobilization’ Against at workshops in Rabat, Morocco and Violence Against Women Launched,” Amman, Jordan in February and March General Directorate for the Status of 2020 hosted by the Moroccan Institute See more issue briefs at: Women at the Ministry of Labor and Social for Policy Analysis and the American www.bakerinstitute.org/issue-briefs Services), November 25, 2019, https:// Center for Oriental Research and involving www.ailevecalisma.gov.tr/ksgm/haberler/ This publication was written by a scholars and activists from Morocco, Tunisia, kadina-yonelik-siddete-karsi-mercan- researcher (or researchers) who Lebanon, Turkey, Palestine, and Jordan. The seferberligi-baslatildi. participated in a Baker Institute project. workshops were funded with the generous Wherever feasible, this research is 11. Z.Z. Selçuk, Sayın Bakanımızın support of the Kelly Day Endowment as part reviewed by outside experts before it is Kadına Yönelik Şiddetle Uluslararası of the Baker Institute’s program on Women’s released. However, the views expressed Mücadele Günü Mesajı, retrieved from T.C. herein are those of the individual Rights, Human Rights and Refugees. author(s), and do not necessarily Aile,Çalışma ve Sosyal Hizmetler Bakanlığı represent the views of Rice University’s Kadının Statüsü Genel Müdürlüğü (Message Baker Institute for Public Policy. from Her Excellency the Minister for the AUTHOR International Day for the Elimination © 2020 Rice University’s Baker of Violence Against Women, retrieved Ayşe Ayata, Ph.D., is chair of the Political Institute for Public Policy from General Directorate for the Status Science and Public Administration This material may be quoted or of Women at the Ministry of Labor and Department at Middle East Technical reproduced without prior permission, Social Services, November 25, 2019), University in Ankara, Turkey. Her research provided appropriate credit is given to https://www.ailevecalisma.gov.tr/ksgm/ focuses on Turkish politics, political parties, the author and Rice University’s Baker duyurular/sayin-bakanimizin-kadina- women in politics, and gender and ethnicity. Institute for Public Policy. yonelik-siddetle-uluslararasi-mucadele-

Cite as: gunu-mesaji/. Ayata, Ayşe. 2020. State and Women’s 12. KADEM, Nafaka Tartışmalarına İlişkin Grassroots Activism in Turkey. Hukuki Değerlendirme (Legal Evaluation Issue brief no. 06.25.20. Regarding Alimony Discussions), 2019, Rice University’s Baker Institute for https://kadem.org.tr/nafaka-tartismalarina- Public Policy, Houston, Texas. iliskin-hukuki-degerlendirme/.

4 ISSUE BRIEF 06.26.20 Women’s Grassroots Mobilization in Lebanon: A Firsthand Account

Hayat Wahab Arslan, Founder, Society of Lebanon the Giver

This brief draws on my personal experience time, women—even if they were educated leading two programs—Women’s Economic and held prominent positions in companies Empowerment and Women’s Political or civil society organizations—hesitated Empowerment—both of which have worked to get directly involved in politics, as it to address the state of Lebanese women’s was considered a man’s domain. To break social and economic issues since the 1990s. through this patriarchal domination, we Prior to my direct involvement in organized awareness campaigns—beginning advancing women’s political and economic in Beirut and spreading to other areas empowerment, I was engaged in daily across the country—that targeted both meetings with the constituents represented academic institutions and the general by my husband’s family. It is customary in public. We organized conferences, seminars, Lebanon for constituents to seek help from roundtables, and visits to government hereditary political families who have held officials and political leaders. With the support prominent positions in Lebanon for centuries. of enlightened men who also believed Constituents would arrive at any time of that women should play a stronger role in the day and without prior notice with the economic and political life, we arranged expectation that our family—the Arslans— demonstrations, sit-ins, and protests would help address their grievances. My role whenever and wherever needed. One of our was to help manage individual complaints and central demands was that women should be With the support of to intercede to seek justice. Unfortunately, elected to parliament in numbers that comply enlightened men who there is not always equality before the law with the recommended 30% prescribed at also believed that in Lebanon. Through this work it became the 1995 Beijing Conference.1 women should play clear to me that legal reform must also be Second, to achieve legal reform, I accompanied by public awareness, political collaborated with lawyers who supported a stronger role in empowerment from below, and economic women’s rights and other intellectuals. We economic and political empowerment. I brought this knowledge with launched campaigns advocating for gender life, we arranged me to the realm of women’s rights. equality before the law as well as within demonstrations, sit-ins, political parties, where women elected to and protests whenever office were still not given prominent positions. POLITICAL EMPOWERMENT Third, to achieve public awareness, I and wherever needed. collaborated with media outlets and local In 2001, I—as part of a group of both men NGOs to launch awareness campaigns and women—helped to initiate the Women’s targeting women in both urban and rural Political Empowerment program. Its goal areas across the country. The collaborators was to enlist educated women to help bridge pinpointed issues and listed them in order the gap of women’s participation in the of priority; many of these reflected the national decision-making process. At that complaints I had encountered in my daily RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.26.20

