Master’s dissertation
Narrating Scotland: in pursuit of a nation A case study of nation and nationalism as utilized in the Scottish National Party
Author: Evelina Berggren Supervisor: Martin Nilsson
Examiner: Emil Uddhammar Term: ST21 Subject: Political science
Level: Master
Course code: 5SK30E
ABSTRACT
The nationalist party in Scotland, the Scottish National Party (SNP), has attracted attention through the years for its election successes as a party and as a movement utilizing a modern type of nationalist approach. This thesis seeks an answer to the research question “How does the leader of the Scottish National Party depict the nation of Scotland?” to explore what nation of Scotland this modern nationalist party depicts. The answer lies in what is called “civic nationalism”, an approach void of ethnocentrism. The depiction revealed a nation of Scotland where anyone can belong, and where an approach of openness and inclusion in civic interests from democratic concerns, social issues, economy, business, immigration to the outside world ruled the narration. The great aims driving this approach is the vision of realizing Scotland’s “great potential” and role as an equal partner in the world arena.
Keywords Scotland, SNP, Nationalism, Nation, Democracy, Economy, Independence, Case study
Table of contents 1 Introduction 1 1.1 The distinct Scotland 1 1.2 Purpose and research question 3 1.3 Limitations 3 2 The case of Scotland: a history 4 3 The theoretical framework 7 3.1 Nationalism 7 3.1.1 Down to the roots 7 3.1.2 Whose nation? 8 3.1.3 How does it work? 10 3.1.4 State and sovereignty 12 3.1.5 Nation is narration 13 3.2 Previous research 15 3.2.1 The nationalism of the SNP 15 4 Method 19 4.1 A case study design 19 4.1.1 Content and thematic analysis 19 4.1.2 Source and materials 21 4.2 Operationalisation: Finding Scotland 22 4.2.1 The people of Scotland 22 4.2.2 Democracy 22 4.2.3 The Economy 23 4.2.4 The Outside World 23 4.3 The analysis process 23 4.4 Validity and reliability 24 5 Analysis 26 5.1 Category 1: The people of Scotland 27 5.1.1 The importance of words 27 5.1.2 Defining belonging 29 5.2 Category 2 – Democracy 30 5.2.1 Life in Scotland 30 5.2.2 The society of the nation 32 5.2.3 Democratic interests in Scotland 34 5.2.4 Brexit and independence 36 5.2.5 Protecting Scotland’s interests 38 5.2.6 Who is in charge? 40 5.3 Category 3 – The Economy 42 5.3.1 A nation and its economy 42 5.3.2 Economic growth 43 5.3.3 The competitive Scotland 44 5.3.4 Brexit troubles 46 5.3.5 The economy and the world 47 5.3.6 Society and economy 48
5.4 Category 4 – The outside world 50 5.4.1 Scotland in the world 51 5.4.2 Scotland in Europe 55 5.4.3 Immigration rhetoric 57 5.4.4 The relationship to the UK Government 59 6 Conclusions 62 6.1 Civic nationalism 62 6.2 Narrating Scotland 63 6.3 Contribution to future studies 64 7 References 66
List of tables 65
1 Introduction In the spring of the year 2021, with the implementation of Brexit and management of a global pandemic under way, another political issue has been revived in the United Kingdom. On the 6th of May 2021, the Scottish National Party (SNP) was re-elected for their fourth consecutive term in the Scottish Parliament on an election manifesto promising a second Scottish independence referendum (Sturgeon, 2021:2). The independence issue is far from new, but the recent election has accelerated the simmering discussion on what has been termed “the break-up of Britain”; a hypothesis that has engaged both British and world media lately (e.g., Regan, 2021; Birrell, 2021; Geoghegan, 2021; Forrest, 2021; Smith, 2021). As the Prime Minister of the UK, Boris Johnson, declared he will oppose a second independence referendum (Brooks, 2021), to which the SNP leader and First Minister of Scotland Nicola Sturgeon has warned that a rejection of a new referendum will be tantamount to a UK Government refusal of Scottish democracy (Parker, 2021), there is no denying the situation has become taut. The debate about Scotland’s constitutional future is up on the table again, that is not the matter of debate. The real question, instead, lies beyond dispute among Leavers and Remainers, media speculations and exercise of political rhetoric: What is this Scottish nation which future has sparked so much controversy?
