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Violence and Weapon-Related Trauma at Puruchuco-Huaquerones, Peru

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Violence and Weapon-Related Trauma at Puruchuco-Huaquerones, Peru AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 000:000–000 (2010) Violence and Weapon-Related Trauma at Puruchuco-Huaquerones, Peru Melissa S. Murphy,1* Catherine Gaither,2 Elena Goycochea,3 John W. Verano,4 and Guillermo Cock3 1Anthropology Department, University of Wyoming, Laramie, WY 82070 2Department of Sociology, Anthropology and Behavioral Science, Metropolitan State College of Denver, Denver, CO 80217 3Consultores en Patrimonio Cultural, Lima, Peru 4Department of Anthropology, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA 70118 KEY WORDS bioarchaeology; Spanish conquest; perimortem trauma ABSTRACT Conquest of indigenous peoples in North injuries was analyzed according to the skeletal element America is understood primarily through ethnohistorical involved, the location of the injury on the skeletal ele- documents, archaeological evidence, and osteological ment, and any additional complications of the injury. analyses. However, in the Central Andes, the colonial This study examines and compares the evidence of peri- enterprise and its effects are understood only from post- mortem injuries on skeletonized individuals from the contact historical and ethnohistorical sources. Few two cemeteries and focuses specifically on the interpreta- archaeological and bioarchaeological studies have inves- tion of weapon-related perimortem injuries. Evidence of tigated Spanish Conquest and colonialism in the Andean perimortem trauma is present in both cemeteries (18.6%, region [for exceptions see Klaus and Tam: Am J Phys 48/258); however, the frequency of injuries in 57AS03 is Anthropol 138 (2009) 356–368; Wernke, in press; and greater than that in Huaquerones (25.0% vs. 13.0%). Quilter, in press]. Here we describe bioarchaeological Several injuries from 57AS03 are consistent with docu- evidence of violence from the cemeteries of Huaquerones mented cases of injuries from firearms and 16th Century and 57AS03 within the archaeological zone of Puru- European weapons. We believe that the nature and high chuco-Huaquerones, Peru (circa A.D. 1470–1540). A total frequency of perimortem trauma at 57AS03 provide of 258 individuals greater than 15 years of age were ana- evidence of the violence that occurred with Spanish lyzed for evidence of traumatic injuries. Individuals were Conquest of the Inca Empire. Am J Phys Anthropol examined macroscopically and evidence of traumatic 000:000–000, 2010. VC 2010 Wiley-Liss, Inc. Historical sources describe repressive and extreme In Andean South America, few researchers have investi- forms of violence during the Spanish Conquest of the gated contact era samples and evidence of injuries asso- Americas. Despite long-term research on the biocultural ciated with violent encounters with the Spanish and con- effects of European contact on indigenous communities quest has not been reported. Here we describe and com- in the Americas (Verano and Ubelaker, 1992; Larsen, pare the nature and pattern of perimortem trauma from 1994; Larsen and Milner, 1994; Baker and Kealhofer, two cemeteries within the archaeological zone of Puru- 1996; Larsen et al., 2001; Klaus and Tam, 2009; Spiel- chuco-Huaquerones. We explore the perimortem injuries mann et al., 2009), evidence of the historical battles or from weapons within the context of Spanish conquest of skirmishes of the Spanish conquest of indigenous popu- the Inca Empire (circa 1532) and present what we lations has proven elusive (Larsen, 1994). Only two cases believe is some of the first physical evidence from of osteological evidence for violent conflict at or shortly Andean South America of violent confrontation with the after Spanish conquest are known from North America Spaniards. (Hutchinson, 1996; Larsen et al., 1996). At Tatham Mound, Hutchinson (1996, 2009; p. 60) found evidence of sharp force injuries from metal-edged weapons that are likely associated with De Soto’s 1539 expedition (Hutch- Additional Supporting Information may be found in the online inson, 1996, 2009). The second case of violence associ- version of this article. ated with Spanish conquest is from Mission San Luis de Tamli (A.D. 1656–1704) in La Florida, where a 0.44-cali- Grant sponsor: Bryn Mawr College and Wenner-Gren; Grant bre lead shot was discovered in the lumbar region of an number: 6791 (to M.S.M.); Grant sponsor: National Science Founda- adult male (Larsen et al., 1996). No injuries from the tion; Grant number: 0618192 (to M.S.M.); Grant sponsor: National Geographic Society. shot were detected on the skeleton and the authors con- servatively maintain that either natives or Spanish *Correspondence to: Melissa S. Murphy, Anthropology Depart- could have wielded the firearm (Larsen et al., 1996; p. ment, University of Wyoming, Bldg. 3431, Laramie, WY 82070. 