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Feasts and Offerings in Arcopata, Cusco Carlos Delgado Gonzalez Mauriciodel@Hotmail.Com View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Maine Andean Past Volume 11 Article 11 12-15-2013 Feasts and Offerings in Arcopata, Cusco Carlos Delgado Gonzalez [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/andean_past Recommended Citation Delgado Gonzalez, Carlos (2013) "Feasts and Offerings in Arcopata, Cusco," Andean Past: Vol. 11 , Article 11. Available at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/andean_past/vol11/iss1/11 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Andean Past by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FEASTS AND OFFERINGS IN ARCOPATA, CUSCO CARLOS DELGADO GONZÁLEZ Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad del Cusco INTRODUCTION earliest times, both between a curaca or ethnic leader, and his people, as well as between the Inca society developed an intricate system of people and their gods. Reciprocity consists of spiritual relationships with its gods, huacas, and offering or presenting something in order to ancestors. In tackling it, scholars generally turn request something in exchange. Nevertheless, to the information provided by chroniclers such the ceremony does not end with the presenta- as Cristóbal de Albornoz 1967 [c. 1582], Pablo tion of, or request for, a gift. In the southern Joseph Arriaga 1999 [1621], Juan de Betanzos Andes of Peru, the ethnographic record allows 1999 [c. 1551], Pedro Cieza de León 1967 us to assert that feasting, or get-togethers over [1553], Bernabé Cobo 1956 [1653], Felipe Gua- food, with both guests and gods, continues to be mán Poma de Ayala 1993 [c. 1615], Cristóbal practiced. Examples are the maize harvest fiesta de Molina el Cusqueño 2008 [c. 1576], Pedro and ritual in Yucay, Cusco Department (Roca Pizarro 1978 [1571], and Juan Polo de Onde- 2005:200), the herding ritual at Ñawin Pukio in gardo 1978 [1571], among others, who mention the district of Pampachiri, Andahuaylas Depart- fiestas and the offerings, rites, and paraphernalia ment (Espinoza 2002:59), and the offerings to that were part of these ceremonial feasts. This Pachamama and to Lake Moyalla at Puquio in historical information presents difficulties as the Lucanas province of Ayacucho Department soon as it is analyzed because of the natural (Valiente 1986:92-93). biases of every chronicler, and because it is incomplete and contradictory. Fortunately, The feast is a meeting which gathers to- archaeology provides another source of informa- gether a large number of people, possibly con- tion. nected through kinship and/or community ties, with some special intention linking the organiz- The archaeological record for the Inca ers and those invited. This intention can be horizon allows us to separate, as independent social, political, economic, or environmental in activities, offerings, which are part of rituals, nature. These events cannot be explained in and feasts, which also are part of the rituals. In isolation from the contexts in which they take general, feasts occurred separately and were of place. Generally archaeology recovers material short duration. They were activities which are offerings, but elements of feasts that are difficult almost intangible, and are difficult to see in the to recognize are lost. archaeological record, especially when they accompanied an offering. In the Andean region, in defining a feast, archeological work has generally taken into Reciprocity is one of the most relevant account the analysis of the remains of the fiesta characteristics of Andean thinking. This has (food and drink) associated with public archi- come into play at all levels of society since the tecture (Ikehara and Shibata 2005; Makowski et ANDEAN PAST 11 (2013): 85-110. ANDEAN PAST 11 (2013) - 86 al. 2005; McEwan et al. 2005; Vega-Centeno EVIDENCE OF FEASTS AT ARCOPATA 2005). This is not very different from what has been accomplished by the professional archaeol- The aim of this paper is to understand how ogists of the National Institute of Culture (now these rites and feasts were conducted. I employ the Ministry of Culture), who have excavated archaeological techniques in the analysis of the large areas of sites with public architecture, such paraphernalia of an Inca offering and its associ- as the principal huacas found to the northeast of ated feast. I base my work on the remains of a Cusco between Saqsayhuaman and San Sebas- series of feasts encountered during 2005 excava- tián. Paradoxically they only reported offerings tions in Cusco’s historic center at a site that is (Erminia Esenarro at Ñustapaqana [2008]; four hundred meters from Aukaypata, the main Merida Farfán Berrio at Chincana Grande plaza of Inca Cusco. [2002]; Luis Guevara Carazas at Laqo [2008]; Jorge Guillen Naveros at Salonniyoq [2009]; Excavations were conducted between the Sabino Quispe Serrano at