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UN Security Council, Children and Armed Conflict in the DRC, Report of the Secretary General, October
United Nations S/2020/1030 Security Council Distr.: General 19 October 2020 Original: English Children and armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Report of the Secretary-General Summary The present report, submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1612 (2005) and subsequent resolutions, is the seventh report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It covers the period from 1 January 2018 to 31 March 2020 and the information provided focuses on the six grave violations committed against children, the perpetrators thereof and the context in which the violations took place. The report sets out the trends and patterns of grave violations against children by all parties to the conflict and provides details on progress made in addressing grave violations against children, including through action plan implementation. The report concludes with a series of recommendations to end and prevent grave violations against children in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and improve the protection of children. 20-13818 (E) 171120 *2013818* S/2020/1030 I. Introduction 1. The present report, submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1612 (2005) and subsequent resolutions, is the seventh report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and covers the period from 1 January 2018 to 31 March 2020. It contains information on the trends and patterns of grave violations against children since the previous report (S/2018/502) and an outline of the progress and challenges since the adoption by the Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict of its conclusions on children and armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in July 2018 (S/AC.51/2018/2). -
KAS International Reports 06/2013
56 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 6|2013 M23 REBELLION A FURTHER CHAPTER IN THE VIOLENCE IN EASTERN CONGO Steffen Krüger Steffen Krüger is Resident Representa- In recent years, the provinces of North Kivu and South tive of the Konrad- Kivu in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo Adenauer- Stiftung have once again become the epicentre of various conflicts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. in the African Great Lakes Region. The two provinces and their population of ten million were affected particularly strongly by the three Congo Wars between 1996 and 2006. For years they have been the scene of looting, indiscrimi- nate killing and other crimes committed by various parties to the conflict. The region is very densely populated and rich in mineral resources. The reserves of gold, diamonds, tin, coltan1 and other raw materials are worth hundreds of billions of euros. In April 2012, the M23 Rebellion2 began with the mutiny of 600 Congolese soldiers, bringing a new wave of violence and destruction to the region. Many women, children and men fell victim to the conflict and over 900,000 people had to flee their homes yet again. Nobody knows the precise figures because many are left to their own devices and have hardly any access to assistance. The fighting has now stopped, but the insecurity of not knowing whether a new conflict may break out remains. Various national and inter- national actors have analysed the events during the past few months and discussed solutions for a lasting peace. 1 | Coltan is an ore, which is mainly processed to extract the metal tantalum. -
Mapping Conflict Motives: M23
Mapping Conflict Motives: M23 1 Front Cover image: M23 combatants marching into Goma wearing RDF uniforms Antwerp, November 2012 2 Table of Contents Introduction 4 1. Background 5 2. The rebels with grievances hypothesis: unconvincing 9 3. The ethnic agenda: division within ranks 11 4. Control over minerals: Not a priority 14 5. Power motives: geopolitics and Rwandan involvement 16 Conclusion 18 3 Introduction Since 2004, IPIS has published various reports on the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Between 2007 and 2010 IPIS focussed predominantly on the motives of the most significant remaining armed groups in the DRC in the aftermath of the Congo wars of 1996 and 1998.1 Since 2010 many of these groups have demobilised and several have integrated into the Congolese army (FARDC) and the security situation in the DRC has been slowly stabilising. However, following the November 2011 elections, a chain of events led to the creation of a ‘new’ armed group that called itself “M23”. At first, after being cornered by the FARDC near the Rwandan border, it seemed that the movement would be short-lived. However, over the following two months M23 made a remarkable recovery, took Rutshuru and Goma, and started to show national ambitions. In light of these developments and the renewed risk of large-scale armed conflict in the DRC, the European Network for Central Africa (EURAC) assessed that an accurate understanding of M23’s motives among stakeholders will be crucial for dealing with the current escalation. IPIS volunteered to provide such analysis as a brief update to its ‘mapping conflict motives’ report series. -
