Violence and Weapon-Related Trauma at Puruchuco-Huaquerones, Peru

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 000:000–000 (2010)

Melissa S. Murphy,1* Catherine Gaither,2 Elena Goycochea,3 John W. Verano,4 and Guillermo Cock3

1Anthropology Department, University of Wyoming, Laramie, WY 82070 2Department of Sociology, Anthropology and Behavioral Science, Metropolitan State College of Denver, Denver, CO 80217 3Consultores en Patrimonio Cultural, Lima, Peru 4Department of Anthropology, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA 70118

KEY WORDS bioarchaeology; Spanish conquest; perimortem trauma

ABSTRACT Conquest of indigenous peoples in North injuries was analyzed according to the skeletal element America is understood primarily through ethnohistorical involved, the location of the injury on the skeletal ele- documents, archaeological evidence, and osteological ment, and any additional complications of the injury. analyses. However, in the Central Andes, the colonial This study examines and compares the evidence of peri- enterprise and its effects are understood only from postmortem injuries on skeletonized individuals from the contact historical and ethnohistorical sources. Few two cemeteries and focuses speciﬁcally on the interpreta- archaeological and bioarchaeological studies have inves- tion of weapon-related perimortem injuries. Evidence of tigated Spanish Conquest and colonialism in the Andean perimortem trauma is present in both cemeteries (18.6%, region [for exceptions see Klaus and Tam: Am J Phys 48/258); however, the frequency of injuries in 57AS03 is Anthropol 138 (2009) 356–368; Wernke, in press; and greater than that in Huaquerones (25.0% vs. 13.0%). Quilter, in press]. Here we describe bioarchaeological Several injuries from 57AS03 are consistent with docu- evidence of violence from the cemeteries of Huaquerones mented cases of injuries from ﬁrearms and 16th Century and 57AS03 within the archaeological zone of Puru- European weapons. We believe that the nature and high chuco-Huaquerones, Peru (circa A.D. 1470–1540). A total frequency of perimortem trauma at 57AS03 provide of 258 individuals greater than 15 years of age were ana- evidence of the violence that occurred with Spanish lyzed for evidence of traumatic injuries. Individuals were Conquest of the Inca Empire. Am J Phys Anthropol examined macroscopically and evidence of traumatic 000:000–000, 2010. VC 2010 Wiley-Liss, Inc.

Historical sources describe repressive and extreme In Andean South America, few researchers have investi- forms of violence during the Spanish Conquest of the gated contact era samples and evidence of injuries asso- Americas. Despite long-term research on the biocultural ciated with violent encounters with the Spanish and con- effects of European contact on indigenous communities quest has not been reported. Here we describe and com- in the Americas (Verano and Ubelaker, 1992; Larsen, pare the nature and pattern of perimortem trauma from 1994; Larsen and Milner, 1994; Baker and Kealhofer, two cemeteries within the archaeological zone of Puru- 1996; Larsen et al., 2001; Klaus and Tam, 2009; Spiel- chuco-Huaquerones. We explore the perimortem injuries mann et al., 2009), evidence of the historical battles or from weapons within the context of Spanish conquest of skirmishes of the Spanish conquest of indigenous popu- the Inca Empire (circa 1532) and present what we lations has proven elusive (Larsen, 1994). Only two cases believe is some of the first physical evidence from of osteological evidence for violent conflict at or shortly Andean South America of violent confrontation with the after Spanish conquest are known from North America Spaniards. (Hutchinson, 1996; Larsen et al., 1996). At Tatham Mound, Hutchinson (1996, 2009; p. 60) found evidence of sharp force injuries from metal-edged weapons that are likely associated with De Soto’s 1539 expedition (Hutch- Additional Supporting Information may be found in the online inson, 1996, 2009). The second case of violence associ- version of this article. ated with Spanish conquest is from Mission San Luis de Tamli (A.D. 1656–1704) in La Florida, where a 0.44-cali- Grant sponsor: Bryn Mawr College and Wenner-Gren; Grant bre lead shot was discovered in the lumbar region of an number: 6791 (to M.S.M.); Grant sponsor: National Science Founda- adult male (Larsen et al., 1996). No injuries from the tion; Grant number: 0618192 (to M.S.M.); Grant sponsor: National Geographic Society. shot were detected on the skeleton and the authors con- servatively maintain that either natives or Spanish *Correspondence to: Melissa S. Murphy, Anthropology Depart- could have wielded the firearm (Larsen et al., 1996; p. ment, University of Wyoming, Bldg. 3431, Laramie, WY 82070. 43). Bioarchaeological investigators in the Southwest E-mail: [email protected] find increased evidence of traumatic injuries after Span- ish conquest, particularly among males, which is Received 11 August 2009; accepted 26 January 2010 believed to be associated with both native versus Span- ish violence and interpueblo violence (Stodder and Mar- DOI 10.1002/ajpa.21291 tin, 1992), but injuries inflicted by European metal Published online in Wiley InterScience edged weapons or firearms have not yet been reported. (www.interscience.wiley.com).