Muyukmarka-Saqsay- present day Arcopata Avenue and Concepción huaman [2005]; Ismael Uscachi Santos at Street (Figures 1, 2) in a small space preserved Huaca Pachakuti [2009], and Freddy Zegarra from destruction by an old brickyard. The Salas at Chuspiyoc and Wayllarcocha [2008]). purpose of the excavations was to recover all the Because of this, one can suppose that in this physical evidence that remained buried in this research recording information about offerings plot of ground, before the planned construction has been privileged, while evidence of feasts has of a hotel and shopping center. This context been given less importance. Perhaps this is enables us to understand, albeit only partially, because evidence of feasts is scant and requires the social relations which developed during the a detailed and extremely careful analysis of course of a feast. Our understanding is limited evidence collected during excavation. Often because we do not have information on how the such evidence is not found in well-stratified offering ritual was performed. contexts. It is interesting that Lisbeth Rodríguez Mendoza (2004), as a result of her excavations The space in question is delineated by an at Huaca Balcón del Diablo, reported grains of andesite Inca perimeter wall running along maize, bone splinters, traces of ash, and remains Arcopata Avenue. The upper part of this loca- of carbonized wood. Likewise, Miriam Aráoz tion is divided into several rooms. The earliest Silva (2011) reported that at Huaca Pachatosa known record of the site is a 1643 hand painted camelid bones were found within a dense ash plan, now in the Archivo Arzobisbal in Lima, lens. This evidence in context suggests possible commissioned by Father Gaspar de Villagra, feasts associated with architecture. seven years before the great Cusco earthquake of 1650 (Figure 3). It was made in connection The events at Arcopata are not associated with litigation over the boundaries separating with public architecture. Nevertheless, this the Parish of Santa Ana and the Hospital de los place is not isolated. It is within the Inca city of Naturales (Indian Hospital; today the orphan- Cusco. Analysis of the events that took place age and nuns’ residence of San Pedro Church; there is made on the basis of the remains of Rowe 1989). In this illustration the space under feasting. discussion appears as it does today, that is, without buildings, and corresponding to a slope, running from the Santa Ana Church to Arco- pata Avenue, which belonged to the parish of Santa Ana. According to John Rowe (ibid.) the 87 - Delgado González: Feasts and Offerings in Arcopata majority of people living in this area were mollusc shell and an intentional burning of alder Cañaris and Chachapoyas. (Alnus acuminata) and molle (Schinus molle) wood (Rojas 2009: Sample 03-B) as well as There are references to the existence of the queuña (Polylepis sp.) wood (Bertoni 2011a: Huaca Marcatampu, which belonged to the Sample 6). Capac Ayllu, one hundred and fifty meters to the north of the feasting site, in what is now Analysis of the material found indicated that Santa Ana parish(Rowe 2003:198, 218). Huaca there were parts of three camelid mandibles Marcatampu was one of the most important present, one of a llama (Lama glama), and two of shrines in the area (Albornoz 1967 [c. 1582], alpaca (Lama pacos)1. These were associated see Duviols 1967:26; Cobo 1956 [1653]: Book with a large quantity of malacological material 13, Chapter XIII, page 26). Sources indicate including 427 fragments of scallop (Argopecten that it was a rock face in the Carmenca neigh- purpuratus) shell which made up 71.55 percent borhood of Cusco. of the total number of shell fragments, and clam (Gari solida) shell fragments which made up Research has allowed me to determine that 10.32 percent of the shell fragments recovered. offerings and feasts took place at Arcopata. These included at least four great events, as well Of the 182 potsherds found, 68.11 percent as other smaller ones that appear in the archae- are Inca decorated ceramics, and 31.89 percent ological record, (Figure 4) even though they are domestic (undecorated) wares (Table 1). were of very short duration. In general these Due to their ritual use, decorated plates and events are associated with the gathering to- bowls represent 9.89 percent of the total ceram- gether of large groups of people in a place where ics recovered. Domestic ollas and jugs (cántaros) they ate and drank as part of celebrations. make up 10.99 percent of the ceramics. Pedes- taled ollas compose 4.40 percent. The last two Event 1. Two units were excavated, Unit categories show traces of having been exposed S3E3, with horizontal dimensions of four by to fire during the event. Among other parapher- three meters, and Unit E3 with horizontal nalia are two spindle whorls (piruros), one made dimensions of two by three meters.
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