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Otilio Ulate and the Traditional Response to Contemporary Political Change in Costa Rica
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 1977 Otilio Ulate and the Traditional Response to Contemporary Political Change in Costa Rica. Judy Oliver Milner Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Milner, Judy Oliver, "Otilio Ulate and the Traditional Response to Contemporary Political Change in Costa Rica." (1977). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 3127. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/3127 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. -
La Oposición Antitrujillista, La Legión Del Caribe Y José Figueres De Costa Rica (1944-1949) 1 María Dolores Ferrero Universidad De Huelva [email protected]
La oposición antitrujillista, la Legión del Caribe y José Figueres de Costa Rica (1944-1949) 1 María Dolores Ferrero Universidad de Huelva [email protected] Matilde Eiroa Universidad Carlos III de Madrid [email protected] Recepción: 27 de octubre de 2014 / Revisión: 19 de marzo de 2015 Aceptación: 28 de abril de 2015 / Publicación: Diciembre de 2016 Resumen En la década de 1940, los exiliados dominicanos, junto a otros centroamericanos, se unieron en la orga- nización denominada Legión del Caribe con el objetivo de apoyarse mutuamente contra las dictaduras. Acordaron comenzar la lucha contra Trujillo y Somoza, pero la coyuntura aconsejó posponer los planes iniciales y se implicaron en la guerra civil o revolución de Costa Rica de 1948. Los dominicanos Horacio Ornes y Juan Rodríguez dirigieron la activa participación en el conflicto que terminaría con la toma del poder por José Figueres (presidente de facto de 1948 a 1949), que no hubiera sido posible sin la Legión del Caribe. Sin embargo, José Figueres no asumió posteriormente su compromiso con la Legión y las reclamaciones dominicanas nunca se atendieron. Palabras clave: Legión del Caribe, dictaduras centroamericanas, José Figueres, Rafael L. Trujillo, Anastasio Somoza, Caribe, Siglo XX. The Anti-Trujillo Opposition, the Caribbean Legion and Costa Rica’s Jose Figueres (1944-1949) Abstract In the 1940’s, exiled Dominicans and other Central-Americans joined together in an organization called the Caribbean Legion, with the objective of providing mutual support in the struggle against dictator- ship. They began by agreeing to fight against Trujillo and Somoza, but circumstances favored the pos- tponement of their initial plans, and their involvement in the Civil War or Revolution of Costa Rica of 1948 instead. -
Encyclopedia of U.S. Military Interventions in Latin America
Encyclopedia of U.S. Military Interventions in Latin America Alan McPherson, Editor Volume 2 M-Z Q ABC-CLIO Santa Barbara, California • Denver, Colorado • Oxford, England Contents Preface, xiii Beals, Carleton (1893-1979), 35 Introduction, .w Bidlack-Mallarino Treaty (1846), 36 Guide to Related Topics, xix Blaine, James (1830-1893), 37 Bogota Conference (1948), 39 Boland Amendments, 41 Volume 1 Bolivia, 45 Adams-Onfs Treaty (1819), 1 Borah, William (1865-1940), 47 Airplanes, Use of, 3 Brazil, 48 Allende, Salvador, Intervention against (1970-1973), 4 Brazil, Intervention in (1964), 52 Alliance for Progress, 8 British, Interventions against the, 54 Anaconda Copper Mining Bryan, William Jennings Company, 10 (1860-1925), 57 Anticommunism, 12 Bush, George H. W. (1924-), 58 Anti-Interventionism, 14 Bush, George W. (1946-), 60 Arbenz, Jacobo, Overthrow of Butler, Smedley (1881-1940), 61 (1954), 18 Caceres, Ramon (1866-1911), 65 Argentina, 22 Cacos, 66 Baltimore Affair (1891), 25 Calvo Doctrine, 68 Banana Companies, 28 Caperton, William Banks Baseball, 31 (1855-1941), 69 Bay of Pigs, Attempted Invasion of the Caracas Conference (1954), 71 (1961), 33 Caribbean Legion, 72 VI | Contents Carter, Jimmy (1924-), 74 Daniels, Josephus (1862-1948), 137 Castro, Cipriano (1858-1924), 76 De la Torriente, Cosme Castro, Fidel (1926-), 78 (1872-1956), 138 Castro, Raul (1931-), 80 Democracy, 139 Central American Conference Dewey, George (1837-1917), 141 (1907), 82 Dillingham, A. C.(1848-1925), 143 Central American Defense Council, 83 Dollar Diplomacy, 144 Central -
Dominican Republic