meetings with constituents.2 We agreed equal partners in the formation of public there should be a gradual change that opinion. As a next step, we encouraged eventually led to a complete overhaul of all the women to get involved in national gender discrimination present in the existing movements, such as popular protests, sit- legal and social system. In particular, public ins, and demonstrations, to demand gender policies must reflect citizen preferences, equality and equal participation. In their rather than the viewpoints of powerful daily lives, these women are likely to face, politicians and confessional leaders. evaluate, and accordingly accept or reject issues related to maintaining peace following the Lebanese civil war, security, and well- FIGURE 1 — LOGO FOR THE COMMITTEE FOR WOMEN’S POLITICAL being, and they should be active decision- EMPOWERMENT makers in all issues that directly impact their family’s well-being. The results of the 2018 elections indicated promising developments. First, women more actively participated in both national and local politics, with an unprecedented 111 female candidates running for office, compared to just 12 female candidates in 2009. We also observed a progressive change in attitude toward women’s participation in elections. Further, women’s participation had a dramatic effect on electoral outcomes at large. For the first SOURCE Committee for Women’s Political Empowerment time in Lebanon, and particularly in rural NOTE The text reads, “Committee for Women’s Political Empowerment: Justice, Equality, areas, a remarkable number of independent Partnership.” candidates were elected, moving districts away from the inherited tradition of Fourth, to enact empowerment from supporting leaders based on confessional or below, we focused on education, believing personal/family ties. it is the cornerstone of development and Even with these successes, it was clear progress. For example, we established early on in this work that women’s political the New Generation School—comprising empowerment must also be accompanied approximately 300 students in primary by economic empowerment. and intermediary levels—in a rural area to accommodate students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds who were ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT able to attend free of charge, and allowed for mixed gender classrooms, which was a In 1990, I—along with a group of men progressive step in a reserved society. and women from different religious sects Eventually, we further developed the and backgrounds—founded an NGO called initiative to promote the involvement of “Society of Lebanon the Giver.” This NGO rural women in local governance across the aims to equip women with the necessary country, focusing on municipal and mayoral tools to become economically independent. elections. Rural women were encouraged For this objective, we created a plan: to ask questions about candidates that • To transform rural women into capable evaluated their personalities, capabilities, earners, thus changing their status from and readiness for public service. Such a role relying to reliable; in local politics was previously considered • To fight poverty by including women solely a man’s domain. By seeking in the workforce and enhancing accountability and demonstrating a high productivity; and level of awareness and civic responsibility, • To liberate women by securing their rural women were encouraged to become economic independence. 2 WOMEN’S GRASSROOTS MOBILIZATION IN LEBANON: A FIRSTHAND ACCOUNT

To implement the plan, we established a these campaigns that human rights apply training school for handicraft production, to all human beings and that any woman which any woman can join free of charge, is eligible to enjoy economic opportunities. thereby enabling her to acquire a profession Another campaign was directed at helping and helping her to live with dignity. The to educate women about their ability to training classes include tailoring, hand and contribute to their household, connecting machine embroidery, drawing on tissue, them to each other, and emphasizing the hairdressing, make-up sessions, and flower right to take opportunities for productivity arrangement. Classes are scheduled in the irrespective of their educational background mornings to allow women to be at home or social status. We also launched a when their children return from school. Any campaign about other daily concerns, woman is able to register for any class, which mainly focusing on health care and accommodates 12 to 15 trainees. Six classes environmental issues. are repeated three times a year, and each At the training schools themselves, year we have an average of 200 graduates. we also encountered issues relating to However, the number of trainees has expectations between the trainer and markedly decreased in recent years, since trainees. The trainers demanded full attention the new generation is more educated and and persistence to protect their reputations, technologically savvy. Though trainees are while trainees were eager to earn money, as often from the neighboring towns and villages, most could not afford to leave their homes we also accommodate remote, rural areas and learn a new skill without a monetary through special training programs. To do so, justification for their time away. Complex we collaborate with NGOs in remote areas that transportation issues were a further provide physical locations for the training. impediment, since public transportation is The trainers are paid by the Ministry lacking in Lebanon. Sometimes, we were Another campaign of Social Affairs and graduates have full able to hire a bus to solve this issue. Another liberty to choose their work according to the impediment was the inefficient method of was directed at helping skillsets they have acquired. Some graduates announcing the training sessions; often we to educate women also give free training sessions to women in had to rely on word-of-mouth because the about their ability to their milieu. society had a limited budget with little access contribute to their As noted earlier, training options to modern technology. household, connecting included a workshop for hand and machine Despite these challenges, our economic embroidery, where women could practice as empowerment initiative yielded many them to each other, often as needed to become skilled artisans. positive outcomes, the most important and emphasizing With close supervision and guidance, the being sustainable development in remote the right to take graduates were able to produce luxurious areas. Our efforts help to improve standards opportunities for handicrafts. The Society of Lebanon the of living as well as women’s self-confidence Giver organized dozens of exhibitions across and social status. Their financial earnings productivity irrespective Lebanon showcasing and selling these lessened the burden on male family of their educational goods, ensuring the training school’s ability members and eased tension in family background or to continue its operations. relations. To this day, although on a smaller social status. Despite these successes, we scale, the program continues, attracting encountered many challenges. We had new trainees and empowering them with to take into consideration the nature of skills to promote and develop products the targeted areas and the prominence of according to the markets’ needs. conservative traditions, taking precautions Personal stories help to illustrate how not to offend residents. Such a policy helped this process changed lives. One such story us smoothly launch the program, which, is that of Olga,3 a mother of eight whose over time, became an indirect challenge family was displaced during the years to existing social norms and patriarchal of the Lebanese civil war and needed mentalities. To help in this regard, we shelter. They lived for a decade in one room launched awareness campaigns surrounding until we began marketing and selling her women’s rights. We emphasized through artisanal items in our exhibitions. A few 3 RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.26.20