1.1 The distinct Scotland Scotland as a distinct unit within the UK has been described as a stateless nation (Greer, 2007b:15) and a political community separate from the rest of the union (McCrone & Bechhofer, 2010). The Act of Union of 1707, which dissolved the Scottish state into the United Kingdom, never ceased the nation of Scotland’s existence (Keating & McEwan, 2017:5) keeping, for example, its legal, educational, and religious institutions (Agnew, 2018:5). In the context of the larger picture of the UK as being not one nation but a “country
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of four nations”, as former Prime Minister David Cameron pictured it (Cameron, 2014), Scotland having retained a national status is not a strange concept. Calls for independence in Scotland have reoccurred ever since 1707, although few have been as supported as the current one led by the SNP. A left- leaning party, the SNP has attracted unprecedented support in Scotland governing the country since their first election victory in 2007 (BBC, 2019). This in a country previously known to only allow a party two back-to-back victories (Harvey, 2020:57).
The SNP and Scotland have been at the forefront of European independence movements for years and the journey has garnered interest from the outside world. If not for curiosity, then for the impact an eventual secession in the UK would have on the surrounding world, inspiring other independence movements (Olmos Giupponi & Hofmeister, 2015:212). There is no doubt what is happening up in the north of the British Isles is not only of British, but European and worldwide interest as well. Even so, nationalism in Scotland has puzzled researchers for a long time. Scotland is breaking new ground as a modern country with a strong secessionist movement within a European, democratic society (Keating & McEwan, 2017:1) which falls outside known models for nationalist movements. Neither are there any modern European precedencies to compare. Previous research has therefore been busy trying to understand the independence movement’s place in the discourse of modern politics, as well as its origins and its causes. Often, previously published articles and books focus on modern Scottish nationalism and identity (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015; Agnew, 2018; Arnott & Ozga, 2010), the arguments for and against independence (Liñeira & Cetrà, 2015; Keating et al., 2017), party politics in Scotland (Harvey, 2020; Duerr, 2015) and the legal perspective of independence (Tierney, 2013; Kenealy & MacLennan, 2014; Olmos Giupponi & Hofmeister, 2015). However, what this thesis seeks to do is not to explore
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the independence movement, but to pursue the fundament it stands on: the nation of Scotland. The interest in this thesis lies in investigating, in their own terms, what constitutes the nation of Scotland; the nation that the SNP seeks to secede from the UK.
1.2 Purpose and research question The purpose of this thesis is to explore what narrative about the nation of Scotland the leader of the Scottish National Party and First Minister Nicola Sturgeon employs, using the research question:
How does the leader of the Scottish National Party depict the nation of Scotland?
1.3 Limitations The results of this thesis are specific (Gillham, 2000:7) to the case of Scotland. The knowledge derived from this study is not claimed to be generalizable to other similar parties or movements since each case is specific to itself. The study’s function is to inform on the idea of the nation of Scotland in the SNP as an empirical example of a modern, western European and civic nationalism.
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2 The case of Scotland: a history Before the 18th Century, Scotland had been an independent country for hundreds of years. That changed in 1707 when the Scottish Parliament passed the Act of Union, formalizing Scotland into the United Kingdom of Great Britain. A long time has passed since, yet Scotland as a nation and a nationality have never disappeared (Keating & McEwan, 2017:5). Articles of the Act of Union themselves confirmed the continuation of a distinct Scotland through, for example, preserving Scots law and retaining the Kingdom of Scotland (Article XXIV). While Scotland did assimilate during the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries to a wider British state Labour’s peak in Scotland in 1966, winning half the vote, marked an all-time high for a UK main party. Since, all UK main parties have gradually lost their support in Scotland (Keating & McEwan, 2017:5) in favour of the Scottish National Party (The SNP). A party that has gone from the outskirts to dominating Scottish politics (Keating & McEwan, 2017:6).
Established in 1934 through the unification of the National Party of Scotland and the Scottish Party (Broughton, 2021), the SNP struggled with support for a long time (Mycock, 2012:55). Slowly growing since the 1960s, a milestone for the establishment of the party known today was the election in 1990 of Alex Salmond as party leader (Hassan, 2009:3). Led by Salmond, the SNP refashioned itself rejecting, for example, its previous understanding of Scottish identity as ethnic, leaning instead on civic nationalist terms with recognized borders of which holds “separate education and legal systems, banking and professional bodies, civil service and a legislature” (Mycock, 2012:55). “Scottish values” became equality, humanity and decency. The transformation seemed successful as the SNP’s election results were invigorated (ibid). Shortly after, the SNP turned out a fierce advocate for devolution in the late 1990s, supporting Labour in opening the Scottish Parliament in Holyrood,
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Edinburgh in 1999. In 2007 the party, led by Alex Salmond and his deputy Nicola Sturgeon, won its historic first minority government in this same Parliament ending Labour’s 50 years long dominance in Scotland (Keating & McEwan, 2017:6). A leading position they have not lost since. According to the Scottish Social Attitudes surveys, there has always been considerable trust in Scotland for the devolved government. The Scottish Governments were consistently considered to be trusted by 50 to 60 per cent of the respondents asked between 1999 and 2006 although there was a slight increase in 2007, the same year the SNP entered government, fluctuating since between 60 and 70 per cent. In comparison, trust in the UK Government has, in the same period, swayed in the 20 to 30 per cent area (Reid, Montagu & Scholes, 2020). Though, the continued election wins and trust do not necessarily reflect support for the SNP’s affair of the heart: Scottish independence.