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC COUNTRY READER TABLE OF CONTENTS William Belton 1940-1942 3rd Secretary and Vice Consul, Ciudad Trujillo William Tapley Bennett 1941-1944 Civil Attaché, Ciudad Trujillo James McCargar 1943-1944 Economic/Consular Officer, Ciudad Trujillo G. Harvey Summ 1948-1949 Administrative/Political Officer, Ciudad Trujillo William Belton 1949-1952 Deputy Chief of Mission, Ciudad Trujillo Wendell W. Woodbury 1952-1954 Economic Officer, Ciudad Trujillo Joseph S. Farland 1957-1960 Ambassador, Dominican Republic Henry Dearborn 1959-1961 Deputy Chief of Mission, Ciudad Trujillo Gerald J. Monroe 1961-1962 Visa Officer, Santo Domingo Harry W. Shlaudeman 1962-1963 Envoy, Dominican Republic Lewis M. White 1962-1964 Economic Officer, Santo Domingo Serban Vallimarescu 1962-1964 Public Affairs Officer, Santo Domingo Alexander F. Watson 1962-1965 Consular/Political Officer, Santo Domingo John Hugh Crimmins 1963-1966 Director, Dominican Republic Affairs, Washington, DC Dorothy Jester 1964-1965 Economic Officer, Santo Domingo William Tapley Bennett 1964-1966 Ambassador, Dominican Republic John A. Bushnell 1964-1967 Economic & AID Officer, Santo Domingo Cyrus R. Vance 1965 Envoy, Dominican Republic 1 Edmund Murphy 1965 Foreign Information Officer, USIS, Washington, DC Richard H. Melton 1965-1967 Consular Officer, Santo Domingo Richard C. Barkley 1965-1967 Vice Consul, Santiago de los Caballeros Robert E. White 1965-1968 Chief Political Section, Santo Domingo Lawrence E. Harrison 1965-1968 Deputy Director, USAID, San Santo Domingo David E. Simcox 1966-1967 Political Officer, Santo Domingo John Hugh Crimmins 1966-1969 Ambassador, Dominican Republic John A. Ferch 1967-1969 Principal Officer, Santiago de los Caballeros Lowell Fleischer 1968-1971 Political Officer, Santo Domingo Lawrence P. -
Eisenhower and the Overthrow of Rafael Trujillo by Stephen G. Rabe
Winter 1986 Eisenhower and the Overthrow of Rafael Trujillo by Stephen G. Rabe INTRODUCTION In the mid-1970s, in the aftermath of the Watergate scandals, journal ists, legislators, and scholars inquired into the Cold War activities of the Central Intelligence Agency. Among the most significant of the studies was the report, Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders, issued by the Select Senate Committee charged to study intelligence activities and chaired by Senator Frank.Church, Democrat of Idaho.1 The committee concluded that, during the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations, U.S. officials plotted to kill Fidel Castro of Cuba and Patrice Lumumba of the Congo. The senators also found that officials supplied weapons to Dominican dissidents whose aim was to assassinate Rafael Trujillo. Finally, they agreed that in 1963 the Kennedy administration had encour aged South Vietnamese generals to overthrow Ngo Dinh Diem and that in 1970 the Nixon government encouraged Chilean military officers to block Salvador Allende from assuming the office of President of Chile. Those plots led to the death of Diem and his brother, and General Rene Schneider, the Chilean Commander-in-Chief of the Army and a constitu tionalist opposed to military coups. Though the Church Committee found no evidence that U.S. officials favored the assassinations of the Diem brothers or Schneider, as a result of these findings, the U.S. Congress made assassination of foreign leaders illegal. While the senators determined that the United States had plotted against foreign leaders, they could not agree on who authorized the assas sination plots. The system of executive command and control, they noted, "was so ambiguous that it is difficult to be certain at what levels assassina tion activity was known and authorized." The CIA may have acted without explicit authorization from the presidents. -
Blood, Power, and Privilege: Why the Man Who Ordered the Slaughter of a Race Was Not Racist
Constructing the Past Volume 7 Issue 1 Article 15 2006 Blood, Power, and Privilege: Why the man who ordered the slaughter of a race was not racist Elizabeth Johnson Illinois Wesleyan University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing Recommended Citation Johnson, Elizabeth (2006) "Blood, Power, and Privilege: Why the man who ordered the slaughter of a race was not racist," Constructing the Past: Vol. 7 : Iss. 1 , Article 15. Available at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing/vol7/iss1/15 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by editorial board of the Undergraduate Economic Review and the Economics Department at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. Blood, Power, and Privilege: Why the man who ordered the slaughter of a race was not racist Abstract This article argues that Trujillo's ordered massacre of the people in Haiti did not stem from his own racism. Rather, it argues that it was motivated by a desire to please the Dominican elite and a desire for personal power. -
Carlos Castillo Armas, the United States and the 1954 Counterrevolution in Guatemala