years later, they were able to buy a three- We addressed women to be champions of bedroom apartment, which brought them women’s causes and encouraged them to overwhelming joy. Similarly, Janan lived with treat their daughters and sons with equality, her widowed mother and after a series of thus breaking down the psychological exhibitions and a loan from the society, she barriers women face as a result of traditions. constructed a small house on an inherited Women also play a vital role on the national property. Janan and her mother were happy scale in reformulating public opinion toward to live in their own house, independent gender balance. of a disrespectful brother and sister-in- The traditional statement iterated law. Another woman, Nawal, repaired her against the political involvement of women decayed teeth and regained the smile she in politics was “Why women? Did men used to hide. Labibe paid her children’s perish?” Another, less aggressive statement school tuition and was able to hospitalize her claimed that “it is not the right time.” The sick father. Nathalie announced on a radio popularity of these two statements gradually station, “I now have the luxury of choosing diminished. Today, the sociopolitical my future husband on an equal basis, for prominence of women, once an now I am productive and can earn my living.” extraordinary phenomenon, is now natural These are just several stories of many. and indispensable. However, Lebanon still falls short of meeting Beijing Conference recommendations that suggest women WOMEN’S POLITICAL STATUS should be represented at 30% in decision- making positions. Currently, only six of the The implementation of the Women’s 128 members of the national parliament are Political Empowerment program challenged women. Nevertheless, women did reach the patriarchal forces, which are born in the 30% threshold in the newly formed cabinet, family, consolidated by social concepts, where six out of 20 ministers appointed and sustained by law. To frame our plan of were women. action, we established the Committee for The story of grassroots mobilization Women’s Political Empowerment. Believing presented in this brief shows that it is an in democracy and equal citizenship and in indispensable tool for the development and line with the principles of the Convention on the enhancement of women’s political and the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination economic status, and for women’s ability to 4 Against Women (CEDAW), our plan aimed to achieve a decent quality of life. Importantly, • Fight obstacles and hindrances; it also shows that women’s political • Negate taboos; empowerment must be accompanied by • Overcome impediments; and economic empowerment. The two goals • Ensure the longevity of achievements. are naturally associated, irrespective of which comes first. In the experience of our Our activities accelerated as we organized grassroots efforts in Lebanon, the economic many conferences, sit-ins and protests empowerment program paved the way for for lobbying, advocating, and demanding a a female sociopolitical partnership, and the quota of women represented in parliament. women’s political empowerment program We organized awareness campaigns, of cemented it. which the media was widely supportive. We built the program on the conviction that with less marginalization and more cooperation, men and women together can build a better country on social, economic, and political levels. Those campaigns addressed both men and women; we addressed men to show that women’s political roles neither contradict nor diminish men’s roles, but rather complement them. 4 WOMEN’S GRASSROOTS MOBILIZATION IN LEBANON: A FIRSTHAND ACCOUNT

ENDNOTES AUTHOR

1. “The United Nations Fourth World Hayat Wahab Arslan is a Lebanese women's Conference on Women,” 1995, United rights activist and founder of the Society of Nations Women, https://www.un.org/ Lebanon the Giver. She is based in Beirut. womenwatch/daw/beijing/platform/ decision.htm. 2. Two key issues included implementing a gender quota in Lebanon’s parliament that complied with the recommendations of the 1995 Beijing Conference and amending national legislation that prohibits Lebanese women from passing their nationality to their children. 3. Full names of the women involved are not used in order to protect their privacy. 4. United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, “Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women New York, December 18, 1979, https://www.ohchr.org/ en/professionalinterest/pages/cedaw.aspx.

ABOUT THE SERIES

This brief is part of a series on “Women’s See more issue briefs at: Grassroots Mobilization in the MENA Region www.bakerinstitute.org/issue-briefs Post-2011.” The briefs were presented at workshops in Rabat, Morocco and This publication was written by a Amman, Jordan in February and March researcher (or researchers) who participated in a Baker Institute project. 2020 hosted by the Moroccan Institute for Wherever feasible, this research is Policy Analysis and the American Center for reviewed by outside experts before it is Oriental Research and involving scholars released. However, the views expressed and activists from Morocco, Tunisia, herein are those of the individual Lebanon, Turkey, Palestine, and Jordan. The author(s), and do not necessarily workshops were funded with the generous represent the views of Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy. support of the Kelly Day Endowment as part of the Baker Institute’s program on Women’s © 2020 Rice University’s Baker Rights, Human Rights and Refugees. Institute for Public Policy

This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy.

Cite as: Arslan, Hayat Wahab. 2020. Women’s Grassroots Mobilization in Lebanon: A Firsthand Account. Issue brief no. 06.26.20. Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy, Houston, Texas.

5 ISSUE BRIEF 06.29.20 Economic Empowerment Policies for Women in Jordan: A Focus on Amended Laws

Amal M. El-Kharouf, Ph.D., Professor at the Center for Women’s Studies, University of Jordan

