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The Meaning of Home for Cypriot Refugees in London Helen Taylor

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The Meaning of Home for Cypriot Refugees in London Helen Taylor Narratives of loss, longing and daily life: The meaning of home for Cypriot refugees in London Helen Taylor A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment .of the requirements of the University of East London for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 2009 Narratives of loss, longing and daily life: The meaning of home for Cypriot refugees in London Helen Taylor Abstract The concept of home is integral to much research in the field of refugee studies, which has looked at the settlement of refugees in the new home of exile, return to the lost home and, more recently, a negotiation between two or more homes through transnational practices. However, studies have rarely focused on what home actually means for those compelled to leave their homes. This thesis moves beyond a structural assessment of forced migration to look at the lived experience of Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot refugees in London, in order to develop a more nuanced understanding of the meaning of home. The thesis takes as its focus four key aspects of home - the spatial, temporal, material and relational - to reveal that home for the refugee is complex, multiple and in process. What the refugee loses when they are displaced is not only the physical property of the spatial home; but also the networks and social capital of the relational home; the framed memories, repetitions of daily life and future potential of the temporal home; as well as the tastes, scents and embodied experience of the material home. It is the impossibility of all these aspects ever being reassembled, even if the physical property were to be returned, which illustrates the depth of loss that exile often represents. However, in spite of the losses they have suffered, the majority of Cypriot refugees in this study also show tremendous resilience. The findings are based on narrative interviews with Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot refugees, who have lived in protracted exile in London for several decades. Contributing to a narrative turn in the field, which places the refugee at the centre rather than the margins of the research, this study recognises refugees as agents in their own lives, who are victims of circumstances rather than victims per se. Acknowledgements Firstly, I would like to thank the School of Social Sciences, Media and Cultural Studies at the University of East London for the three-year studentship, which made this study financially possible. I am also indebted to my supervisors for their sustained and sustaining advice throughout my studies. I would never have embarkedupon this PhD without the encouragement of my Director of Studies, Phil Marfleet, and I can't thank him enough for his guidance, insight and friendship. Molly Andrews provided much-needed direction in narrative research and beyond, while Mica Nava's experience was invaluable. Thanks go to all my PhD colleagues, in particular Rebecca Bramall, Karen Cross and Ben Pitcher. The tea, cakes, babysitting and personal and intellectual support were essential to the completion of this thesis. Thanks also to John Nassari for the conversations about Cyprus and shared trips to the island. I would also like to thank the Refugee Studies team at UEL - Giorgia Dona, Anita Fabos, Maja Korac, Phil Marfleet, John Nassari and Siraj Sait - for providing me with the opportunity to teach during my PhD, which helped to formulate my opinions on forced migration theory. Thanks go to my late mother, Joan, and my brothers, Paul and Nick, and their families for their encouragement. I am also grateful to the Huseyin family for their insights and for so warmly welcoming me into my own Cypriot family. In addition, I would like to thank my friends Dom Ford, Susie Crawley, Wendy Anderson and Paula Shutkever for maintaining (or at least feigning) interest in the progress of my work over so many years. My deepest thanks go to my partner, Deniz Huseyin, who never once complained about the many hours spent on this PhD and the financial hardship we incurred, but was supportive and encouraging throughout. I must also mention my son, Zeki, whose arrival delayed the completion of the thesis, but who brought added poignancy to my deliberations on the meaning of home. Finally and most importantly, I must thank the Cypriots in London who so generously shared with me their stories of exile. Without them this study would not exist. Contents Chapter 1: The meaning of home - contextualizing the study 1 Introduction 1 The multiple home 5 Current debates on home 6 The spatial home 10 The temporal home 13 The material home 16 The relational home 18 Other aspects of home 20 Cypriot refugees - contexts and catalysts 21 Cypriots in Britain 24 Contextualizing events 25 Victims or agents? 