Support for Scottish independence in surveys has balanced between yes and no for the last 23 years (Cairney, 2012:4297z). Familiarly, an independence referendum was held in 2014 and won by the no side with 55% of the vote after which Salmond resigned both as First Minister and party leader. He was replaced by the long-time deputy First Minister Nicola Sturgeon who was elected leader of the party (Castle, 2014) and subsequently sworn in as First Minister of Scotland on the 20th of November 2014 (gov.scot, 2021). Sturgeon, raised in western Scotland and a Bachelor of Legislative Law Honours, had joined the SNP in 1986 and was one of the first SNP politicians elected to the brand-new Scottish Parliament in 1999 (Sim, 2017). A self-described “life- long nationalist” (Speech 5) Sturgeon pushed the SNP into 2015 and another milestone in the General Election where the party went from representing six Scottish constituencies to 56, also ending Labour’s dominance in the representation of Scotland in Westminster (Broughton, 2021). A little over a year later the EU Referendum 2016 was held and resulted in a UK wide vote
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in favour of leaving the European Union (51.9%), while Scotland voted in favour of staying with 62 per cent of the vote (BBC, 2016). A situation of discrepancy between Scotland and the UK general that re-awakened the independence issue once more. On the 6th of May 2021, the SNP was re-elected for their fourth consecutive mandate in the Scottish Parliament (Sim, 2021), promising their voters a second independence referendum. What this distinct nation so widely spoken of by the SNP will be explored in the chapters below.
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3 The theoretical framework The focus in this thesis lies on the concept of “nation” and, consequently, theory on and around nationalism is driving the analysis. Nationalism is a broad term used in a range of disciplines that prompts for a comprehensive examination of the concept itself before its use. Accordingly, a theoretical perspective follows in the section below.
3.1 Nationalism Theory on nationalism has been around for over a hundred years, though thorough research on the concept did not begin until after the World Wars (Hutchinson & Smith, 2012:3). Yet, the material covering the subject today is vast and multi-disciplinary (ibid), complicating the study further as there is no established general definition of nationalism among scholars (Hutchinson & Smith, 2012:3-4). Thus, instead of looking for a recognized definition, a description will have to be defined for this study specifically.
3.1.1 Down to the roots Nationalism has long been known for a nostalgic undertone with its endorsers referring to the past, idealizing it with romanticized nuances. This version of nationalism also has a complicated relationship to history. Growing out of the 19th Century and the Romantic era “the nation” was a central concept to the building of nation-states at the time in Europe (Greer, 2007a:15). Henceforth, the concept of the nation spread rapidly throughout the world, from the myth of redemption for Catholic Poland to a yearning back to “an idealized ethnic and religious past” in India (Hutchinson & Smith, 2012:8). Though exactly where nationalism, as it is known today, began is not agreed on, the last decades of the 18th Century seem to be a recognized time frame (Smith, 2001:5; Kohn, 1944:3). Smith (2001) mentions the German philosopher Johann Gottfried Herder and the French counter-revolutionary cleric Abbé
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Augustin de Barruel active at the end of the 18th century (p. 5). However, an early example more popular to refer to today is Ernest Renan’s lecture “Qu’est-ce qu’une nation?” (What is a nation?).
Presented in 1882, Renan described a “nation” as a concept between remembrance of the past and the desire among a group of people to collectively devote and sacrifice for the care of this heritage in their future. Perhaps Renan best summarised this in: “To have suffered, worked, hoped together” (Renan, 1882:26). The nation, as understood from his definition, is a story of a heritage endorsed by a particular group of people devoted to its protection in the future and claiming companionship through it. Since 1882, Renan has been accompanied by multiple scholars in the area building on his concept. For example, Renan’s voice echoes in Benedict Anderson’s renowned book “Imagined Communities” where Anderson introduced the nation as an imagined political community (2006:6) adding that nations “always loom out of an immemorial past and /…/ into a limitless future” (2006:11). This is a fundamental concept of nationalism. When contemplating nationalism, words like “community”, “sovereignty” and referral to “a homeland” which both in history and in the future belongs to “its people” (Hutchinson & Smith, 2012:4- 5), are important keywords to understand the mechanisms at work. Collectively, these words suggest that nationalism has to do with belonging and legitimacy.