43). Bioarchaeological investigators in the Southwest E-mail: [email protected] find increased evidence of traumatic injuries after Span- ish conquest, particularly among males, which is Received 11 August 2009; accepted 26 January 2010 believed to be associated with both native versus Span- ish violence and interpueblo violence (Stodder and Mar- DOI 10.1002/ajpa.21291 tin, 1992), but injuries inflicted by European metal Published online in Wiley InterScience edged weapons or firearms have not yet been reported. (www.interscience.wiley.com). VC 2010 WILEY-LISS, INC. 2 M.S. MURPHY ET AL. SPANISH AND INDIGENOUS WARFARE tially (Guilmartin, 1991; Salas, 1950). Historical AND WEAPONS accounts of the capture of Atahualpa in Cajamarca describe the Spanish firing a small cannon, or falconet, Spanish conquest and invasion brought violence, to frighten the Incas (Hemming, 1970), but it was not repression, and the introduction of new epidemic dis- heavily used in the conquest of the Incas (Salas, 1950; eases, followed by territorial occupation, religious perse- Guilmartin, 1991). At the beginning of conquest, supply- cution and evangelization, and Spanish imperial rule to ing these firearms with projectiles likely presented some the Central Andes (Rowe, 1957; MacCormack, 1991; challenges and the Spanish developed different strat- Stern, 1993; Del Busto Duthurburu, 1966, 1978a; Aber- egies when the lead musket balls were in short supply, crombie, 1998; Cook, 1998; Spalding, 1999; D’Altroy, such as loading rocks or other metal objects into their 2002). Although Spanish Conquest of the Inca Empire firearms and small cannons (Salas, 1950; Guilmartin, has been perceived as swift and inevitable, the Spanish 1991). The Spanish were also known to join two spheri- did not completely control the lands of the Inca empire cal lead halves with a wire that were released when the for nearly 40 years (Rowe, 1957, 2006). After the first firearm was discharged, a particularly lethal projectile violent encounter when the Spanish ambushed the called wire balls or ‘‘branched’’ balls (Salas, 1950; newly victorious ruler, Atahualpa, and his thousands of p. 211–212). forces in Cajamarca, other battles and skirmishes were Research directed at questions of prehispanic violence reportedly fought during the first several years of the and trauma on scientifically excavated archaeological Spanish invasion, and two Inca uprisings occurred in samples from South America has flourished in recent 1536—one in Cusco and one in the new Spanish capital years (Kellner, 2002; Verano, 2003a,b, 2008; Torres-Rouff established in Lima (Del Busto Duthurburu, 1978a; Gua- and Costa Junqueira, 2006; Andrushko, 2007; Tung, man Poma, 1980; Vega, 1980; Cieza de Leo´n, 1985; Rost- 2007; Standen et al., 2009; Klaus et al., in press). These worowski, 1999; D’Altroy, 2002). recently conducted studies permit comparative research Spanish military tactics and weapons were unlike across different geographic regions and from different those practiced and used by the Incas and other prehis- time periods that give us a richer view of violence, war- panic peoples. The Inca army was only partially com- fare, and the types of injuries that may have resulted posed of a warrior class (usually Inca nobility), but all from prehispanic weapons. Although few bioarchaeologi- adult males served in the Inca army as part of their cal investigations of the effects of 16th century and late labor service to the Inca state (Rowe, 1946; Hemming, medieval European weaponry have been conducted, a 1970; Cobo, 1979 [1653]; D’Altroy, 2002). Typically Inca growing corpus of experimental and historical work on warriors trained for and engaged in hand-to-hand com- the effects of these weapons holds promise for ongoing bat (Sarmiento de Gamboa, 1999 [1572]) and they were and future investigations (Ingelmark, 1939; Boylston, armed with a diversity of both long- and short-range 2000; Novak, 2000; Hutchinson, 2009). weapons (Rowe, 1946; D’Altroy, 2002). The Inca arma- ments included different clubs and maces, slings with sling stones, large axe-like implements, bolas, tumi kni- MATERIALS AND METHODS ves, and large wooden spears (macana) (Rowe, 1957; Del Busto Duthurburu, 1978b; Himmerich y Valencia, 1998; The archaeological zone of Puruchuco-Huaquerones is D’Altroy, 2002). The Inca attached edges or points made located on the Central Coast of Peru approximately 12 of animal bone, copper, silver, or bronze to their weapons km southeast of the center of Lima in the middle of the (Rowe, 1946; Salas, 1950; Hemming, 1970; Pizarro, 1978; Rı´mac valley (Fig. 1). Cobo (1979 [1653]) reports the Himmerich y Valencia, 1998; D’Altroy, 2002). As armor, presence of the Incas on the central coast circa A.D. the Incas donned lightweight cotton or textile padding. 1470. Inca architectural
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