Democratic Republic of Congo
JANUARY 2013 COUNTRY SUMMARY DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO State security forces and Congolese and foreign armed groups committed numerous and widespread violations of the laws of war against civilians in eastern and northern Democratic Republic of Congo (Congo). In late 2011, opposition party members and supporters, human rights activists, and journalists were threatened, arbitrarily arrested, and killed during presidential and legislative election periods. Gen. Bosco Ntaganda, sought on arrest warrants from the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes and crimes against humanity, defected from the army in March and started a new rebellion with other former members of the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), a rebel group integrated into the army in early 2009. The new M23 rebel group received significant support from Rwandan military officials. Its fighters were responsible for widespread war crimes, including summary executions, rapes, and child recruitment. As the government and military focused attention on defeating the M23, other armed groups became more active in other parts of North and South Kivu, attacking civilians. Abuses during National Elections Presidential and legislative elections in November 2011 were characterized by targeted attacks by state security forces on opposition party members and supporters, the use of force to quell political demonstrations, and threats or attacks on journalists and human rights activists. President Joseph Kabila was declared winner of the November 28, 2011 election, which international and national election observers criticized as lacking credibility and transparency. 1 The worst election-related violence was in the capital, Kinshasa, where at least 57 opposition party supporters or suspected supporters were killed by security forces—mostly Kabila’s Republican Guard—between November 26 and December 31. -
Country Fact Sheet, Democratic Republic of the Congo
Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Country Fact Sheet DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO April 2007 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents 1. GENERAL INFORMATION 2. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 3. POLITICAL PARTIES 4. ARMED GROUPS AND OTHER NON-STATE ACTORS 5. FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS ENDNOTES REFERENCES 1. GENERAL INFORMATION Official name Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Geography The Democratic Republic of the Congo is located in Central Africa. It borders the Central African Republic and Sudan to the north; Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Tanzania to the east; Zambia and Angola to the south; and the Republic of the Congo to the northwest. The country has access to the 1 of 26 9/16/2013 4:16 PM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Atlantic Ocean through the mouth of the Congo River in the west. The total area of the DRC is 2,345,410 km². -
The Evolution of an Armed Movement in Eastern Congo Rift Valley Institute | Usalama Project
RIFT VALLEY INSTITUTE | USALAMA PROJECT UNDERSTANDING CONGOLESE ARMED GROUPS FROM CNDP TO M23 THE EVOLUTION OF AN ARMED MOVEMENT IN EASTERN CONGO rift valley institute | usalama project From CNDP to M23 The evolution of an armed movement in eastern Congo jason stearns Published in 2012 by the Rift Valley Institute 1 St Luke’s Mews, London W11 1Df, United Kingdom. PO Box 30710 GPO, 0100 Nairobi, Kenya. tHe usalama project The Rift Valley Institute’s Usalama Project documents armed groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The project is supported by Humanity United and Open Square and undertaken in collaboration with the Catholic University of Bukavu. tHe rift VALLEY institute (RVI) The Rift Valley Institute (www.riftvalley.net) works in Eastern and Central Africa to bring local knowledge to bear on social, political and economic development. tHe AUTHor Jason Stearns, author of Dancing in the Glory of Monsters: The Collapse of the Congo and the Great War of Africa, was formerly the Coordinator of the UN Group of Experts on the DRC. He is Director of the RVI Usalama Project. RVI executive Director: John Ryle RVI programme Director: Christopher Kidner RVI usalama project Director: Jason Stearns RVI usalama Deputy project Director: Willy Mikenye RVI great lakes project officer: Michel Thill RVI report eDitor: Fergus Nicoll report Design: Lindsay Nash maps: Jillian Luff printing: Intype Libra Ltd., 3 /4 Elm Grove Industrial Estate, London sW19 4He isBn 978-1-907431-05-0 cover: M23 soldiers on patrol near Mabenga, North Kivu (2012). Photograph by Phil Moore. rigHts: Copyright © The Rift Valley Institute 2012 Cover image © Phil Moore 2012 Text and maps published under Creative Commons license Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by/nc-nd/3.0. -
Violence and Instability in Ituri