3.1.2 Whose nation? From the definition of nationalism presented above, it becomes clear that nationalism in its very fundament is a divisive concept. Nationalism discriminates between insiders and outsiders (Stephens, 2013:1) where the insiders are the group of people that belong and either everyone else or certain groups on the outside form a definition on who does not belong. Therefore,
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one of the very first questions encountered when exploring nationalism in practice is to determine who belongs. When studying nationalism in theory, one is constantly presented with the vague words “group”, “people” and “community”. Though defining classifications and determinants on who belongs to these groups, “whose nation” it is, and whose it is not varies in their basis in practice. The foundation of these classifications is, according to scholars, either built on a belief in a shared descent or citizenship/residency (Geertz, 1963:31; Hutchinson, 1987:12; Kohn, 1944:4-5; Weber, 1948:172; Berghe, 1978:403; Brass, 1979, 35; Breuilly, 1982:335; Greenfeld, 1992:7; Anderson, 2006:6). The former definition, ethnicity, haunted nationalism for a long time.
The involvement of ethnicity in defining who belongs, especially during the World Wars, was perhaps what prompted John Dunn in 1978 to write “nationalism is the starkest political shame of the twentieth century” (p. 55). Nationalism’s relationship to racism and “its roots in fear and hatred of the Other” (Anderson, 2006:141) has been observed time and again. In 1945, at the end of World War II, nationalism was a haunted ideology regarded as belonging to history rather than the future. Even so, nationalism’s revival started as early as the 1960s. This time in a modernized and democratized Europe, which surprised scholars (Hutchinson & Smith, 2012:9-10). Since its revival, the degree of xenophobia and hatred of “the Other” within modern nationalist groups has been debated back and forth. Brass (1979) wrote during this time that nationalism is a political process where elites within an ethnic group draw on culture and symbols to mobilize this group, which will defend and compete against other groups (p. 87). The word “compete” drawing violent examples from history to mind. Yet, a nation is a self-defined unit (Connor, 1978:46) and no two nationalist movements travel by the same rulebook. Despite an ugly past, there are current cases of nationalist
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movements said to be void of traces of xenophobia in them, for example in Scotland and Catalonia (Greer, 2007b:15; Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:19). Instead, these types of nationalist movements, or rather their endorsers, are what John Hutchinson calls “political nationalists” (1987:122).
Hutchinson (1987) wrote that to a political nationalist the ideal nation is the civic polity with educated citizens united by common laws. Maintaining a cosmopolitan and rationalist outlook their vision for the future is a common humanity transcending cultural differences. These groups might work within a specific regional field, although their objective is to secure the place of their community and its participation as an equal in the development of the modern, rationalist civilization (p. 122). A political nationalist is not “competing” (comp. Brass, 1979) with other groups and the “Others” are not the enemy, they are allies working towards a united world. Furthermore, from Hutchinson’s perspective, these nationalist groups do not connotate belonging with ethnicity but with citizenship in the civic polity, making blood ties (both real and imagined) irrelevant. Already back in 1963, during the revival of nationalism, Clifford Geertz observed the shift from nations based on imagined blood ties to allegiance to a civic state where a much broader group of potential members are welcomed (p. 31). An interesting development to the previously narrower demands on ethnicity. This is a clear shift and especially noteworthy considering that nations are self-defined groups where the essence is psychological bonds (Connor, 1978:379). In other words, the definition is the group’s own choice no matter if it ends up based on ethnicity or citizenship.
3.1.3 How does it work? The processes driving the gears of nationalism have been up for debate. Writers disagree whether nationalism is an ideology or just a rhetoric of “inchoate sentiments” (Smith, 2001:21) divided among several differently
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expressed nationalisms that, in comparison with other ideologies, seem to be characterized by “philosophical poverty” and incoherence (Anderson, 1991:5). These different kinds of nationalist ideologies are, for example, religious, secular, imperial and secessionist nationalism (Smith, 2001:21) which all have well-defined goals of collective self-rule, territorial unification, and cultural identity along with an often clear political and cultural programme for achieving these goals. What combines them, according to Smith (2001), is that they all pursue the same ultimate goal of nationhood (ibid). It is this belief system that separates nationalism from other ideologies and helps us see a common thread between them (Smith, 2001:21-22). Nationalism, according to Smith, has three generic goals: national autonomy, national unity and national identity (2001:9). It seeks these goals through, for example, creating distinction. Nationalism creates a distinctive language and symbols in attempts to invoke a feeling of common destiny among its designated population (Smith, 2001:7-8). Symbols can be anything from a capital to academies and museums (ibid). Having something to share as specific for the nation is also crucial. Smith (2001) brings up everything from having a homeland to having common myths and shared history, a common public culture, a single economy and common rights and duties for all members (p. 13).
