Archivio Storico Messinese 94/95
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SOCIETÀ MESSINESE DI STORIA PATRIA ARCHIVIO STORICO MESSINESE 94/95 MESSINA 2013-2014 ARCHIVIO STORICO MESSINESE Fondato nel 1900 Periodico della Società Messinese di Storia Patria CONSIGLIO DIRETTIVO E COMITATO DI REDAZIONE Rosario Moscheo, Presidente Carmela Maria Rugolo, V. Presidente Salvatore Bottari, Segretario Giovan Giuseppe Mellusi, Tesoriere Consiglieri Giampaolo Chillè, Concetta Giuffrè Scibona, Letterio Gulletta Direttore Responsabile Angelo Sindoni Pubblicazione realizzata con il contributo della Regione Siciliana Assessorato dei Beni Culturali e dell’Identità Siciliana www.societamessinesedistoriapatria.it [email protected] Antonio Tavilla, webmaster Autorizzazione n. 8225 Tribunale di Messina del 18-XI-1985 ISSN 1122-701X Archivio Storico Messinese (On-line) ISSN 2421-2997 Futura Print Service, Messina, impaginazione SOCIETÀ MESSINESE DI STORIA PATRIA ARCHIVIO STORICO MESSINESE 94/95 MESSINA 2013-2014 SAGGI Salvatore Bottari MESSINA AND THE EASTERN SICILY: A MEDITERRANEAN PORT AND ITS HINTERLAND IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES ABSTRACT In questo articolo si illustrano alcune dinamiche politiche, socioeco- nomiche e culturali che caratterizzarono la città-porto di Messina tra Cin- quecento e Seicento. In particolare, l’attenzione è centrata sul rapporto che Messina aveva, proprio per la sua spiccata vocazione mercantile, con il suo interland, che spesso andava oltre lo stesso Val Demone. Nel periodo preso in esame, infatti, Messina si configurava tanto come una città emporio per lo smistamento di manufatti e derrate alimentari locali quanto come punto di convergenza e riesportazione di merci provenienti da altri lidi. La siner- gia tra ambiente naturale e attività umane aveva importanti ricadute sociopolitiche, giacché anche la nobiltà cittadina era in affari e sviluppava strategie di interlocuzione con la corte spagnola che miravano ad ampliare i privilegi e l’autonomia della città. Da ultimo, viene preso in esame il porto di Messina come luogo d’ingresso e di circolazione di nuove idee in campo religioso e dunque, specie dopo il 1540, eterodosse e sediziose. 1. Between the sixteenth and seventeenth century, Messina was an empo- rium of the Mediterranean where trade flourished. Wealth circulated and the main beneficiaries were those nobles (nobiles) and citizens (cives) who, after the struggles of the fifteenth and early sixteenth century, came together to manage public affairs and had largely convergent economic aims1. 1 Cfr. S. BOTTARI, Messina tra Umanesimo e Rinascimento. Il “caso” Antonello, la cul- tura, le élites politiche, le attività produttive, Soveria Mannelli 2010, pp. 161-166. 8 SALVATORE BOTTARI This “bourgeoisie” was primarily interested in organizing the production of and trade in silk2. For this reason, its members came to take on a social profile that was unusual on the island: they obtained fiefs and titles in Sicily and in Calabria, but continued to remain in business3. Indeed the nobiles of Messina did not aspire to get hold of mountain feuds, but rather places where they could invest part of their business earnings; their aims were clearly speculative, rather than being exclusively orientated around achiev- ing status. In the case of the Messina hinterland, the nobiles pushed southwards to Taormina, close to the cattle-, horse- and pig-breeding centres of Lingua- glossa, Randazzo, and Taormina itself. They moved towards the south west, in the direction of Agrigento, a territory rich in the wheat which was such a rare and precious crop in the Val Demone, and also westwards toward the lowland of Milazzo. Finally they acquired land in Calabria whence a large proportion of the raw silk that was put onto the market in Messina originated. The result of this process was a form of social osmosis between the nobiles and the most important cives families. What is more, the urban nobility did not constitute a closed oligarchy that precluded any possibility of upward social mobility. It increased its ranks by admitting ‘bourgeois’ citizens who were co-opted among the nobles by various means including marriage, a career in the highest public offices, the exercise of the profes- sion of medicine, or wealth4. In addition, the economic expansion of the 16th century, the growth in silk production, and generalized commercial prosperity had ironed out differen- ces within the elite and favored a commonality of interests. Therefore the wealthiest sections of the bourgeoisie participated fully in the city’s public life, although the far more numerous members of the lower tiers of the same order remained excluded. 2. Local silk manufactures became the city’s economic mainstay. Abundant fresh mulberry leaves were fundamental for successful silkworm rearing, so plantations of black mulberries became a typical element in the rural scenery of the Valdemone (the north-eastern area of Sicily)5. The acti- 2 Ivi, pp. 95-105. 