VC 2010 WILEY-LISS, INC. 2 M.S. MURPHY ET AL. SPANISH AND INDIGENOUS WARFARE tially (Guilmartin, 1991; Salas, 1950). Historical AND WEAPONS accounts of the capture of Atahualpa in Cajamarca describe the Spanish firing a small cannon, or falconet, Spanish conquest and invasion brought violence, to frighten the Incas (Hemming, 1970), but it was not repression, and the introduction of new epidemic dis- heavily used in the conquest of the Incas (Salas, 1950; eases, followed by territorial occupation, religious perse- Guilmartin, 1991). At the beginning of conquest, supply- cution and evangelization, and Spanish imperial rule to ing these firearms with projectiles likely presented some the Central Andes (Rowe, 1957; MacCormack, 1991; challenges and the Spanish developed different strat- Stern, 1993; Del Busto Duthurburu, 1966, 1978a; Aber- egies when the lead musket balls were in short supply, crombie, 1998; Cook, 1998; Spalding, 1999; D’Altroy, such as loading rocks or other metal objects into their 2002). Although Spanish Conquest of the Inca Empire firearms and small cannons (Salas, 1950; Guilmartin, has been perceived as swift and inevitable, the Spanish 1991). The Spanish were also known to join two spheri- did not completely control the lands of the Inca empire cal lead halves with a wire that were released when the for nearly 40 years (Rowe, 1957, 2006). After the first firearm was discharged, a particularly lethal projectile violent encounter when the Spanish ambushed the called wire balls or ‘‘branched’’ balls (Salas, 1950; newly victorious ruler, Atahualpa, and his thousands of p. 211–212). forces in Cajamarca, other battles and skirmishes were Research directed at questions of prehispanic violence reportedly fought during the first several years of the and trauma on scientifically excavated archaeological Spanish invasion, and two Inca uprisings occurred in samples from South America has flourished in recent 1536—one in Cusco and one in the new Spanish capital years (Kellner, 2002; Verano, 2003a,b, 2008; Torres-Rouff established in Lima (Del Busto Duthurburu, 1978a; Gua- and Costa Junqueira, 2006; Andrushko, 2007; Tung, man Poma, 1980; Vega, 1980; Cieza de Leoń, 1985; Rost- 2007; Standen et al., 2009; Klaus et al., in press). These worowski, 1999; D’Altroy, 2002). recently conducted studies permit comparative research Spanish military tactics and weapons were unlike across different geographic regions and from different those practiced and used by the Incas and other prehis- time periods that give us a richer view of violence, war- panic peoples. The Inca army was only partially com- fare, and the types of injuries that may have resulted posed of a warrior class (usually Inca nobility), but all from prehispanic weapons. Although few bioarchaeologi- adult males served in the Inca army as part of their cal investigations of the effects of 16th century and late labor service to the Inca state (Rowe, 1946; Hemming, medieval European weaponry have been conducted, a 1970; Cobo, 1979 [1653]; D’Altroy, 2002). Typically Inca growing corpus of experimental and historical work on warriors trained for and engaged in hand-to-hand com- the effects of these weapons holds promise for ongoing bat (Sarmiento de Gamboa, 1999 [1572]) and they were and future investigations (Ingelmark, 1939; Boylston, armed with a diversity of both long- and short-range 2000; Novak, 2000; Hutchinson, 2009). weapons (Rowe, 1946; D’Altroy, 2002). The Inca armaments included different clubs and maces, slings with sling stones, large axe-like implements, bolas, tumi kni- MATERIALS AND METHODS ves, and large wooden spears (macana) (Rowe, 1957; Del Busto Duthurburu, 1978b; Himmerich y Valencia, 1998; The archaeological zone of Puruchuco-Huaquerones is D’Altroy, 2002). The Inca attached edges or points made located on the Central Coast of Peru approximately 12 of animal bone, copper, silver, or bronze to their weapons km southeast of the center of Lima in the middle of the (Rowe, 1946; Salas, 1950; Hemming, 1970; Pizarro, 1978; Rı´mac valley (Fig. 1). Cobo (1979 [1653]) reports the Himmerich y Valencia, 1998; D’Altroy, 2002). As armor, presence of the Incas on the central coast circa A.D. the Incas donned lightweight cotton or textile padding. 1470. Inca architectural influences are present among The Spanish terrorized and massacred indigenous peo- some of the buildings at Puruchuco-Huaquerones and 21 ples with horses, dogs, firearms, and a variety of weap- Inca khipus (knotted string recording devices) have been ons, but it is likely that the conquistadors and their recovered (Tabio, 1965; Villacorta, 2004; p. 553; Urton troops used whatever weapon was available (Salas, 1950; and Brezine, 2005). Lockhart, 1972; Varner and Varner, 1983; Guilmartin, The archaeological zone contains several cemeteries, 1991). According to historical sources, the steel sword two of which, Huaquerones and 57AS03, are contempo- was viewed as the most lethal and powerful weapon raneous and located less than a mile from one another. (Salas, 1950; Guilmartin, 1991). Other piercing and Increasing urbanization and development into the area slashing weapons with steel blades were also common impacted these sites and necessitated the salvage exca- and included pikes, polearms, and lances (Salas, 1950; vations by Guillermo Cock and Elena Goycochea. The Guilmartin, 1991). The crossbow was likely part of the presence of Inca-style ceramic vessels, a small number of armaments, but it was heavy and was usually reserved Early Colonial ceramic vessels, as well as Inca stylistic for long-range purposes against enemy cavalry in patterns and details on textile bags, date the burials to Europe, rather than against the foot soldiers comprising the arrival of the Inca in the Rı´mac valley until shortly the Inca troops (Salas, 1950; Guilmartin, 1991). There is after the arrival of the Europeans, or approximately some historical evidence that the crossbow was used A.D. 1470–1540 (Cock and Goycochea, 2004; p. 185; against infantry forces (Nicolle, 1999), but its use has Cock, 2006). not been described extensively in the Andean region. For this study, a total of 519 individuals were exam- Spanish armaments could have included the longbow, as ined from Huaquerones and 57AS03 and most of them they have been recovered from other 16th century were complete from intact Late Horizon contexts (Fig. archaeological contexts (see Gardiner, 2005). The fire- 2), but some were from disturbed contexts, a small num- arms available to the Spanish at the time included the ber from Huaquerones are Early Colonial and a sample arquebus and some pistols, but these were too clumsy, from 57AS03 depart from the Late Horizon pattern. The unpredictable, and too inaccurate to be used preferen- mortuary patterns for the Late Horizon adult burials are

American Journal of Physical Anthropology TRAUMA AT PURUCHUCO-HUAQUERONES, PERU 3

Fig. 1. Map of the location of Puruchuco-Huaquerones, Peru. See also Supporting Information for a map of the location of Hua- querones and 57AS03 in the archaeological zone. very similar in the two cemeteries with an individual cal Late Horizon mortuary pattern in preparation, elabo- interred in a seated and flexed position facing the north- ration, position, and orientation. These burials are not east and wrapped in textile bundles (Cock and Goyco- oriented to the northeast and the principal individuals chea, 2004; Cock, 2006). Mortuary offerings included tex- were recovered in supine and prone positions, semiflex- tiles, ceramics, musical instruments, weaving imple- ion or a combination of positions. The burials usually ments, beans, corn, gourds, thorny oyster shells or other lack mortuary offerings or possess very few, and often shells, textile bags, and metal tweezers (Cock, 2002; only have one or two textile wrappings. They are also Cock and Goycochea, 2004). The mortuary contexts from located at the more superficial levels of 57AS03 and at Huaquerones exhibit evidence of social differentiation, as the peripheries of the cemetery. Based on these observa- some of the contexts are more elaborate, with larger tions, Guillermo Cock and Elena Goycochea hypothe- bundles, higher quality offerings, and more numerous sized that these burials were interred after the Late Ho- offerings. A subset of the Huaquerones burials possess rizon and that they might represent early contact period false-heads on their textile bundles and likely represent burials that were hastily prepared and interred, but the individuals who received the most preparation and without the protracted Late Horizon mortuary prepara- elaboration (see Cock 2002, Cock and Goycochea 2004). tion and before the implementation of Christian burial A sample of burials from 57AS03 departs from the typi- practices.