Despite Jordan’s recent achievements in and pressures that dissuade women from development, the country’s gender gap seeking employment.6 Around 25.6% of for economic participation is significant: it women and 15.7% of men in Jordan believe was ranked 138 out of 153 countries in the that work affects a woman’s ability to care World Economic Forum’s 2020 ratings for for children, especially in the absence of this sector.1 The estimated cost associated supportive policies and services such as with the lack of women's participation in nurseries and sufficient maternity leave.7 the labor market in 2013 amounted to about Early marriage can complicate this issue 11 billion dinars, or 46% of Jordan’s gross and further limit women’s access to the labor domestic product (GDP).2 market, if they end up raising children at an The lack of representation of women early age. The percentage of married women in Jordan’s economy is especially surprising under the age of 18 reached 13.4% in 2017.8 given their high levels of educational Lastly, there are simply fewer economic attainment. Jordanian women have seen opportunities available for women. In recent significant educational progress: females had years, Jordan has suffered from weak GDP the highest enrollment rates in secondary growth that typically has not exceeded schools and universities in 2018,3 an 2%, and the unemployment rate reached important shift from rates in the 1990s.4 19% in 2018. Of the total unemployed The lack of However, the economic participation rate for population, 28.9% were females, while representation of women was just 15.4% in 2018, compared to 16.4% were males. Therefore, even when women in Jordan’s 55.9% for men.5 This contradiction reflects there is job creation, these opportunities Jordan’s failure to invest in half of its human mostly favor males. This issue persists economy is especially capital, thereby impeding development even among highly educated women: the surprising given in a country where the workforce—in the percentage of unemployed men who hold a their high levels absence of natural resources—is one of its bachelor’s degree or higher is 25.6%, but the of educational most important assets. unemployment rate for women who hold a bachelor’s degree or higher is 78%. attainment.

REASONS FOR THE LOW PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN THE LABOR MARKET AMENDING LAWS RELATED TO WOMEN’S WORK Several reasons may account for the low participation of women in Jordan’s Between 2000 and 2018, many of the laws labor market, including the lack of social related to women’s workforce participation programs supporting women’s employment, in Jordan were reformed, including the social the lack of opportunities in the labor security law, the labor law, and the civil market, and the presence of social norms service system.9 The sections below outline some of these changes. RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.29.20

Social Security Additionally, the new social security law gave immunity to funds due from social The new social security law allowed both security, except for debt from alimony and female and male owners of small businesses the social security institution, whose funds consisting of fewer than five employees are not to exceed a quarter of the total debt. to gain access to social security benefits. It also allowed women to seize part of their This enhanced the social and economic ex-husband’s retirement pension as alimony. protection of working women, especially for those working in small establishments such Labor as sewing and secretarial labor. Further, the law stipulated that anyone—including The Labor Law of 1996 included important women—who engaged in domestic work changes that affected women. For example, in their own households could be insured, female employees were given the right to whereas before, only wage workers could maternity leave for 10 weeks with full pay, receive insurance. Due to this law, women instead of six weeks with half pay, as was can now receive old age, disability, and life the case before. Pregnant women were also insurance benefits, thereby ensuring their promised job security through the right to social protection and pension salaries. This leave their positions for one year without was a substantial gain for women. pay. Female employees were guaranteed an The new law also introduced maternity hour a day to breastfeed their babies during insurance to protect insured female the first year after birth, and employers were workers, especially in the private sector. banned from dismissing a woman during This encourages the employment of women pregnancy or maternity leave. Each working and discourages employers from ending spouse was also given the right to obtain a women’s jobs in the event of marriage one-time leave of up to two years without or pregnancy. A woman who receives a pay to accompany their spouse to work retirement or disability pension can also outside of Jordan. Finally, jobs that place combine this pension with a pension restrictions on women working at night, entrusted to her by her parents. Her share such as factory work, were clearly identified. can be disbursed in the event that she is not There were further changes made to working, regardless of her age. the labor law in 2008. The law originally The most important advantage granted excluded agricultural workers, domestic to women by the new social security law workers, and members of the employer’s was the right for widows to combine their family. Such exclusions had a dramatic wages with those they receive from their impact on women, especially those deceased husband. In the previous social living in rural areas, who make up a high security law of 2001, a widow was only percentage of these excluded groups. The allowed to combine her wages with no 2008 amendment to the labor law aimed to more than 50 dinars from her deceased include these groups, which in turn affected husband. The new law was an important the social security law, as these groups qualitative shift in providing economic and became eligible for social security. An social protection for working women. The amendment was also developed to imprison new law further stipulated that the salary or fine an employer if an employee was of a deceased woman should be inherited sexually harassed during work. Previously, in full by all beneficiaries, including her the law would close the institution if an husband, just as it would be for a man. The employee was sexually harassed at work, previous law required that the deceased but the new amendment acknowledged woman be the sole provider of the heirs in that it was better to punish the employer, as order for them to inherit her salary. The new closing the institution would harm the rest law also stipulated that a woman can inherit of the employees. her deceased son’s salary, even if she is not In 2019, the law was amended again. married to her son’s father. These changes allowed for the children of Jordanian women married to foreigners 2 ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT POLICIES FOR WOMEN IN JORDAN: A FOCUS ON AMENDED LAWS