3 See C. TRASSELLI, I messinesi tra Quattro e Cinqucento, in “Annali della Facoltà di Economia e Commercio”, Università degli Studi di Messina, n. 1, a. X, 1972, pp. 311-391. 4 S. BOTTARI, Messina tra Umanesimo e Rinascimento, cit., pp. 204-205. 5 T. FAZELLO, De rebus siculis decades duae, Panormi 1558, deca I, liber X, p. 207. Messina and the Eastern Sicily: a Mediterranean port and its hinterland 9 vities of the silk sector were regulated by an institution that played a leading role in Messina during the Early Modern Age, namely the “Consolato dell’Arte della Seta” - Consulate of the Silk Craft6. In 1520 Messina’s silk weavers, at their own request and by intercession of the city’s Senate, obtai- ned permission from Viceroy Pignatelli to establish a Consulate of the Silk Craft whose chapters were approved by Emperor Charles V ten years later. Raw silk was exported to France and Northen Italy, via Livorno and Genoa7. Besides, as Alwyn Amy Ruddock has pointed out, quantities of raw silk from Messina were broght into Southampton and most of them went on to Lon- don8. In 1537, the Florentine merchant Antonio Guidotti tried to transfer from Messina to Southampton 24 silkworkers «per ampliare questa arte»9. Guidotti had been in Messina and appreciated what great benefits the silk industry had brought to the city10. In 1591 Messina’s ruling class donated 583,333 scudos to the king of Spain, Philip II, who granted Messina the privilege of being exempted from the tax on crude silk11. In addition, thanks to this privilege, Messina esta- blished a monopoly over the silk trade in the large area covering the Termini-Messina-Siracusa triangle and it also saw the confirmation of some privileges and the granting of other concessions. The sum offered to the court of Madrid was borrowed from Genoese bankers at high interest rates, and for the repayment of it new taxes were 6 S. BOTTARI, Post res perditas. Messina 1678-1713, Messina 2005, pp. 109-112. 7 M. AYMARD, Commerce et production de la soie sicilienne aux XVI-XVII siècles, in “Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire”, t. LXXVII, n. 2, 1965, pp. 621-622. For some exam- ples, see L. MOLÀ, The silk industries of Renaissance Venice, The John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore and London 2000, pp. 72-75; L. LO BASSO, Uomini da remo. Galee e gale- otti del Mediterraneo in età moderna, Milano 2003, pp. 217-221; T.A. KIRK, Genoa and the Sea. Policy and Power in an early Modern maritime Republic 1559-1684, Baltimore and London 2005, pp. 62-64. 8 A.A. RUDDOCK, Italian Merchants on Shipping in Southampton 1270-1600, South- ampton 1951, p. 75-76. 9 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of the Henry VIII, preserved in the Public Record Office, the British Museum and elsewhere in England, edited by J. GAIR- DNER, London 1887, vol. 10, pp. 203-205. 10 G. SCHANZ, Englische Handelspolitik gegen ende des Mittelalters mit besonderer berücksichtigung des zeitalters der beiden ersten Tudors Heinrich VII un Heinrich VIII, 2 voll., Leipzig 1881, vol. 2, pp. 663-667. 11 Archivio di Stato di Torino, Fondo Sicilia 130/1, cat. 2, m.3, f. 26, Relazioni delle gabelle di Messina, loro pesi e modo d’augumentarle, Messina 16 May 1714. See also, G. ARENAPRIMO, Donativi offerti dalla città di Messina dal 1535 al 1664, in “Archivio Storico Messinese”, fasc. I-II,1906, pp. 115-121. 10 SALVATORE BOTTARI imposed. Furthermore, the practice of contracting out the taxes (arrenda- mento - leasing) set in motion a vicious circle, which led to a rise especially in the taxes on consumer goods and products essential to the city’s economy (e.g., silk) to pay those reaping revenues from the public debt. This state of affairs in the running of city finances led to a rise in the cost of living, which starting from consumer goods, was reflected in all production and commer- cial activities to the point that it became the cause of the structural weakness of Messina’s economy, which was doomed to rely more and more heavily on a system of monopolies. Moreover, these could allow collectors (lease holders) to control the entire production and marketing cycle of any given commodity. As I have already hinted, Messina’s trade was powered not only by the silk produced locally but also by a supply basin that went beyond the Valdemone to include southern Calabria. In the sixteenth century, Messina had a Consulate in Monteleone, one of the most important towns in ‘Calabria Ultra’ for sericulture, and Messina also became a place where business between foreigners and Calabrians was conducted12. Calabrians also paid for Sicilian grain with raw silk. Messina’s merchants served as brokers within this economic circuit: they bought silk and sold on wheat bought in Sicily with an additional charge. The Ruffo of Sinopoli are an illu- strative case: they bought Scilla (1533) and other fiefs on the shores of the Straits of Messina and invested in the silk trade, showing not only that there was a strong economic interconnection between Messina and the area of Southern Calabria, but also that silk was a very important business for the nobility13.