American Journal of Physical Anthropology 4 M.S. MURPHY ET AL.

TABLE 1. Sample composition from Puruchuco-Huaquerones by age, sex, and burial type Huaquerones 57AS03 Total Total 321 198 519 [15 yr of age 138 120 258 Males 72 60 132 Females 58 47 105 Indeterminate 8 13 21 Late Horizon 105 43 148 Atypical 0 69 69 Indeterminate 23 8 31

and evidence of healing and remodeling (after Sauer, 1998). In contrast, perimortem injuries were identified by the absence of healing and the absence of the formation of new bone (Sauer, 1998). Since dried bone fractures differently than fresh bone, the edges of perimortem fractures are typically more irregular than the edges of postmortem fractures (Sauer, 1998; Sledzik, 1998). The presence of plastic deformation at or near the fracture margins was used to distinguish perimortem injuries (Berryman and Haun, 1996; Sauer, 1998; Sledzik, 1998; Lovell, 2008). Curling, splintering, and chatter may also be evident on perimortem injuries (Sauer, 1998: 325). Differential staining and coloration was also used to distinguish perimortem injuries from postmortem damage, as newly exposed bone will often be lighter in color (Sauer, 1998). Ground pressure and postmortem damage can mimic perimortem injuries, and in these instances, the archaeological and burial contexts may provide insights into the timing and mechanism of Fig. 2. Example of intact Late Horizon burial from Puru- chuco-Huaquerones. injuries. Using characteristics reported in published studies, we attempted to identify the mechanism of injury and clas- Of the 519 individuals, 321 were from the Huaquer- sify the injuries accordingly. We identified cases of blunt ones cemetery and 198 from 57AS03 (Table 1). For inter- force trauma based on the presence of plastic deforma- sample comparability (following Milner et al. 1991; tion at fracture margins, inbending at the site of impact Jurmain et al. 2009; Steadman 2008), this study focuses and outbending at the periphery, radiating fractures on the traumatic injuries for individuals 15 years of age from the point of impact, concentric fractures that run and older (N 5 258; Table 1). In the sample of individu- perpendicular to the radiating fractures, and delamina- als [15 years of age (N 5 258), 132 were male, 105 were tion and knapping or flaking at the borders (with multi- female, and 21 were of indeterminate sex. ple blows) (after Berryman and Symes, 1998: 340-342; Methods of age and sex estimation were based upon Galloway et al., 1999; and Williamson et al., 2003). Fire- established protocols (Buikstra and Ubelaker, 1994; arm trauma was identified on the basis of the presence White, 2000; Bass, 2005). Adult age estimation was of projectile entrance and exit wounds, internally bev- based upon age-related changes to the morphology of the eled entrance wounds, externally beveled exit wounds, pubic symphysis, the auricular surface, and the sternal radiating fractures from entrance and exit wounds, con- end of the rib (Lovejoy et al., 1985; Buikstra and Ube- centric heaving fractures beveled externally, and second- laker, 1994; Bass, 2005). Sex determination was based ary concentric fractures (Berryman and Symes, 1998; upon characteristics of the pelvis and the cranium DiMaio, 1999). Since bullet wipe can also be detected (Meindl et al., 1985; Buikstra and Ubelaker, 1994). macroscopically, microscopically, and radiologically (Ber- In the trauma analysis, individuals were examined ryman and Symes, 1998; DiMaio, 1999), suspected cases macroscopically and evidence of traumatic injuries was of firearm trauma were also radiographed to detect recorded by the skeletal element, by the location of the metal residues. Sharp force trauma was identified on the injury on the skeletal element and by any additional presence of cut or stab wounds, incisions, parallel stria- complications of the injury (Buikstra and Ubelaker, tions along the cut area, shaving, and hinging, with 1994; Lovell, 2008). The shape, location, and size of inju- some injuries also presenting with characteristics of ries were also recorded. While it is difficult to differenti- blunt force trauma (e.g. hacking trauma) (Hutchinson, ate perimortem injuries from postmortem damage on 1996; Humphrey and Hutchinson, 2001; Tucker et al., archaeological assemblages of human skeletal remains, 2001; Symes et al., 2002; Williamson et al., 2003). conservative attempts were made to establish the timing Numerous archaeological examples of injuries from of the injuries based on osseous evidence and burial con- bladed or metal edged implements, such as swords, have text (Berryman and Haun, 1996; Berryman and Symes, been published (for examples, see Ingelmark, 1939; 1998; Sauer, 1998; White, 2000). Antemortem injuries Anderson, 1996; Hutchinson, 1996; Novak, 2000; Weber were identified by the presence of new bone formation and Czarnetzki, 2001; Williamson et al., 2003; Mitchell

American Journal of Physical Anthropology TRAUMA AT PURUCHUCO-HUAQUERONES, PERU 5

TABLE 2. Perimortem trauma by cases and individuals in both cemeteries Huaquerones 57AS03 TOTAL Cases (cranium 1 postcranium) 24 167 191 Individuals 18 (13.0%) 30 (25.0%) 48 (18.6%) Males 12 19 31 Females 6 9 15 Indeterminate 0 2 2 Cases (cranium) 13 40 53 Individuals 13 (9.4%) 21 (17.5%) 34 (13.2%) Males 9 13 22 Females 4 7 11 Indeterminate 0 1 1 Cases (postcranium) 11 127 138 Individuals 6 (4.4%) 18 (15.0%) 24 (9.3%) Males 4 14 18 Females 2 4 6 Indeterminate 0 0 0