28 Chapter 2: Narrating exile - methodological considerations 33 Introduction 33 The narrative self and refugee identity 37 Studying individual lives - constructing social history 39 Narrating the past - writing the future 44 In search of 'truth'? 47 Saying the unsayable and the safety of words 53 My Cyprus journeys 57 Ethics and the situated researcher 61 The co-constructed narrative 66 The story of the research 67 Ethnography and photography 72 Conclusion 74 Chapter 3: There's no place like home - The spatial home 76 Introduction 76 A place for everyone 78 Constructing the spatial home 84 The house as home 87 Transitional dwellings 93 Village life 95 Pluri-Iocallives 102 Island life 106 Emplacement strategies 111 Home from home 115 Conclusion 120 Chapter 4: Rhythms of life - The temporal home 123 Introduction 123 Presenting the past 126 Snapshots of past experience 129 Generations of exile 132 Nostalgia and the burden of the past 138, The inventory of the past 142 Ritual and memorial 144 Return - myth, project or dream? 151 A temporary condition? 159 Returning to the past or back to the future? 161 'A kind of fruit you cannot eat' 164 The right to return 168 Conclusion 169 Chapter 5: Senses of belonging - The material home 172 Introduction 172 The rural idyll and national discourse 174 'All you could see was green' 177 'Whoever has a tree has shade' 180 'A crying land' 183 The 'Cypriot' garden in London 185 'A little bit of earth' 189 Recreating the rural 193 The taste of Cyprus 194 Hunger pangs 198 Festivals 201 Cypriot food in London 205 The 'ethnic' food industry 209 Hospitality 210 Conclusion 212 Chapter 6: Home is other people - The relational home 215 Introduction 215 Social networks 218 Community and belonging 219 Whose community or who is community 221 Habitus and feeling 'at home' 227 Social capital 232 The loss of social networks 236 Women without social networks 238 Rebuilding social networks 240 Adapting existing social networks 243 Religion 249 Politics 253 Community language 256 Policing the community 258 Conclusion 261 Chapter 7: Concluding remarks 263 Introduction 263 Losing home ... 264 ... and finding strength 266 The need to belong somewhere 267 Feeling, tasting, smelling home 270 The legacy of the past and hopes for the future 272 Complexity and contradiction 274 Living in the present 276 Further directions 278 References 280 Appendix 1: Participants in the study 294 Appendix 2: Map of Cyprus 307 Appendix 3: Interview schedule 308 Chapter 1 The meaning of home - contextualising the study 'There's no absence if there remains even the memory of absence. Memory dies unless it's given a use. Or as Athas might have said: If one no longer has land but has the memory of land, then one can make a map.' From Fugitive Pieces by Anne Michaels (1997: 193).1 Introduction Dimitris2 is a Greek Cypriot refugee from a village on the northern coast of Cyprus, which is now in the Turkish Cypriot controlled area of the island. He explained to me some of the challenges which arise when one is forced to leave one's home and make a new home in a different country: All these people who think it's easy to throw somebody out of their house and then give him another house a few hundred miles away, or put him in a boat and take him somewhere. If you lose your house where your roots are, you know where you grew up, it's not aneasy thing. Nothing can compensate that. Dimitris became a refugee 34 years ago and has since lived in London, where he has prospered financially and raised his family. In many ways he is the kind of migrant British governments dream of - he works hard, pays taxes, speaks good English, owns his own house, undertakes community work - yet he may very well still fail the Tebbit test'. In spite of being 'successfully' 1 Anne Michae~s' novel Fu~itive Piece~ is a deeply affecting story ofa Jewish boy's struggle to start a new life, after he IS rescued In Poland by a Greek archaeologist. The themes of the novel-loss, longing, exile, grief - chime with many of those raised by this thesis and, time and again, I was reminded of it as I wrote. As a result, I chose to begin each chapter with a Quote from the novel, which seems particularly appropriate to the discussion which follows. 2 All refugee participants quoted have been given pseudonyms, which have been chosen to reflect their real names. So, for example, those Greek Cypriots with anglicised names have been given a similar pseudonym. Biographical notes on each participant are in Appendix 1. 3 In an interview with the Los Angeles Times in April 1990, former Conservative Party chairman Norman Tebbit said: 'A large proportion of Britain's Asian population fail to pass the cricket test. Which side do they cheer for? It's an interesting test.
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