to work without a permit. It also provided for the adoption of a flexible work system, RECOMMENDATIONS whereby workers could work from home, Despite these important legal changes, have flexible hours, and be held accountable women have not been able to participate based on the quality of their work and in the Jordanian economy at a level that their attendance. It enforced rules to matches their educational achievement. prevent wage discrimination based on The Organization for Economic Cooperation gender and stiffened the penalties for such and Development (OECD) estimates that discrimination. It provided paternity leave achieving gender parity in labor force for three days after a worker’s wife gave participation rates would increase developed birth, and lastly, required that nurseries or countries’ GDP by 12% over the next 20 daycares be available at the workplace for years, and that this trend would be even all employees with children. It did not limit more pronounced in emerging markets.10 childcare services based on the number of Therefore, the participation of women male or female employees, whereas the in the labor market meets the goals of previous law only offered childcare services comprehensive development. However, to female workers. in Jordan, this change requires strong political will. Jordan should implement more Retirement ambitious policies that change standards and The Civil Retirement Act of 2018 permitted transform gender relations in society and work, thus addressing structural inequality. a woman to combine her salary with the Jordan should salary of her husband or her parents. This Certain policies have had a significant impact law also stipulated that a family member of in countries where women suffer from implement more a deceased woman can inherit her salary discrimination and restrictions to the labor ambitious policies without conditions. Previously, the law market.11 These include: that change standards only allowed family members to inherit • Reforming the pension system and and transform gender the deceased woman’s salary if they were strengthening legal care for women.12 incapacitated or unemployed. Mothers can relations in society and now also benefit from their son’s salary • Improving job benefits and tax work, thus addressing without conditions, whereas previously exemptions for workers with lower structural inequality. a mother was required to be widowed or wages, regardless of gender. divorced. The new law rescinded a previous • Increasing access to appropriate rule that required a woman’s retirement childcare. salary to be cut off upon marriage, only • Promoting women’s political returned to the woman upon her husband’s participation and encouraging women to death or divorce, and permanently taken take positions of leadership. away in the event of a second marriage. • Activating government policies related to Finally, the new law extended the parental leave, including the availability retirement conditions for female employees. of flexible and part-time work and the Originally, male employees were allowed to right to equal pay. retire after 25 years of acceptable service, • Encouraging female entrepreneurs to and female employees were required to start businesses. Research has shown retire after 15 years. The new law extended that woman-owned companies have this timeline for women, allowing them to higher growth in annual sales than retire after 20 years. male-owned companies. These firms generate jobs, as female entrepreneurs tend to employ women at higher rates than their male counterparts.13 • Developing the public transportation network to make it safer and more convenient for women to travel to work.

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11. Christian Gonzales, Sonali Jain- ENDNOTES Chandra, Kalpana Kochhar, Monique 1. “Global Gender Gap Report 2020,” Newiak, and Tlek Zeinullayev, “Catalyst for World Economic Forum, Geneva, 2020, Change: Empowering Women and Tackling http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_ Income Inequality,” International Monetary GGGR_2020.pdf. Fund, October 2015, https://www.imf.org/ 2. “Working Paper on the Situation of external/pubs/ft/sdn/2015/sdn1520.pdf. the Low Economic Participation of Women 12. Ibid. in Jordan,” Jordanian Strategy Forum, 2015. 13. Simeon Nichter and Lara Goldmark, 3. Department of General Statistics “Small Firm Growth in Developing Countries,” (Jordan), Jordan By Numbers: Periodic World Development 37, no. 9 (2009): Statistical Bulletin, 2016, http://dosweb.dos. 1453-1464. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. gov.jo/products/jordan-in-figures2016/. worlddev.2009.01.013. 4. Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research (Jordan), ABOUT THE SERIES Annual Statistical Report, 2018, http:// www.mohe.gov.jo/ar/Statistics/ This brief is part of a series on “Women’s Statistics2017-2018%20v5.pdf. Grassroots Mobilization in the MENA Region 5. Department of General Statistics Post-2011.” The briefs were presented (Jordan), Employment, Unemployment and at workshops in Rabat, Morocco and Income Survey, 2018, http://dosweb.dos. Amman, Jordan in February and March gov.jo/product-category/emp-unemp/. 2020 hosted by the Moroccan Institute 6. The Higher Population Council for Policy Analysis and the American (Jordan), The Experience of the Higher Center for Oriental Research and involving Population Council in Enhancing the scholars and activists from Morocco, Tunisia, Economic Participation of Jordanian, 2019. Lebanon, Turkey, Palestine, and Jordan. The See more issue briefs at: 7. The Jordanian National Commission workshops were funded with the generous www.bakerinstitute.org/issue-briefs for Women and Department of General support of the Kelly Day Endowment as part This publication was written by a Statistics (Jordan), Survey of Women’s of the Baker Institute’s program on Women’s researcher (or researchers) who Participation in the Informal Sector, 2011, Rights, Human Rights and Refugees. participated in a Baker Institute project. http://haqqi.info/ar/haqqi/search-engine. Wherever feasible, this research is 8. Department of General Statistics reviewed by outside experts before it is (Jordan), Employment, Unemployment and AUTHOR released. However, the views expressed Income Survey, 2018, http://dosweb.dos. herein are those of the individual Amal M. El-Kharouf, Ph.D., is a professor author(s), and do not necessarily gov.jo/product-category/emp-unemp/. at the Center for Women’s Studies at the represent the views of Rice University’s 9. “Country Report: Women and Gender Baker Institute for Public Policy. Affairs,” Economic and Social Council, 2018, University of Jordan in Amman and an author http://www.esc.jo/Contents/state-reportar. of several books. Her research interests © 2020 Rice University’s Baker aspx. include population growth, factors influencing Institute for Public Policy 10. OECD (Organization for Economic the employment of women, women’s affairs, and women and development. This material may be quoted or Cooperation and Development), “Achieving reproduced without prior permission, Stronger Growth by Promoting a More provided appropriate credit is given to Gender-Balanced Economy,” August 15, the author and Rice University’s Baker 2014, https://www.oecd.org/g20/topics/ Institute for Public Policy. employment-and-social-policy/ILO-IMF- Cite as: OECD-WBG-Achieving-stronger-growth- El-Kharouf, Amal M. 2020. Economic by-promoting-a-more-gender-balanced- Empowerment Policies for Women in economy-G20.pdf. Jordan: A Focus on Amended Laws. Issue brief no. 06.29.20. Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy, Houston, Texas.