TABLE 3. Perimortem trauma by individuals Burial number Age Sex Burial type Description of perimortem trauma HP01-11 35–49 M Late Horizon Majority of cranium HP01-32 20–34 M Late Horizon Right frontal HP01-33 15–20 M Late Horizon Majority of left side of cranium, right mandible HP01-39 20–34 F Late Horizon Right rib 3 HP01-76 15–20 F Late Horizon Left side and midline of cranium (parietal, occipital) HP01-83 35–49 F Late Horizon Left rib 2 HP01-84 35-49 M Late Horizon Majority of cranium HP01-86 20–34 M Late Horizon Occipital HP01-107 35–49 M Late Horizon Right parietal, right temporal HP01-109 20–34 M Late Horizon Right rib 5, right rib 7 HP01-115 20-34 M Late Horizon Left rib 1 HP01-123 20–34 M Late Horizon Mandible HP01-126 20-34 F Late Horizon Multiple rib fractures (5) HP02-170 20–34 M Late Horizon Majority of cranium, right rib HP02-174 20–34 M Late Horizon Majority of right side of cranium HP02-187 20–34 F Indeterminate Majority of cranium HP02-193 16–18 I Late Horizon Left parietal HP02-199 16–18 F Late Horizon Mostly to left side of cranium, some damage on right side 57AS03E031A 35–49 M Late Horizon Left patella and left tibia 57AS03E048 15–20 F Atypical Left parietal 57AS03E073 20–34 M Atypical Extensive damage to left side of cranium, occipital 57AS03E081 20–34 M Atypical Left tibia 57AS03E097 15–20 M Atypical Multiple rib fractures 57AS03E107 20–34 F Late Horizon Multiple injuries to cranium (frontal, mandible), 6th thoracic vertebra 57AS03119A 35–49 F Atypical Injuries to right frontal, zygomatic, sphenoid, and maxilla and multiple rib fractures 57AS03E121 20–34 M Atypical Extensive damage to entire cranium 57AS03E123 20–34 M Atypical Projectile entrance and exit wounds; related damage to cranium 57AS03E127 501 M Atypical Multiple rib fractures, right ﬁbula 57AS03E145 15–20 F Atypical Occipital, right parietal 57AS03E160 20–34 M Atypical Craniofacial region, occipital, right scapula, right radius, right 4th metacarpal, right ﬁfth metacarpal 57AS03E164 35–49 F Atypical Left scapula, multiple rib fractures 57AS03E175 35–49 M Atypical Maxillae and mandible, Left rib 9, sternum, multiple injuries to pelvis 57AS03E176 501 F Atypical Extensive damage to cranium 57AS03E185 35–49 M Atypical Multiple rib fractures 57AS03E189 20–34 M Late Horizon Rib fractures, multiple injuries to right scapula 57AS03E218 20–34 M Atypical Occipital 57AS03E231 15–20 F Atypical Ovoid defect to left frontal; extensive damage to entire cranium 57AS03E241 15–20 F Atypical Left and right femora 57AS03E248 15–20 M Atypical Quadrangular defects to left, posterior of cranium; left rib 1, left third and fourth metacarpals, right proximal tibia 57AS03E269 15–20 M Atypical Left clavicle 57AS03E275 35–49 M Atypical Right rib 2 57AS03E366 35–49 F Atypical Left temporal, parietal 57AS03E368 35–49 M Atypical Mandible, atlas, multiple rib fractures, manubrium 57AS03E449 35–49 M Atypical Frontal, left maxilla 57AS03E450 20–34 M Late Horizon Multiple rib fractures, manubrium, sternum, left clavicle 57AS03E459 20–34 M Atypical Occipital, right radius 57AS03E474 15–20 M Atypical Multiple rib fractures, left and right scapulae, right radius 57AS03E479 15–20 I Atypical Extensive damage to entire cranium

American Journal of Physical Anthropology 6 M.S. MURPHY ET AL.

TABLE 4. Individuals with perimortem injuries by burial type Huaquerones 57AS03 (N 5 138) (N 5 120) Total Late Horizon 17/105 (16.2%) 4/43 (9.3%) 21/148 (14.2%) Atypical 0/0 (0.0%) 26 /69 (37.7%) 26/69 (37.7%)a Indeterminate 1/23 (4.3%) 0/8 (0.0%) 1/31 (3.2%) Total 18/138 30/120 48/258 (18.6%) a Statistically significant differences in frequency of perimortem trauma between atypical and Late Horizon burials (P 0.001). et al., 2006; Owens, 2007; Paine et al., 2007; Jimeńez- Brobeil et al., 2009). To discern injury patterns, the injuries were classified and analyzed by individual and demographic information (age and sex), by anatomical side, and by skeletal elements most frequently affected. In the calculation of total number of skeletal elements, individual elements were only counted if more than 50% of the element was Fig. 3. Blunt force trauma to the left parietal of a young present. Injuries to particular skeletal elements were adult female (Burial 48) from 57AS03. Note the point of impact also further analyzed to assess underlying etiology and (arrow), the radiating fractures, and the concentric fractures. to reconstruct behavior patterns (Walker, 1989, 1997; [Color figure can be viewed in the online issue, which is avail- Judd, 2008). able at www.interscience.wiley.com.]