Violence and Instability in Ituri DJUGU’S MYSTIC CRISIS AND THE CAMOUFLAGE OF ETHNIC CONFLICT Amir Sungura, Limbo Kitonga, Bernard van Soest and Ndakasi Ndeze INSECURE LIVELIHOODS SERIES / JULY 2020 Photo cover: Internally displaced people in Drodro, Ituri ©️ John Wessels Violence and Instability in Ituri DJUGU’S MYSTIC CRISIS AND THE CAMOUFLAGE OF ETHNIC CONFLICT Amir Sungura, Limbo Kitonga, Bernard van Soest and Ndakasi Ndeze Executive summary This report analyses the string of attacks in and around Djugu territory in Ituri since late 2017. Based on both historical and recent conflict analysis, it finds recent and concrete triggers of the ongoing crisis, nonetheless rooted in protracted tension over land, livelihood and territory, often framed in ethnic binaries. Situated in a geopolitically strategic – but contested – area and shaped by eastern Congo’s broader security challenges, the Djugu crisis quickly escalated, with hundreds killed and half a million displaced. While the bulk of the violence seem to be driven by CODECO, an opaque mystico- armed movement, the government-led response rather com- plicated than attenuated violence. This report demonstrates that peace building in Djugu depends on deeper understanding of conflict dynamics and requires addressing political manipulation. Stabilisation efforts thus need to be embedded in broad strategies to address longstanding tension over land and identity. VIOLENCE AND INSTABILITY IN ITURI 4 Table of Contents 1 | INTRODUCTION 6 2 | BACKGROUND TO THE CURRENT CONFLICT 8 2.1 Ituri in -
Writenet Democratic Republic of The
writenet is a network of researchers and writers on human rights, forced migration, ethnic and political conflict WRITENET writenet is the resource base of practical management (uk) e-mail: [email protected] independent analysis DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO: PROSPECTS FOR PEACE AND NORMALITY A Writenet Report by François Misser commissioned by United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Emergency and Security Services March 2006 Caveat: Writenet papers are prepared mainly on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. The papers are not, and do not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. The views expressed in the paper are those of the author and are not necessarily those of Writenet or Practical Management. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms ................................................................................................... i Executive Summary ................................................................................. ii 1 Introduction........................................................................................1 2 Recent Developments.........................................................................1 2.1 Political Developments.................................................................................1 2.2 Humanitarian and Security Developments ...............................................2 3 Overview of Political and Security Risk Factors -
In Search of Peace: an Autopsy of the Political Dimensions of Violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo
IN SEARCH OF PEACE: AN AUTOPSY OF THE POLITICAL DIMENSIONS OF VIOLENCE IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO By AARON ZACHARIAH HALE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2009 1 © 2009 Aaron Zachariah Hale 2 To all the Congolese who helped me understand life’s difficult challenges, and to Fredline M’Cormack-Hale for your support and patience during this endeavor 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I was initially skeptical about attending The University of Florida (UF) in 2002 for a number of reasons, but attending UF has been one of the most memorable times of my life. I have been so fortunate to be given the opportunity to study African Politics in the Department of Political Science in a cozy little town like Gainesville. For students interested in Africa, UF’s Center for African Studies (CAS) has been such a fantastic resource and meeting place for all things African. Dr. Leonardo Villalón took over the management of CAS the same year and has led and expanded the CAS to reach beyond its traditional suit of Eastern and Southern African studies to now encompass much of the sub-region of West Africa. The CAS has grown leaps and bounds in recent years with recent faculty hires from many African and European countries to right here in the United States. In addition to a strong and committed body of faculty, I have seen in my stay of seven years the population of graduate and undergraduate students with an interest in Africa only swell, which bodes well for the upcoming generation of new Africanists. -
Policy Brief 99.Indd