To divide the concept of nationalism into manageable parts, Smith’s “core doctrine” outlines six basic propositions: 1) the world is divided into nations and each nation has its own character, history, and destiny, 2) the nation is the sole source of political power, 3) loyalty to the nation overrides all other loyalties, 4) to be free, every individual must belong to a nation, 5) every nation requires full self-expression and autonomy, 6) global peace and justice require a world of autonomous nations (2001:22). These six fundamentals make up the framework of the nationalist vision of the world. In these principles, we find most of the keywords that encircle nationalism: nation,
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history, destiny, loyalty and autonomy. The last of the five, autonomy, is especially important to consider when working with the political aspect of nationalism.
3.1.4 State and sovereignty It is known that a primary concern and mobilizing question for nationalist movements is the issue of autonomy (Lynch, 2009:619). Smith’s (2000) definition of nationalism as the “attainment and maintenance for autonomy” (p. 3) within a specified nation hints at this relationship. According to Clifford Geertz (1963) nationalism consists of two objectives. The first is the aforementioned debate on belonging. The second objective owes up to the demand for a better life: for higher living standards, for greater social justice, for more effective political order and influence on the world stage of nations (p. 30). In other words, claiming autonomy.
Weber wrote of the nation as a “community of sentiment which would adequately manifest itself in a state” (Weber, 2013:176). The underlying statement is that a nation by its very existence has a right to be independent and self-governing (Reynolds, 1984:251). To Stephens (2013), nationalism is relying on state sovereignty and as a movement, it can either accept or delegitimize a state’s monopoly on force (p. 2). A nationalist movement that is discontent with its state has a reason for secession served. The subordination of the nation under another which does not share the same identifications and subscribe to a generalized commitment can be seen as a threat to the autonomy and risk that the people of the nation will be left to exist and act at the will of the “other people’s” order. Most people in the subordinate nation would be aware, to different degrees, that the objectives of progress and living standards they demand are due to increasing independence (Hutchinson & Smith, 2012:31). Geertz (1963) writes: “Civil discontent finds a natural outlet in the
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seizing […] of the state apparatus” (p. 32). In other words, the object of interest is autonomy and the state is the tool to reach that aim. Smith (2001) presents the same analysis and added that nationalism is “an ideological movement for attaining and maintaining autonomy, unity and identity for a population which some of its members deem to constitute an actual or potential ‘nation’” (2001:9). There is a desire, a will, involved. Though, it is important to clarify that a nation and a state are not the same. The post-Westphalian power structure evoked the term “nation-state” (Nairn, 2003:xiii), intermixing the nation with the autonomous state. According to Connor (1978), this is the malpractice of two separate theoretical concepts (p. 40). A state can contain several nations, a nation can stretch between states (ibid). They are not synonyms. A state is a tangible organization that has autonomous institutions and a legitimate monopoly on coercion and extraction within clear geographical boundaries (Smith, 2001:12). Meanwhile, a nation can legitimize a state (Reynold, 1984:251) but has no autonomy or legitimate power of coercion, which is the reason why it is seeking a state. A nation is sharing the idea of a homeland, a history, common rights and duties for all members, a public culture and a single economy (Smith, 2001:13). The nation is in people’s minds, a fact of belief (Reynolds, 1984:253) and social engineering (Hobsbawm, 1983:13). “A nation is a soul”, as Renan (1882:26) wrote. It cannot be touched, but it exists between people and within us. Therefore, a nation is a product of imagination and language. Simply, a nation is narrated.
3.1.5 Nation is narration It is the stories we tell each other and ourselves about the nation which constitutes the nation (Berger, 2008:1). The narration of the nation creates and forms the nation in our minds, which is the only way the nation can make full realization of itself; in “the mind’s eye” (Bhabha, 1990:1). According to Bhabha, the nation draws from the traditions of political thought and literary language to become a symbol for the Volk (the people) (ibid). Anderson
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pinpointed the phenomenon when he wrote of nations as imagined political communities (2006:6), the concept of nations as something imaginary which is shared among people. In Smith’s definition of a nation, he uses the very word “sharing” writing that a nation is “sharing common myths and memories” (2000:3). Even back in 1945, Hans Kohn fixed the nation as an “idée-force” which animates the common conscious (p. 18). However, such vague and invisible workings make it complex for an outsider to be able to comprehend a particular nationalism. The researcher must find a way to fixate and examine nationalism from the outside. According to Bhabha (1990), that opportunity lies in the narration.