4 ISSUE BRIEF 06.30.20 NGOs: Between Buzzwords and Social Movements

Islah Jad, Ph.D., Associate Professor of Women’s Studies, Birzeit University

The growth of nongovernmental generating projects. Therefore, from the organizations (NGOs) is a worldwide end of the first Intifada2 in 1987 until phenomenon and the Middle East is the 1993 Oslo Accord, the NGO sector no exception. Many scholars view the was used as the main channel of foreign proliferation of NGOs in the Middle East aid, resulting in services provided at a as evidence of a vibrant civil society, grassroots level. These NGO actors acquired conflating their presence not only with the even more power than their parent parties. “democratizing” features of civil society, The limited life cycle of NGO projects also but also with social mobilization itself. Yet, fragmented the same social movements the impact of the many NGOs on different that the projects were based on, rather social groups in the region has not been than creating “sustainable networking.” adequately evaluated. After the 1991 Madrid Conference, which Drawing on research in Palestine, enacted a state-building process, the role this article explores the consequences of NGOs in the West Bank and Gaza shifted of the increase in NGOs and the “NGO- from popular movements and grassroots ization”1 of Palestinian social movements. organizations toward further NGO-ization I suggest that the rights-based agenda of of areas such as conflict resolution. The women’s NGOs has negatively impacted the dual dynamics of state-building and NGO- mobilizing potential of grassroots women’s ization also led to more fragmentation and organizations, resulting in projects and the demobilization of social movements, policies that are not reflective of the broad including the Palestinian women’s demands and needs of Palestinian women. movement. As a process, NGO-ization The dual dynamics therefore shifted power relations, from of state-building and women in grassroots positions toward a NGO-ization also led PALESTINIAN NGOs: A BRIEF HISTORY new elite. to more fragmentation Before the 1993 Oslo Accord and the and the demobilization formation of the Palestinian Authority THE CREATION OF A NEW of social movements, (PA) in 1994, Palestinian society was PALESTINIAN “CIVIL SOCIETY” organized around political parties and including the Palestinian grassroots organizations. Palestinian NGOs The new NGOs that grew exponentially in women’s movement. connected and financially supported these the post-Oslo period are distinct from the groups under the umbrella of the Palestine older forms. Categorized as either charitable Liberation Organization (PLO). While the societies or popular organizations (uttor PLO and its political parties were banned jamaheryya), these older forms had entirely by Israel, their satellite organizations were, different structures, discourses, leaders, to some extent, allowed to operate, since projects, and networks. Accessible to all, they were seen as providers of services they aimed to mobilize students, workers, such as clinics, schools, and income- women, and youth. The newer NGOs are RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 06.30.20

smaller entities, dependent on foreign The dichotomy between “professional” funding, active only in cities, and run by an and “political” was one of the factors that urban middle-class elite. undermined the kinds of initiatives found The decline of popular grassroots previously among women’s organizations organizations began in 1993, due to the in Palestine. Professionalization decline of institutional politics, meaning refers to the preference for modern politics practiced through institutions such communication mediums, English, and as unions and political parties. During the technical writing. The phenomenon state-building process, the gender agenda produces upward rather than downward became a pawn between those searching accountability and exclusion rather for a new basis of legitimacy after the than inclusion, and “scaling up” brings split of their party, those who wanted bureaucratization. As Friedman (1992) to build a new constituency, and those notes, “power tends to drift upward, [and] who wanted to forge a new space in the professionalisation (which is almost always public by claiming the state for citizens’ dis-empowering) takes over.” This form of and women’s rights. Hamas3 had not yet professionalization replaced activist women The growing number of formulated a coherent gender vision, but in grassroots organizations. Simultaneously, there was an increased women’s organizations by concentrating their aims on discrediting any group that might change the shari’a— demand by international women’s and therefore propagated a or Islamic jurisprudence—they launched human rights organizations to include new discourse on the an orchestrated campaign to de-legitimize Palestinian women’s voices in their activities. status of women all women’s organizations. Meanwhile, the This led to what Palestinians call the “militant in Palestinian society, new NGOs triggered conflicts with the old with a suitcase” (monadel bel hakiba). If organizations over legitimacy, resources, the first Intifada witnessed the removal of but only within the and public space. many women’s leaders from the popular context of a steady The move toward adopting the gender organizations in favor of the international decline in women’s agenda as a national agenda was not based community (through participation in mobilization efforts. on continuing linkages with Palestinian activities and conferences), the second constituencies or national activism. Rather, Intifada witnessed a shift to NGO leaders it was enabled by international NGOs and representing the voice of Palestinian civil other international players, who handpicked society. Analyzing this shift, Tabar and Hanafi their Palestinian counterparts to speak (2002) refer to what they call the emergence on behalf of the national interest. Later, of a Palestinian “globalized elite,” tied more after the second Intifada from 2000- to global actors (i.e., international NGOs) than 2005, the national agenda was hijacked local constituencies. They were informed by international NGOs, foreign states, and by a global agenda, urban and professional, donors, and concentrated on peace building, and supported the peace process. The conflict resolution, and related issues. “globalized elite” overturned the old elite In conjunction with NGO-ization, the (charitable societies and women’s grassroots period between 1988 and 1994 witnessed organizations) through competition over a proliferation of feminist women’s resources, vying to safeguard the continuity organizations. Women’s activists wanted of their organizations. specialists (motakhassissin) on boards or in NGO administrations to push their work forward, introduce different interests, and provide an alternate vision. The growing number of women’s organizations therefore propagated a new discourse on the status of women in Palestinian society, but only within the context of a steady decline in women’s mobilization efforts.