RESULTS Several individuals from 57AS03 exhibited perimortem Perimortem trauma injuries consistent with European weaponry, including sharp force trauma, and possible firearm trauma Evidence of perimortem trauma was present in the (described in greater detail below). In the Huaquerones combined sample from both cemeteries (18.6%, 48 of sample, most of the perimortem injuries were sustained 258); however, the frequency of injuries in 57AS03 was on the posterior of the cranial vault, but many injuries nearly twice that of Huaquerones (25.0% vs. 13.0%, were extensive and affected both the anterior and poste- Tables 1–3). In both cemeteries, males exhibited higher rior portions of the vault. A preponderance of perimortem rates of perimortem injuries than females (Huaquerones 5 5 injuries occurred on the anterior aspect and the left side 12 vs. 6; 57AS03 19 vs. 9) and they exhibited higher of the vault in the sample from 57AS03. These differences rates of perimortem trauma to the cranium than between the anterior and posterior portions of the vault females. Only the differences in frequency of the postcra- were not statistically significant and many injuries were nial perimortem injuries between males and females at extensive and affected multiple areas of the cranium. 57AS03 were statistically significant (v2 5 5.55, df 5 1, P 0.05). In the total sample, the frequency of perimor- Postcranial injuries. Eighteen individuals (15.0%) from tem trauma was higher among the atypical burials than 57AS03 exhibited perimortem trauma to the postcranial in the Late Horizon burials (37.7% vs. 14.2%, Table 4) skeleton (Tables 2–4). Males had more perimortem inju- v2 5 and these differences are statistically significant ( ries to the postcranium than females in both Huaquerones 5 15.31, df 1, P 0.001). and 57AS03, but this difference was only statistically significant at 57AS03 (14 males, four females; v2 5 5.55, df Cranial injuries. Approximately 13.2% of the combined 5 1, p 0.05). At 57AS03, the most frequently fractured sample from Puruchuco-Huaquerones (34 of 258) showed postcranial elements were ribs, followed by the scapula, perimortem injuries to the cranium. From 57AS03, a and then the radius/tibia (Table 5). Eighteen individuals total of 21 individuals, or 17.5% of the sample of 120 had multiple perimortem injuries, including multiple rib individuals, exhibited perimortem trauma to the cra- fractures, rib fractures and cranial trauma, or rib frac- nium (vs. 9.4% in Huaquerones). The majority of these tures with fractures to other elements of the axial skele- cases from both cemeteries were consistent with injuries ton (e.g. scapula, clavicle, manubrium). At 57AS03, males inflicted by blunt force objects, where the point of were more likely to show multiple perimortem injuries. impact, radiating fractures, and concentric fractures Three individuals displayed multiple rib fractures without could be identified (Berryman and Haun, 1996; Berry- accompanying perimortem injuries to other skeletal ele- man and Symes, 1998) (Fig. 3). In this particular case, ments. The frequency of perimortem injuries to the post- four fractures radiate from the point of impact on the cranial skeleton was lower at Huaquerones, with only six left parietal and concentric fractures surround this area. individuals showing these injuries (4.4%, four males, two Plastic deformation and delamination are present on the females). All of the postcranial perimortem injuries from fracture margins. The force of the blow was sufficient to Huaquerones affected only the ribs and no other postcra- cause one fracture to radiate across the sphenoid, just nial skeletal element was observed with perimortem anterior to the sella turcica, and across the palate to trauma (Table 4). right external auditory meatus, and ending at the right squamosal suture. The mandible also possesses a para- Weapon related perimortem injuries. In addition to symphyseal perimortem fracture to the right of the men- the different pattern of perimortem injuries from the two tal symphysis and a perimortem fracture to the left con- cemeteries, several individuals from 57AS03 showed dyle. weapon related perimortem injuries that are consistent

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TABLE 5. Perimortem trauma by skeletal element Huaquerones 57AS03 Element Total elements Perimortem (% of total) Total elements Perimortem (% of total) Cranium 129 13 (10.1) 99 40 (40.4) Clavicle 245 0 203 2 (1.0) Scapula 241 0 203 8 (3.9) Sternum 115 0 102 2 (2.0) Innominate 249 0 204 2 (1.0) Ribs 2,847 11 (0.4) 2382 98 (4.1) Humerus 189 0 207 0 Radius 180 0 196 3 (1.5) Ulna 178 0 193 0 Femur 176 0 203 2 (1.0) Tibia 173 0 199 2 (1.0) Fibula 175 0 199 1 (0.5)

Fig. 4. Left, superior view of Burial 123 with ovoid defect consistent with a perimortem penetrating injury, possibly a projectile entrance wound. Right, perimortem damage to frontal of Burial 123 with a small defect, an area of possible external beveling, and several radiating fractures. [Color figure can be viewed in the online issue, which is available at www.interscience.wiley.com.] with European weapons used at the time of Spanish are consistent with prehispanic textiles from the Central Conquest. Burial 123 had a circular injury on the left pa- Coast of Peru during the Inca Empire. However, Burial rietal that measured 15.5 mm in the anterior-posterior 123 was recovered in a prone position and was not dimension and 17.1 mm in the mediolateral dimension interred with any burial offerings, which is distinct from (Fig. 4). The interior of the injury displayed de-lamina- the Late Horizon mortuary patterns. Metal residues tion of the inner table of the endocranium and a plug of from the projectile were not detected by standard radio- bone was recovered among the facial bone fragments graphic analysis and no projectile was recovered from (Fig. 5). The ectocranial surface of this plug of bone is the burial context. slightly compressed, but no impact points are present. Burial 248 (male, 18–20 years) displayed three quad- The endocranial surface of the plug has four hairline rangular shaped defects to the left parietal and occipital fractures that radiate from the center and towards the that likely represented sharp-force trauma inflicted by a edges of the plug (Fig. 5). Burial 123 has a defect on the steel-edged weapon (Fig. 6). The sizes of the three right frontal that has some delamination and possible defects averaged approximately 8 mm in the anterior- external beveling and several fractures originate and posterior dimension and 5.25 mm in the superior-inferior radiate from this defect (Fig. 4). The anterior vault, the dimension. A small hinging fracture of the outer table of facial region and the mandible of Burial 123 have exten- the cranium was found on the superior edge of one of sive fracturing and damage and most of these areas the defects on the left parietal. Plastic deformation at could not be reconstructed, which posed challenges to the cruciform eminence of the occipital was observed on the interpretation of the injuries. the interior of the defect, indicating that the weapon Apart from the injuries to the cranium, Burial 123 did first pierced the exterior of the cranium, but it did not not display any other obvious perimortem injuries. This completely perforate the inner table (Fig. 6). The entire young adult male was interred with a fragmentary pre- midface of Burial 248 was missing and there are two hispanic undergarment and a simple textile layer that fractures that radiate from the supraciliary arches of the

American Journal of Physical Anthropology 8 M.S. MURPHY ET AL.

Fig. 5. Left, interior view of projectile entrance with internal beveling. Right top, view of the compressed ectocranial surface of the plug of bone recovered among the facial fragments. Right bottom, view of the endocranial surface of the plug with four radiating fractures. [Color ﬁgure can be viewed in the online issue, which is available at www.interscience.wiley.com.]