Bhabha (1990) is not so much interested in the psychological workings of nationalism as he is in what he states is the only way an outsider can see the nation: in the written language (p. 2). To review the current language about a nation is to invite oneself into the construction of the grand idea, and at the same time coming face to face with the ambivalence and half-made truths as the narrative is caught in the act of its composition (Bhabha, 1990:3). It is in the tradition of political thought and literary language that the nation emerges as a powerful historical idea (Bhabha, 1990:1). There is political rationality in the nation as a form of a narrative containing textual strategies, metaphoric displacements, sub-texts and figurative stratagems (Bhabha, 1990:2). The narrative is made of discourses that are an attempt to make the idea of the nation a continuous narrative of national progress (Bhabha, 1990:1). What logic can be obtained from this is that if a nation is a belief system constructed of a character, a history, a society, and an economy then someone who wants to understand a certain nationalism must dig into the very core of these ideas. In the next section, we will observe how previously published research has utilized the concept of nationalism in the case of Scotland.
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3.2 Previous research The nation of Scotland and nationalism is a topic that has been continually researched for decades. Given the developments leading up to a growing nationalist movement in the Scottish political landscape since the 1990s, this is perhaps not a great surprise. Tom Nairn’s book “The Break-Up of Britain” foreshadowed the future of Scotland seeking independence already in 1977. That same year Christopher Harvie published “Scotland & Nationalism” debating the same theme. Ever since then, the increasingly louder campaign for an independent Scotland has been followed by a tail of researchers looking to explain or discover the phenomenon from different angles. However, how these researchers have come to understand the nation of Scotland is hard to discern in most cases as this idea often appears implicit to considerations about the SNP style of nationalism. In this section, previous research about SNP nationalism will be outlined.
3.2.1 The nationalism of the SNP First of all, there is general agreement that the nationalism of the SNP of today is civic, void of ethnocentrism and historic grievances (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:14; McAnulla & Crines, 2017:478; Agnew, 2018:5; Engström, 2019:99; Harvey, 2020:56), even if this view has its critics (Mycock, 2012). The old ethnocentric tales with the romantic undertones have generally not been associated with the SNP’s modern nationalism by the majority of authors on the subject. In a study on Alex Salmond’s rhetoric during the 2014 independence campaign (McAnulla & Crines), it was noted that the leader emphasised, through his promotion of civic nationalism, “the themes of equality, tolerance and the idea of an independent Scotland gaining legitimacy from the active citizenship of people in Scotland, regardless of their nationality, race or cultural background” (2017:478). This is a definition akin to Hutchinson’s (1987) “political nationalists” presented in 3.1.3 Whose Nation? above. It has been observed before that the SNP leaders of this decade,
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Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon, both have recognized the problematic connotations of nationalism (The Newsroom, 2017) showing awareness in the leadership of the party. However, what “civic” (McAnulla & Crines, 2017:479; Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:22; Agnew, 2018:12; Engström, 2019:99) means to the nation in practice is not made entirely clear. This is problematic considering that the SNP has been adorned the title as the world’s leading civic nationalist movement (Paul, 2020:167), further motivating this study.
Secondly, in recent years the story of the distinct Scotland and this story’s importance to the SNP has become a well-visited subject in research. A point which is repeated is that the SNP’s type of nationalism aims for preservation and promotion of the “distinct” Scotland (Hassan, 2011:366; Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:10; McAnulla & Crines, 2017:478). Part of this promotion, according to Paul (2020), is differentiating Scotland from England, picturing the two as ideologically incompatible (p. 168). This “Scotland-the-outlier” perspective has been observed in research for years. In 2003, Tom Nairn explored the development of the Scottish “differentness” (p. 134) and in 2011 Hassan depicted a Scottish distinctiveness that sets the country apart from the rest of the United Kingdom, especially England (p. 366). This was underscored in Mycock’s article (2012) as well. Meanwhile, Keating and McEwan attributed factual distinction in Scotland from the rest of the country to a political distinction, particularly in how the people of Scotland vote (2017:5). They also noted the utilization of the myths of Scottish egalitarianism during the 2014 independence campaign on the Yes side, which was run by the SNP (2017:17). Before them, Gunn and Schmidtke (2015), had observed that the SNP pursuits distinction with Scotland’s “national traits” and “values” (p. 10). In McAnulla and Crines’ study of Alex Salmond’s rhetoric in 2014, they also found that the former SNP leader referred to the distinction of Scottish society
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and politics and let the rest of the UK work as contrast (2017:478-479). There is a sense of alienation from UK key political decision-making and a plea that Scotland’s integration into the UK stifles the prospective “great potential” an independent Scotland could have (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:13). There seems to be general agreement in that there is a process of differentiation happening in the SNP’s nationalism, although what that distinction lies in depends on who you ask.