AFRICA INSTITUTE OF SOUTH AFRICA BriefinG NO 99 NOVEMBER 2013 We Need to Do Better, and We Can: One Group Surrendering is Hardly a Return to Peace and Prosperity Sylvester Bongani Maphosa1 There is no bigger challenge facing humanity than how to build lasting peace in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Despite the military defeat of the rebel M23 by forces led by the Congolese army and the United Nations Intervention Brigade, the net peace and security dividends appear indiscernible at local community level. How do communities in conflict, and/ or emerging from violent conflict, develop infrastructures for peace to avoid reverting to armed conflict? From a conflict-resolution viewpoint, this brief describes a six-part taxonomy of peace and suggests a three-pronged systemic approach policy makers should adopt to prevent future large-scale violence. Furthermore, the strategy should assume a multi-track approach incorporating whole-of-society vertical, middle-out and horizontal relationships. Introduction integrated into the national army after a peace deal with the government on 23 March 2009. The Although most of the DRC has enjoyed relative deserters accused the government of failing to live peace in the recent decade, the eastern expanse, up to the terms of the pact (the rebel group M23 including the North Kivu, South Kivu and Orientale takes its name from the 23 March 2009 CNDP-DRC provinces, remains a theatre of widespread government peace agreement). According to the civilian atrocities and human rights abuse. The United Nations (UN) Group of Experts and several current tragedy in Goma and surrounding North intelligence reports, M23 enjoys direct support Kivu has been going on for over 20 months now. -
William Kandowe 546338 Supervisor Dr Norman Sempijja Co Supervisor Ekeminiabasi Eyita-Okon Examining the Impact of Peacekeeping
FACULTY OF HUMANITIES DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS William Kandowe 546338 Supervisor Dr Norman Sempijja Co Supervisor Ekeminiabasi Eyita-Okon Examining the impact of peacekeeping and peace enforcement in Democratic Republic Congo–the cases of Operation Artemis 2003 and Force Intervention Brigade 2013. Research submitted to the Faculty of Humanities in fulfilment of the requirements of the Master‘s Degree in International Relations, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg South Africa Declaration I William Kandowe declare that this is solely my own work, and where otherwise appropriate referencing has been made. Signed---------------------------------------------Date--------------------------------------------------------- i Dedication To my wife Marjory and my children: Laura Leaza, Lavender Layla and Lee William. ii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my supervisor Dr Norman Sempijja, co-supervisor Ekeminiabasi Okon, my wife Marjory Muneri, as well as my daughters Laura, Lavender and my son Lee William. I would further like to thank Lyn Brown, Dickson Kamungeremu, Princington, Rudo, Fellowship and Isaac. Further thanks are due to Professor Gilbert Kadiyagala, and Dr Sandi Sithole. , Professor Sheila Meintjes–your assistance with violent and conflict discussion is gratefully acknowledged, and to Dr Roxanne Richter your encouragement strengthened me. I am also very happy with the following people who worked closely with me during my research: Misheck Mudzengerere; Farai Sankurani; Mum Muneri; Siwach Mandivengerei; Enos Tsikiwa; Mr and Mrs Jervas Mudzengerere; as well as Jervas Nyokanhete. My friends from Wits University and staff from the International Relations Department, and to all the Masters Students I shared ideas with–thank you. Those whom I worked with I appreciate the work you did during my absence without supervision. -
Is the March 23Rd Movement
80 RWANDA: THE GUIDING HAND OF THE MARCH 23RD MOVEMENT Zachary Benton Nelson At the fore of unrest in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is the March 23rd Movement (M23)—named after a botched peace deal signed on March 23rd 2009—which earned an unprecedented notoriety and posted spectacular successes during its 19 month rebellion. This was a rebellion defined by the avaricious intentions of neighboring Rwanda, but veiled and publicly predicated on addressing political grievances—a messy quagmire steeped in viciousness startling even to such a war-weary region. Although the M23 uprising is pegged as a civil war, it has an un- mistakable Rwandan flavor. Rwanda spurred the M23 conflict as an ingenious proxy for a self-motivated adventure of economic imperialism. A comprehensive ceasefire, multilateral sanctions and mining reform could have defused the conflict and consid- erably mitigated its costs. This paper will begin with a brief historical account of the M23 rebellion and will be structured around the following questions: 1. What competing arguments exist for the cause[s] of the rebellion? Specifically, what was the nature of Rwandan incitement and involvement? 2. What could the Congolese state/international community have done to avert the conflict or mitigate its cost? HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The word ‘conflict’ fails to capture the wanton violence endemic to the east- ern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) for the better part of a generation. This ‘conflict’ has manifested itself through a “litany of insurgencies, skirmishes, massa- cres, systemized rapes, and refugee crises”1 that are a persistent reality for millions of Congolese.