Fig. 7. Top, anterior oblique view of Burial 231 with the defect on the left frontal and extensive perimortem damage to the left craniofacial region. The defect measures approximately 10.84 3 23.02 mm. Bottom left, close up of oval defect. Bottom right, the plug was recovered while it was still attached to the interior of the superior edge of the defect. It was not compressed and it did not have any radiating fractures on its endocranial surface. [Color ﬁgure can be viewed in the online issue, which is available at www.interscience.wiley.com.]

first and second molars exhibited chipping and breakage on their buccal surfaces that are likely associated with the blows to the face, as there is no polishing or wear and the breakage does not appear to be postmortem. Burial 248 also sustained multiple injuries to the post- Fig. 6. Top, quadrangular defects to the left parietal and occi- cranial skeleton, including perimortem fractures to the pital of Burial 248. Note the hinging fracture on the more supe- left first rib, the proximal tibia, and the left third and rior of the defects on the left parietal. All the defects were approx- fourth metacarpals (Supporting Information, Figs. 2 and imately 8.78 mm 3 5.24 mm (average). Bottom left, close-up of 3). The proximal end of the right tibia sustained a com- quadrangular defect on occipital. Bottom right, interior of the plete fracture to the upper third of the diaphysis, and quadrangular defect on the occipital viewed from the foramen the staining on the edges of the injury was inconsistent magnum. Note how the cruciform eminence was not entirely per- with recent breakage (Supporting Information, Fig. 2). forated and how the bone is still attached to the endocranial wall. The defects are nearly the same size, suggesting that the same There was evidence of perimortem breakage to the left implement produced them. [Color figure can be viewed in the third and fourth metacarpals in the form of peeling, online issue, which is available at www.interscience.wiley.com.] irregular fracture margins, and splintering (Supporting Information, Fig. 3). The distal ends of the metacarpals and the accompanying phalanges are absent. Only these frontal, as well as perimortem damage to the left and two fingers were missing and none of the other fingers right zygomatic arches and nasal bones. The mandible possessed perimortem breakage, and all of the metacar- had a perimortem parasymphyseal fracture to the right pals and phalanges were recovered from the remaining of the mental symphysis with areas of irregular chipping fingers. Burial 248 was recovered intact in a semi-flexed and angular edges consistent with blows sustained at or position on its side with a textile strap wrapped around around the time of death. The left and right mandibular the body and was one of the atypical burials.

American Journal of Physical Anthropology TRAUMA AT PURUCHUCO-HUAQUERONES, PERU 9 evidence of violent confrontations with the Spanish in the Andes. First, when compared with other studies of warfare and conflict-related trauma, the frequency of perimortem traumatic injuries is high in the sample from 57AS03 (25.8%). In comparative paleoepidemiology, rarely do frequencies of perimortem traumatic injuries reach such ‘‘double-digit’’ figures (Smith, 2003; Milner, 2005). Only in cases of ritualized violence, massacres, or battlefield cemeteries do frequencies of perimortem trauma usually exceed 25% (Willey and Emerson, 1993; Willey and Scott, 1996; Novak, 2000; Milner, 2005). Simi- larly, high frequencies of violent trauma were also reported from the Santa Barbara Channel Islands and northern Chile, but these are rare exceptions, the injuries were not lethal, and they did not include massive fracturing of the entire cranium (Walker, 1989; Torres- Rouff and Costa Junqueira, 2006). The nature and pattern of perimortem injuries between Huaquerones and 57AS03 indicate a different context of violence. The frequency of perimortem injuries observed in the Huaquer- Fig. 8. Extensiveperimortemdamagetotheleftsideofcranium ones sample is consistent with other studies of prehis- of Burial 121. Three circular defects that were roughly the same size panic warfare and violence in the Central Andes, as are (black arrows) are also noted. [Color figure can be viewed in the the nature of the perimortem injuries, their size, and online issue, which is available at www.interscience.wiley.com.] their location (Verano, 2003a,b, 2008; Andrushko, 2007; Tung, 2007; Klaus, 2008). Accordingly, we would argue that it is reasonable to suggest a degree of Spanish Several other individuals from 57AS03 displayed inju- involvement in at least some, if not all of the traumatic ries that are anomalous and distinct from the perimor- injuries recorded, particularly among the atypical buri- tem injuries from either Huaquerones or 57AS03 (Figs. 7 als from 57AS03. The Incas mounted an uprising and and 8, Supporting Information, Fig. 4). One young adult laid siege to the Spanish capital at Lima (Ciudad de los female (Burial 231; 16–18 years of age) from an intact Reyes) in A.D. 1536. The battle is said to have occurred burial showed an ovoid defect on the left frontal, meas- near the center of Lima, located approximately 12 km uring 23.0 mm mediolateral dimension and 10.8 mm in from the archaeological zone of Puruchuco-Huaquerones, the anterior-posterior dimension (Fig. 7). The anterior and ethnohistorical sources report that some of the rim of the defect was compressed with a wrinkled ´ appearance (Fig. 7). The plug from this injury was recov- retreating indigenous troops fled through the Rımac Val- ered from the anterior edge of the defect, hinging inside ley on their way to the highland regions (Del Busto the cranium at the time of its discovery (Fig. 7). The Duthurburu, 1978a; Vega, 1980). The individuals with defect exhibited internal beveling and the endocranial perimortem injuries could represent individuals killed surface of the plug was larger than the ectocranial sur- during the siege, who were then collected and buried face. However, no defects that might be characterized as hastily by their families. These individuals could also be projectile exit wounds were observed and no projectiles victims of retributive violence on the part of the Spanish were recovered from the interior of the cranium. The and their indigenous allies after the siege. Alternatively, cranium had additional perimortem injuries to the left they could also represent unfortunate victims in isolated frontal, left maxilla, and the left parasymphyseal region encounters with the conquistadors, their allies, and/or of the mandible and there was also a small ovoid defect other native communities within the postconquest con- on the occipital. Standard radiography did not detect text of high levels of violence and warfare, including any metal residues on the cranium. native vs. native violence, a phenomenon that has been Eight separate defects were observed on the left nasal, reported in other areas of the Americas (Stodder and maxilla, frontal, parietal, and temporal of Burial 121, an Martin, 1992). adult male between the ages of 35 and 40 years. Three Second, several of the cases have characteristics that of the defects are ovoid or circular depression fractures, are comparable with injuries reported from other studies one was a small punctate defect to the left nasal, and of medieval weaponry or with modern forensic investiga- the remaining defects were larger, irregular in shape, tions. We believe the circular injury to the left parietal and possessed radiating fractures that have caused addi- of Burial 123, is consistent with published reports of en- tional damage to other areas of the cranial vault (Fig. 8). trance wounds in modern firearm trauma and with his- The ovoid depressions ranged in size from 10.6 mm to torical descriptions of low-velocity firearm injuries 15.2 mm in their largest dimension. Burial 121 did not (Gross, 1861; Magee, 1995; Berryman and Symes, 1998; display any additional perimortem or antemortem inju- DiMaio, 1999; Longmore, 2006). The size and nature of ries and the burial context was intact, but there were no the plug and circular defect are consistent with the 16th burial offerings and the burial orientation and position century projectiles known from Spanish Conquest in were atypical. Peru and the circular defect possesses internal beveling. It is possible that the plug of bone was caused by the force of the projectile’s entrance into the cranium and DISCUSSION that the compressed area on the ectocranial surface of the plug may have been caused by the impact of the pro- For several reasons, we believe that some of the peri- jectile. Some of the fractures and injuries to the anterior mortem injuries from 57AS03 provide the first physical vault of Burial 123 are suggestive of damage caused by