Third, part of the making of a distinct Scotland, diverse from the rest of the UK, is a feeling of interconnection with Europe and the world (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:10). In the 2014 independence campaign, the SNP depicted itself as open, diverse, and welcoming of anyone who wanted to join no matter where in the world they are from, denying exclusionary terms. Immigration was also described as a key element of the economic policy of an independent Scotland (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:20). Mycock (2012) also observed that the SNP has a positive attitude towards multiculturalism, arguing that it makes the country stronger, and claiming the Scottish identity to be open (p. 57).
Lastly, research has marked upon what objectives the SNP means to create or safeguard with an independent Scotland. In other words, what their interests are. The two concerns which authors often come back to are democratic processes and economic interests (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:8 & 22; Agnew, 2018:8; Arnott & Ozga, 2010:96; Hassan, 2011:367). Associated with these statements is the description of the SNP nationalism with the terms “social democracy” (Arnott & Ozga, 2010:96; Hassan, 2009:5) and “left-wing” (Harvey, 2020:56; Hassan, 2011:366). These political observations and their focus feed the previous statement that the SNP type of nationalism does not lean on ethnic foundations but political interests. If believing the picture research lays out, the SNP’s nationalism has an interest in democratic
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processes and concerns about the economy. However, this wholly political perspective has been criticised. An article, which in its aims comes close to this thesis, is Andrew Mycock’s (2012) article on Scottish nationalism which focuses mainly on the SNP and their relationship to identities and unionism. Mycock’s article contradicts several of the statements above. First of all, he challenges the SNP’s claim that they build on civic nationalism entirely. He suggests that the SNP’s nationalism is not “wholly civic” (2012:64), that the SNP portrays Scottish nationals who are for the union to be disloyal (ibid) and delegitimize other voices who seek to speak for Scotland (ibid, 55). A majority of Mycock’s material comes from the first decade of the 21st Century, and therefore builds much on the position of the party before they were elected into the Scottish Government. His statements are not supported by the material of the majority, although his criticisms are taken in as weighted consideration in the analysis. Another article which aim comes close to this thesis is McAnulla and Crines (2017) article on the rhetoric of the former SNP leader Alex Salmond during the 2014 independence campaign. However, McAnulla and Crines analyse their subject from an Aristotelian perspective, focusing much of their interest on the character of Alex Salmond rather than the nationalism of the party. Even if this thesis relies on a similar framework of material the final aim is not the leadership or rhetoric of the current SNP leader, but to explore the nation of Scotland.
To sum the previous research up there can be derived three main ideas about SNP nationalism which will be used in the following analysis. SNP nationalism has been described as 1) civic, 2) differentiating, 3) reliant on democratic and economic interests. There is also criticism in that the UK and England are being posed as opposites and the civic nationalism of the SNP perhaps not being as wholly civic as suggested to be considered as well. These observations aid the rest of the thesis in the framework for the analysis.
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4 Method To answer the research question “How does the leader of the Scottish National Party depict the nation of Scotland?” this thesis is making use of a methodological design of a case study using content and thematic analysis. In this chapter, the choice of method and material, as well as the operationalisation of the research question and the methodological process along which the analysis was conducted, will be presented and discussed.
4.1 A case study design The research design was formulated after a non-experimental strategy using the case study format (Robson, 2002:88-89). The case study was conducted in qualitative method for the most part but did contain quantitative features. According to Gillham (2000), case study research can blur the lines between these methods since all evidence related to the case is of interest (p. 10), which was true in this thesis. Keeping to a strict dichotomy between qualitative and quantitative method would have impeded the collection of the data. The primary interest in a case study is the collected data, the inductive approach, while theory surrounds the setting developed (Gillham, 2000:12). Employing one single case and one research question the focus was to develop in-depth knowledge (ibid; Hamel, Dufour & Fortin, 1993) about the case of the nation of Scotland. To reach that depth in the analysis the study needed to be limited to a feasible framework both empirically and analytically. One strategy employed for restriction was to structure the study using an analysis strategy that would collect the proper knowledge. In this case, content and thematic analysis were employed.