2 NGOs: BETWEEN BUZZWORDS AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

THE NGO-IZATION OF THE NATIONAL PROJECTIZING PEACE AGENDA The beginning of the “peace process”— Grassroots women’s rights activists were visualized in the handshake between heavily involved in the Palestinian national Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat on movement from the outset. They sought to the White House lawn in 1993—was mobilize public opinion in support of their accompanied by an abundance of national right to independence and self- internationally funded projects. Written in determination. This effort was taken on by highly technical English, the project plans the General Union of Palestinian Women marginalized local grassroots organizers (GUPW), mainly outside the occupied who often speak minimal English. The territories. As the Palestinian struggle projects usually involved Palestinian moved toward the occupied territories, women’s activists meeting Israelis at women’s movements in these areas were conferences in Europe or the U.S. to better equipped to express the hardships of dismantle supposed psychological barriers living under the Israeli occupation forces. between Palestinians and Israelis, push From the 1990s onward, however, NGO- women into decision-making positions, ization started to affect the formulation and enhance female-centered negotiations. of the national agenda. In order to gain In most cases, the international actors legitimacy distinct from that of the choose their local NGO representatives. grassroots women’s movement leaders, the International conferences were held new activists (NGO leaders) made excessive on issues including the plight of Palestinian use of their links with international donors, refugees, the status of Jerusalem, forms of frequently citing their meetings with resistance, and the formation of a future important state representatives and news state, but often without consultation from agencies or the international prizes they any Palestinian civilians. Palestinian NGO were awarded for efforts in the “peace activists are not backed by any legitimate process” and women’s advancement. From political actors in the PA or in civil society, the perspective of grassroots leaders, this as they do not belong to one constituency language was not convincing and was or political party. Instead, feminist instead met with derision. As one of the credentials and professionalism are the grassroots leaders told me: “When we main criteria to participate in these forums. organize demonstrations, they stop their Some of the NGO elites lack training cars in front of the demonstrations, get their as activist leaders, which limits their banners out, and stand in the first row to legitimacy among politicized Palestinians be photographed. They can sell this to the constituencies. Further, the prevalence outside, but nobody buys this internally.” of these projects is usually linked to the This behavior stemmed from the power of the donor community to influence transformation of this social cause into local NGO agendas and therefore does not a project with a plan, a timetable, and a necessarily reflect a well-orchestrated limited budget. It created a “magic bullet or representative policy. Lastly, the syndrome,” in which NGO staff members involvement of many NGO elites in the believed they needed to demonstrate “peace process,” aside from the goal of success by “owning” a project in order obtaining funding, may be incentivized by to maintain funding. This also created their desire to acquire more power and a tendency to gloss over mistakes and legitimacy. In other words, “peace process” present projects as unqualified success activism may serve as a means for an NGO stories. These dynamics are seen most elite to reach a decision-making position, visibly through projects associated with whether in the PA or in the leadership of “peace” in the region. Palestinian women’s movements and other social movements.

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The rise of the term “NGO” as a CONCLUDING REMARKS development buzzword results in the In the above analysis, I argue that tendency to mistake any and all of the professionalization, as part of an NGO-ization organizations who adopt this language as process, has not led to more participation for progressive and democratic. In the case an NGO’s target group, which is grassroots of Palestine, the discourse of NGOs was mobilizers. “Project logic,” which is integral used to forge a space in the public arena to the NGO-ization process, entails a less at the expense of existing grassroots participatory approach in dealing with issues organizations. It spoke less to the overall of public concern. It also entails an exclusive social, economic, and political context than focus on the successful aspects of the project, to the desires of the donors and elites who minimizing its pitfalls and lacunae, which propelled the organizations’ rapid growth. leaves the door open for mistakes to Against this background, Palestinian repeat themselves. women’s NGOs might have, however Professionalism and project logic inadvertently, disempowered, delegitimized, also provided a new power base for NGO and fragmented secular actors and their elites that determine the choice of which movements. The Palestinian case is a vivid women’s issues should be brought to reminder of the need to look beyond NGOs public attention. These phenomena push and their agenda in order to view the reality NGOs toward vertical participation and on the ground. can lead to a further concentration of power in the hands of administrators. The ENDNOTES concentration of power can impede the growth of social movements that are 1. NGO-ization refers to the process better able to articulate the demands and through which collective social issues daily needs of Palestinian women. In the are transformed into projects by NGOs, changing Palestinian landscape, as noted without taking due consideration of the above, professionalism and project logic economic, social, and political factors have empowered NGO elites to determine affecting the issues. which women’s issues should be brought 2. The first Intifada was a popular to public attention. Yet these elites may be peaceful uprising against the Israeli out of touch with the broad constituency occupation of the West Bank, Gaza, and that makes up Palestinian civil society. This Jerusalem that began in December 1987 lack of legitimacy and connection risks and ended in 1993 with the signing of the weakening calls for more equitable gender Oslo Accord in 1993 between Israel and the relations and may even empower more Palestinian Liberation Organization. conservative actors in civil society, such as 3. Hamas is the Islamic Resistance Islamist groups. Movement that started to play a major role Analysis of the “Donor-NGOs” in in the Palestinian politics since its launching Palestine shows the extent to which NGO in December 1987 after which it became representatives can use funds earmarked for a strong rival to the leading Palestinian peace to further their own agendas, through movement of Fateh. events such as meetings, workshops, conferences, and rallies. The NGOs’ global ties created the NGO-ization of the national agenda in Palestine, transforming it from a struggle to realize self-determination and sovereign statehood into projects for donor funding, in which donors play a vital role in choosing their local representatives.