American Journal of Physical Anthropology 10 M.S. MURPHY ET AL. the exit of a projectile, particularly if the projectile came weapons (Del Busto Duthurburu, 1966; Hemming, 1970; apart, which has been reported in 19th century histori- Lockhart, 1972; Cieza de Leoń, 1998; Restall, 2004). cal descriptions of round ball projectiles (Gross, 1861; p. Some native communities, including those from the cen- 377-382; Magee, 1995; Longmore, 2006; p. 40). However, tral coast, fought alongside the Spanish during the siege the fragmentary nature of these areas makes interpreta- of Lima (Spalding, 1999; Rostworowski, 2002). tion difficult and we cannot entirely rule out blunt force To date, we have not uncovered conclusive evidence of trauma causing the injuries to the left parietal and ante- slashing injuries that might have resulted from swords rior cranial vault, as there is extensive damage and or steel blades (although Burial 248 may have received plugs and injuries with internally beveled edges have piercing injuries from a steel-edged implement). Given been reported from archaeological cases of blunt force the emphasis historians have placed on the superiority trauma (e.g. Mays and Steele, 1996; Frayer, 1997; Paine of steel, the Spanish skill with swords and the lethality et al., 2007). of the sword in battle, this is unexpected, but may reflect The size and nature of the quadrangular defects on historical biases emphasizing the importance of the Burial 248 do not resemble injuries reported from pre- sword. The fact that many of the conquistadors and their hispanic weapons from the Andes and it seems unlikely forces may not have been well equipped and may not that indigenous maces, knives, or clubs caused these have had access to swords may also explain the absence defects. Copper and bronze star-headed maces sometimes of injuries from swords (Lockhart, 1972; Restall, 2004). have rectangular points and can cause punched-out Also, soft-tissue injuries are elusive in the investigation lesions and impact scars, but in cases from the Central of trauma from archaeological collections of human skel- Andes, they have not been observed penetrating the etal remains, and it is likely that the frequency of lethal inner table of the cranium to the extent observed in this injuries is much higher than that which has been particular case (Verano, 2008). Penetrating injuries that observed and reported from this study (see also Walker, are quadrangular in shape have been reported, but these 2001; Milner, 2005). are smaller in size than those on Burial 248 and they Also, when the 57AS03 cemetery is compared with the were not observed on cranial elements (Verano, 1986, nearby Huaquerones cemetery, some marked differences 2008; p. 202). The positions of the quadrangular injuries, emerge. The nature and pattern of perimortem injuries the absence of impact scars, and the absence of radiating between Huaquerones and 57AS03 indicate a different fractures are more consistent with three separate perfo- context of violence. The high prevalence of lethal peri- rating injuries, rather than blows from indigenous star- mortem injuries coupled with the atypical mortuary shaped maces. Notably, the quadrangular injuries on treatment in some of the burials from 57AS03 suggests Burial 248 are similar to injuries on human remains that some of the individuals may have been interred from the medieval battlefield cemetery of Towton, Eng- hastily, perhaps in the highly charged and chaotic con- land (A.D. 1461) (Novak, 2000). Novak (2000) argues text following Spanish conquest. Also, there is a high fre- that these injuries were likely caused by the top spike of quency of multiple perimortem injuries and a high fre- a polearm or by the beak of a war hammer, which were quency of perimortem injuries to the thorax region in among the types of weapons carried by the Spanish con- 57AS03, with injuries to the ribs, scapulae, and sternum. quistadors (Salas, 1950; Del Busto Duthurburu, 1978a). Other studies have reported that high frequencies of Burials 231, 121, and 107 represent cases of perimor- injuries to the cranium, ribs, and hands are evidence for tem injuries that cannot be easily linked to a specific interpersonal violence (Brickley, 2006; Brickley and implement(s) and the dearth of information about the Smith, 2006; Lovell, 2008). If these individuals with peri- injuries caused by 16th century cross-bows, falconets, mortem injuries to their postcranial skeletons lacked and ‘‘branched bullets’’ makes interpretation difficult. A protective armor or wore only lightweight cotton pad- blunt force implement may have caused the simple ding, then this might explain the high numbers of inju- punched-out ovoid defect on the frontal of Burial 231, so ries to the axial skeleton. Trampling by horses could also Burial 231 could have received several blows from blunt have contributed to the high number of perimortem inju- force implements, like a stone mace. It appears unlikely ries to the axial skeleton. that a firearm caused the ovoid defect because no exit The higher number of males from 57AS03 affected by wound present and no projectile was recovered. How- perimortem traumatic injuries and multiple injuries sug- ever, projectiles that lose their gyroscopic stability have gests that males were more often engaged in direct com- been known to cause atypical and rectangular entrance bat or that they were targeted by their attackers because wounds (e.g. Wiley and Scott, 1996). Multiple blows with they posed more of a potential threat. Moreover, the a club or mace or projectiles fired from a falconet could increased prevalence of male victims with multiple inju- have caused the numerous impact scars on Burial 121. ries perhaps suggests the intent to cause death. In con- Although injuries from Spanish weapons appear to be trast, the frequency of perimortem injuries observed in present in the 57AS03 sample, the majority of perimor- the Huaquerones sample is lower and appears consistent tem injuries to the cranium were likely due to blunt with other studies of prehispanic warfare and violence in force trauma, probably from native weaponry like maces the Central Andes, as are the nature of the perimortem or clubs, with only a few of the injuries caused by Span- injuries, their size, and their location (Verano, 2003a,b; ish weaponry. What weapons caused these blunt force Andrushko, 2007; Tung, 2007). injuries is difficult to establish with any certainty, as it Ritualized violence, sacrifice, and mass burials are is extremely rare to be able to match an injury with a well known from the Central Andes and in these prehis- specific implement (Boylston, 2000; p. 259). The blunt panic instances, the frequencies of perimortem injuries force injuries could have been caused by European are extremely high (Verano, 2001, 2007, 2008; Klaus, maces or clubs wielded by the Spanish or their native 2008; Standen et al., 2009; Klaus et al., in press). Bio- allies or they could have been caused by indigenous archaeologists have observed cutmarks, decapitation, maces or clubs. It is widely known that the Spanish mutilation, blunt force trauma, and perforating injuries were allied with native warriors armed with traditional from archaeological contexts that are evocative of ritual-