CARLOS CASTILLO ARMAS, THE UNITED STATES AND THE 1954 COUNTERREVOLUTION IN GUATEMALA Andres Alberto Tapia B.A., University of California, Davis, 2009 THESIS Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in HISTORY at CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO FALL 2011 CARLOS CASTILLO ARMAS, THE UNITED STATES AND THE 1954 COUNTERREVOLUTION IN GUATEMALA A Thesis by Andres Alberto Tapia Approved by: __________________________________, Committee Chair Joseph Palermo __________________________________, Second Reader Patrick Ettinger ____________________________ Date ii Student: Andres Alberto Tapia I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the thesis. __________________________, Graduate Coordinator ___________________ Mona Siegel Date Department of History iii Abstract of CARLOS CASTILLO ARMAS, THE UNITED STATES AND THE 1954 COUNTERREVOLUTION IN GUATEMALA by Andres Alberto Tapia Statement of Problem The 1954 overthrow of President Jacobo Arbenz Gúzman orchestrated by the United States has been approached by various points of view by different historians. While many aspects of the overthrow such as the involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency, the influence of the United Fruit Company, and the Guatemalan government’s relation to communism have all been covered, one crucial player in the overthrow, Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas, has not gained the same critical attention. Castillo Armas acted as the counterrevolutionary the CIA chose to lead the overthrow of Arbenz therefore understanding how he received the role and how he performed his task is important to understanding this historical moment. -
Military Intelligence), “Report on Mercenary Camps and Bases in Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Florida” (Forwarded to Cuban President Osvaldo Dorticos Torrado)
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified January 12, 1961 Cuban G-2 (military intelligence), “Report on mercenary camps and bases in Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Florida” (forwarded to Cuban President Osvaldo Dorticos Torrado) Citation: “Cuban G-2 (military intelligence), “Report on mercenary camps and bases in Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Florida” (forwarded to Cuban President Osvaldo Dorticos Torrado),” January 12, 1961, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Released by Cuban Government for 22-24 March 2001 conference (“Bay of Pigs: 40 Years After”) in Havana. Translated by National Security Archive. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/115184 Summary: A military intelligence report from the Cuban G-2 service, outlining the miltiary capabilities of nearby Latin American countries, as well as the miltiary situations (uprisings) in many of those same countries. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Spanish Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document [Box] DIY. INT. G-2 MINFAR CENTRAL HEADQUARTERS APR 7 1961 RECEIVED NO. 2681 THIS REPORT IS EXCLUSIVELY FOR THE INFORMATION OF THE CHIEF OF REVOLUTION TO WHOM IT IS ADDRESSED. IT SHOULD BE RETURNED TO THE DEPARTMENT CHIEF INF G-2 MINFAR [MINISTRY OF THE REVOLUTIONARY ARMED FORCES] CONFIDENTIAL From: Dr. Tec. 0. Inf. G-2 To : Commander Ramiro Valdes Menendez Department Chief. Inf. G-2 MINFAR Dpt. Inf. G-2 MINFAR January 12, 1961 “YEAR OF EDUCATION’’ Re : Report on mercenary camps and bases in Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Florida In 1959, the “yanki” [Yankee, i.e., US] Department of State made the Dominican Republic its main mercenary training center. -
The United States and the Trujillo Regime
THE UNITED STATES NORTH ATLANTIC OCEAN AND THE TRUJILLO REGIME by PACIFIC G. Pope Atkins OCEAN and Larman C. Wilson SOUTH ATLANTIC OCEAN LATIN AMERICA RUTGERS UNIVERSITY PRESS ~ I~ New Brunswick, New Jersey 102 THE UNITED STATES AND THE TRUJILLO REGIME ACCOMMODATION TO CHANGE 103 beginning in 1956 (discussed in Chapter II) that opposition to field on January 1, after his defeat by Fidel Castro in the Cuban Trujillo would violate the principle of nonintervention, the revolution, he fled to the Dominican Republic, thus joining United States was not unresponsive to its critics. On occasion deposed Argentine dictatorJuan Peron, who had already sought the United States would admit that perhaps it had been overly and gained refuge there. Trujillo and Batista had had many friendly to dictatorial regimes.1 differences, but after the United States ceased its military aid to During the last two years of the Eisenhower administration, Cuba, Trujillo had sold military equipment to Batista. Castro the orientation of the Latin American policy of the United States had hated Trujillo on ideological grounds as well as for support began to change. The major catalyst for change was Vice-Presi ing Batista. Now his hatred of Trujillo was intensified when dent Nixon's hostile reception during his 1958 Latin American asylum was granted the former Cuban dictator. "good will" tour, especially in Peru and Venezuela. The saliva, Castro announced his determination not only to carry out a rocks and insults hurled at Nixon reflected Latin American dis thoroughgoing social revolution in Cuba itself, but also to work satisfaction with United States policies toward dictators, among for the speedy elimination of all remaining military dictator other things. -
Race, Statelessness, and Dominico-Haitian Activism in the Dominican Republic Jacqueline Lyon Florida International University, [email protected]