4 NGOs: BETWEEN BUZZWORDS AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

Hiltermann, Joost. 1990. “Work and Action: REFERENCES The Role of the Working Class in the Alvarez, Sonia. 1998. “Women’s movements Uprising.” In Intifada: Palestine at the and gender politics in the Brazilian Crossroads, edited by Jamal Nassar and transition.” In The Women’s Movement Roger Heacock. New York: Praeger. in Latin America: Feminism and the Ibrahim, S.E. 1995. “Civil society and Transition to Democracy, edited by J. Prospects of Democratisation in the Jaquette. London, Unwin Hyman. Arab World.” In Civil Society in the Carapico, Sheila. 2000. “NGOs, INGOs, Middle East, Vol. 1, edited by Augustus R. Go-NGOs and Do-NGOs: Making Sense Norton. Leiden: E.J. Brill. of Non-Governmental Organizations.” Jad, Islah. 2018. Palestinian Women’s Middle East Report 214 31, no. 1: 12-15. Activism: Nationalism, Secularism, Castells, Manuel. 1996. The Information Age: Islamism. New York: Syracuse Economy, Society and Culture. Vol.I, The University Press. Rise of the Network Society. Cambridge: Jad, Islah. 2004. “The ‘NGOisation’ of the Blackwell. Arab Women’s Movement.” IDS Bulletin Chabbott, Colette. 1999. “Development 35, no. 4 (October): 34-42. INGOs.” In Constructing World Culture: Joseph, Suad. 1997. “The Reproduction International Nongovernmental of Political Process Among Women Organisations Since 1875, edited by Activists in Lebanon: ‘Shopkeepers’ John Boli and George Thomas. Stanford: and ‘Feminists.’” In Organizing Women: Stanford University Press. Formal and Informal Women’s Groups in Edwards, Michael and D. Hulme, eds. 1995. the Middle East, edited by Dawn Chatty Non-Governmental Organisations: and Annika Rabo. Oxford: Berg. Performance and Accountability: Kandil, Amani. 1995. Civil Society in the Arab Beyond the Magic Bullet. London: World. Washington D.C.: Civicus. Earthscan Publication. Kunibert, Raffer and H.W. Singer. 1996. Friedman, John. 1992. Empowerment: The Foreign Aid Business: Economic The Politics of Alternative Development. Assistance and Development Hoboken, NJ: Blackwell. Co-Operation. Cheltenham and Goetz, Anne Marie, ed. 1997. Getting Brookfield: Edward Elgar. Institutions Right for Women in Moghadam, Valentine. 1997. Women, Work Development. London: Zed Books. and Economic Reform in the Middle East Hammami, Rema. 1995. “NGOs: and North Africa. Boulder: Lynne Rienner. The Professionalization of Politics.” Norton, Augustus Richard, ed. 1995. Civil Race and Class 37, no. 2: 51-64. Society in the Middle East, Vols.1 and 2. Hanafi, Sari and Linda Tabar. 2002. Leiden: E.J. Brill. “NGOs, Elite Formation and the Second Omvedt, Gail. 1994. “Peasant, Dalits, and Intifada.” Between the Lines 2, no. 18 Women: Democracy and India’s (October): 31-37. New Social Movements.” Journal of Hann, Chris. 1996. “Introduction: Political Contemporary Asia 24, no.1: 35-48. Society and Civil Anthropology.” In Civil Petras, James. 1997. “Imperialism and Society: Challenging Western Models, NGOs in Latin America.” Monthly edited by Chris Hann and Elizabeth Dunn. Review 47, no.7. London and New York: Routledge. Pinto-Duschinsky, Michael. 1991. “Foreign Hilhorst, Dorothea. 2003. The Real World Political Aid: The German Political of NGOs: Discourses, Diversity and Foundations and their US Counterparts.” Development. London: Zed Books. International Affairs 67, no.1: 33-66.

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Sampson, Steven. 1996. “The Social Life of Projects: Improving Civil Society to ABOUT THE SERIES Albania.” In Civil Society: Challenging This brief is part of a series on “Women’s Western Models, edited by Chris Hann Grassroots Mobilization in the MENA Region and Elizabeth Dunn. London: Routledge. Post-2011.” The briefs were presented Shalabi, Yasser. 2001. “International and at workshops in Rabat, Morocco and Local Impacts on the Visions and Roles Amman, Jordan in February and March of Palestinian NGOs.” M.A. Thesis. 2020 hosted by the Moroccan Institute for Palestine: Bir Zeit University. Policy Analysis and the American Center for Taraki, Lisa. 1989. “Mass organizations in Oriental Research and involving scholars the West Bank.” In Occupation: Israel and activists from Morocco, Tunisia, Over Palestine, edited by N. Aruri. Lebanon, Turkey, Palestine, and Jordan. The Massachusetts: Belmont. workshops were funded with the generous Tarrow, Sidney. 1994. Power in Movement: support of the Kelly Day Endowment as Social Movements, Collective Action part of the Baker Institute’s program and Politics. London: Cambridge on Women’s Rights, Human Rights and University Press. Refugees. Vivian, Jessica. 1994. “NGO’s and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: AUTHOR No Magic Bullets.” Development and Change 25, no.1: 167-93. Islah Jad, Ph.D., is an associate professor of women’s studies at Birzeit University in Birzeit, West Bank.

See more issue briefs at: www.bakerinstitute.org/issue-briefs

This publication was written by a researcher (or researchers) who participated in a Baker Institute project. Wherever feasible, this research is reviewed by outside experts before it is released. However, the views expressed herein are those of the individual author(s), and do not necessarily represent the views of Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy.

© 2020 Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy

This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy.

Cite as: Jad, Islah. 2020. NGOs: Between Buzzwords and Social Movements. Issue brief no. 06.30.20. Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy, Houston, Texas.

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