American Journal of Physical Anthropology TRAUMA AT PURUCHUCO-HUAQUERONES, PERU 11 ized forms of violence, such as mass burials, sacrificial conquest, invasion, and colonialism. Some of the cases platforms, or reburial after death. In contrast, the fre- from Puruchuco-Huaquerones appear to represent the quencies of perimortem injuries from cemeteries and first evidence from the Central Andes of violent encoun- archaeological samples of human skeletal remains from ters after the conquest and invasion of the Spanish. The the Central Andes are low and most of the injuries are high frequency of perimortem injuries from 57AS03 is the result of blunt force implements (Kellner, 2002; Alta- consistent with violent encounters, particularly given mirano et al., 2006; Torres-Rouff and Costa Junqueira, the high numbers of perimortem injuries to the cranium 2006; Tung, 2007; Andrushko, 2007). Unlike bioarchaeo- and axial skeleton. Some of the perimortem injuries logical studies from North America, few cases of scalping from 57AS03 may represent the first material evidence are known and no cases of embedded points or arrow- of injuries sustained by European weaponry during the heads are known (Bridges, 1996; Bridges et al., 2000; 16th century (circa 1532–1540). A high frequency of le- Jurmain et al., 2009). The high frequency of the perimor- thal, perimortem injuries was also observed in subadults tem injuries and the nature of the injuries, particularly from 57AS03 (Gaither et al., 2007), so the adults were among the atypical burials from 57AS03, suggest a not the only victims of heightened violence after Spanish heightened context of violence, such as one that would Conquest. The high frequency of lethal perimortem follow the arrival of the Spanish in the Andean region. injures in 57AS03 coupled with the atypical mortuary pattern suggests a reconfiguration of traditional mortu- CONCLUSIONS ary rites amidst the chaos of Spanish conquest and invasion (Murphy et al., in press). In contrast, the nature Scholarly understanding of violent Spanish confronta- and pattern of perimortem injuries from Huaquerones tion with indigenous peoples in the Central Andes is likely represent lethal interpersonal violence or warfare, derived exclusively from early colonial written sources. but more likely waged between other communities from Although they provide an extraordinary amount of detail, the region during the Late Horizon (A.D. 1470–1532) or these historical accounts must be read critically and cau- between members within the community. tiously because of the biases and agendas of their Spanish Puruchuco-Huaquerones is one of a handful of and indigenous authors, because of the tumultuous period archaeological sites from the Americas with evidence of during which they were recorded and written, and because violent conflict with the Spanish, and historical archaeol- they are limited in temporal and geographical scope (Sil- ogy of contact era sites in the Central Andes is in its verblatt, 1987; Julien, 1993; Abercrombie, 1998; D’Altroy, nascent phases (Klaus, 2008; Wernke, in press; Quilter, 2002; and discussions therein). The view of Spanish coloni- in press). As the number of regional studies increases, it zation exclusively through this historical prism has been is likely that future work can present new evidence of oversimplified and material evidence can complement and the violence associated with Spanish Conquest and ei- redress some of the lacunae in the collective knowledge ther bolster or challenge written historical accounts. The about Spanish colonization in the Americas. However, the injurious effects of 16th century weapons and firearms, interpretation of the bioarchaeological record is not with- particularly with unusual and atypical types of projec- out its challenges. Here we argue that some of the individ- tiles, promises to be a fruitful area of future research for uals from Puruchuco-Huaquerones possess possible evi- those interested in correlating injuries to the skeleton dence of injuries from 16th century Spanish weapons, with causative implements, perhaps modeled after simi- including possibly firearms and steel-edged weapons. lar studies in forensic anthropology (e.g., Symes, 1992; However, the individuals with these perimortem injuries Humphrey and Hutchinson, 2001; Tucker et al., 2001; were not interred in a battlefield cemetery or as a single Symes et al., 2002). burial event. It appears that increased levels of violence— ACKNOWLEDGMENTS native vs. Spanish and native vs. native—contributed to the pattern and lethality of injuries we have observed. This work has benefited tremendously from conversa- Although our data may challenge some of the a priori tions and/or correspondence with Valerie Andrushko, assumptions about how Spanish conquest occurred, we George Milner, Shannon Novak, and Steve Symes. Spe- believe that our data offer an additional source of informa- cial thanks go to Eric Bartelink and Bob Jurmain for tion about the violence following the colonial enterprise in their creative and technical feedback. The reviewers the Central Andes. While the Spanish brought particu- were especially constructive and helpful and the authors larly lethal and devastating forms of violence, aggression, thank them, as well as the editor, Dr. Christopher Ruff. and repression, the social rupture and chaos that ensued A version of this article was presented at the 2009 an- may have also led to increased levels of violence between nual meeting of the Paleopathology Association in a ses- native communities. Historical emphasis on the sword as sion organized by Bartelink and Jurmain. The authors the Spanish weapon of choice may say more about the also thank them for the opportunity to share their social and cultural contexts of the written accounts and research, as well as the discussants, Margaret Judd and their emphases, rather than practical realities of the con- Charlotte Roberts, for their participation and valuable quistadors and their forces. Furthermore, during the first insights. Students from Haverford College, Bryn Mawr few years of Spanish conquest, the small numbers of Span- College, Universidad de San Marcos, and Pontificia Uni- iards were heavily supplemented with native troops versidad Cato´lica Peru were instrumental in the data armed with native weapons because European weapons collection from 2005 to 2007. and ammunition were scarce. 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