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 6-25-2018 Inheriting Illegality: Race, Statelessness, and Dominico-Haitian Activism in the Dominican Republic Jacqueline Lyon Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FIDC006870 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the Latin American Studies Commons, and the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Lyon, Jacqueline, "Inheriting Illegality: Race, Statelessness, and Dominico-Haitian Activism in the Dominican Republic" (2018). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 3765. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3765 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida INHERITING ILLEGALITY: RACE, STATELESSNESS, AND DOMINICO-HAITIAN ACTIVISM IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in GLOBAL AND SOCIOCULTURAL STUDIES by Jacqueline Lyon 2018 To: Dean John F. Stack, Jr. Steven J. Green School of International and Public Affairs This dissertation, written by Jacqueline Lyon, and Inheriting Illegality: Race, Statelessness, and Dominico-Haitian Activism in the Dominican Republic, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. _____________________________________ Percy Hintzen ___________________________________ Okezi Otovo _____________________________________ Andrea Queeley _____________________________________ Jorge Duany, Major Professor Date of Defense: June 25, 2018 The dissertation of Jacqueline Lyon is approved. -
Guatemalan Exiles, Caribbean Basin Dictators, Operation PBFORTUNE
University of Arkansas, Fayetteville ScholarWorks@UARK Theses and Dissertations 5-2016 Guatemalan Exiles, Caribbean Basin Dictators, Operation PBFORTUNE, and the Transnational Counter-Revolution against the Guatemalan Revolution, 1944-1952 Aaron Coy Moulton University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd Part of the Latin American History Commons, and the Latin American Studies Commons Recommended Citation Moulton, Aaron Coy, "Guatemalan Exiles, Caribbean Basin Dictators, Operation PBFORTUNE, and the Transnational Counter- Revolution against the Guatemalan Revolution, 1944-1952" (2016). Theses and Dissertations. 1533. http://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd/1533 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UARK. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UARK. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Guatemalan Exiles, Caribbean Basin Dictators, Operation PBFORTUNE, and the Transnational Counter-Revolution against the Guatemalan Revolution, 1944-1952 A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History by Aaron Moulton University of Arkansas Bachelor of Arts in Latin American Studies, Spanish, and Mathematics, 2007 University of Kansas Master of Arts in Latin American Studies, 2009 May 2016 University of Arkansas This dissertation is approved for recommendation to the Graduate Council. __________________________________ -
The Final Frontier: Cuban Documents on the Cuban Missile Crisis
SECTION 2: Latin America The Final Frontier: Cuban Documents on the Cuban Missile Crisis or most researchers probing the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Nikita Khrushchev) emissary Anastas Mikoyan near the end Cuban archives have been the final frontier—known to of his three-week November 1962 stay in Cuba; a summary exist, undoubtedly critical, yet largely and tantalizingly of Mikoyan’s subsequent conversation in Washington with US Fout of reach. For a little more than two decades, even as impor- President John F. Kennedy, conveyed to the Cubans at the UN tant archives remained shut (except to a few favored scholars), in New York by Moscow’s ambassador to the United States, Havana has occasionally and selectively released closed materials Anatoly F. Dobrynin; an internal report by communist party on the crisis, often in the context of international conferences. leader Blas Roca Calderio on his travels in Europe at the time This process began with Cuban participation in a series of “criti- of the crisis; and—perhaps most valuably for those seeking to cal oral history” conferences in 1989-92 with U.S. and Soviet understand Soviet-Cuban interactions after the crisis—a record (and then Russian) veterans of the events, which climaxed in a of the conversation in Moscow in December 1962 between January 1992 gathering in Havana at which Fidel Castro not Nikita Khrushchev and a visiting Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, only participated actively during all four days of discussions but evidently the first face-to-face meeting between the Soviet leader several times, with a figurative snap of the fingers, “declassified” and a senior Cuban communist figure since the Soviet leader’s important Cuban records.1 decision to withdraw the missiles, a step taken without advance Ten years later, in October 2002, to mark the 40th anniver- notice to or consultation with Havana that aroused consterna- sary of the crisis, Fidel Castro and the Cuban government again tion among the Cuban leadership and populace.