4.1.1 Content and thematic analysis The choice of analytical strategy in this thesis was thematic analysis combined with influences of content analysis. The motivation behind using both was
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their ability to collect a full body of data as intertwined, which they are in many aspects (Vaismoradi, Turunen & Bondas, 2013:398), and as two different methods with apparent differences which aid the analysis. Thematic and content analysis are alike in that they both cover, structure, analyse and report patterns within data (Vaismoradi, Turunen & Bondas, 2013:400). Content analysis has been described as “the study of recorded human communications” (Babbie, 2013:295) and is a descriptive rather than an interpretative approach (Vaismoradi, Turunen & Bondas, 2013:399), although Pierce (2008) argues a certain degree of interpretation is needed for the analysis (p. 3). Content analysis is often leaning heavily on a quantitative method (Vaismoradi, Turunen & Bondas, 2013:400). Thematic analysis also aims to break down text into units of analysis for their description, although it goes deeper into the material (Vaismoradi, Turunen & Bondas, 2013:400). Braun and Clarke (2019) find thematic analysis as a qualitative approach to be about telling stories, interpreting and being active and generative in a prolonged data immersion rather than “finding the truth” and using advanced coding (p. 591). In this study, thematic analysis with its narrative approach was employed for the major part, while content analysis did offer some quantitative measures, structuring a more constructive and tangible overview of the substantial body of data, and inspired a stricter, less immersive, interpretation.
The methodical point of the thesis, as is foundational for both thematic and content analysis overall, is to put content within its context as a part of social life (Braun & Clarke, 2019:591). Just as thematic and content analysis are shaped to explore material, not the thinking of the creator, in a more rigorous and systematic approach (Braun & Clarke, 2019:591), the interest in the analysis lies primarily in the content and not in the motifs or beliefs of the speeches’ creators or messengers.
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4.1.2 Source and materials A second way to restrict the data was to regulate the material itself. The data was collected from a reliable source according to a certain set of parameters. Since this thesis aims to explore the nation of Scotland by observing how the leader of the SNP depicts the nation the material needed to be in written language and as close as possible to the main source. Therefore, the material on which the data was collected was retrieved from the open-access collection “First Minister’s speeches” published on the Scottish Government’s website1; A collection that consists of transcribed speeches held by the SNP leader Nicola Sturgeon in different settings, before different audiences and in different locations both in and outside of Scotland. The period of interest was set from the start of the collection, May 25th 2016 to May 16th 2018, which comprised two years of 62 transcribed speeches in total.
When collecting and working through data gathered from any source it is critical to keep the reliability of the material a priority. Because of the transcriptions’ place of publication, their author’s and a government web page, as well as the thorough account of their background the transcripts were considered reliable. The study could have been developed through, for example, interviews but this was disregarded considering the limited time frame and space. Set with a research design, theory and the material the process of collecting suitable data and the subsequent analysis of its narrative came next.
1 https://www.gov.scot/collections/first-ministers-speeches/
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4.2 Operationalisation: Finding Scotland To operationalise the research question variables structuring the set of data were needed to guide and ground the question empirically. Relating the material to the concept of nationalism, considering that a nation is a community (Smith, 2001:13), the task in practice was to outline the depicted community of Scotland. Therefore, context and an emergent design (Gillham, 2000:6) were important to the conduct of the study which started with a holistic approach to obtain relevant variables for outlining the nation. Thematic analysis was employed crafting themes from a random choice of ten speeches with equal representation from the year 2016 to 2018. During this process, the themes, hereafter called categories, were not created with a specifically aimed number in mind. The focus in the initial read-through of eight of the ten randomly chosen transcribed speeches was on obtaining recurring talking points related to nation and nationalism as well as to previously concluded key concepts from theory and previous research. Four categories sprung from the first eight speeches and the last two speeches confirmed these categories, which became the following.
4.2.1 The people of Scotland This category is based on the ethnic/civic dichotomy in theory and research on nationalism. It aimed to discover what terms the SNP leader uses describing the people in her country, in what context she uses what terms and who is defined as belonging within these terms as a member of the nation.
4.2.2 Democracy The category is drawn from previous research in the area which has concluded that democratic processes are a main feature of the SNP type of nationalism. The importance of the concept of sovereignty and society in both previous research and the theoretical literature goes into
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this category as well. The category’s scope is the broadest of the four, seeking not only the concept of democracy and who is rightfully sovereign over Scotland but also the idea of what society and nation Scotland is portrayed as. This means that, for example, internal affairs and the formation of society, equality and diversity are of interest as well.
4.2.3 The Economy This category has its roots in previous research as well. The economy has been an important argument and debating point to the SNP in the independence question for many years. Hence, in this category, the Scottish economy is outlined as part of mapping the narrative of the nation.
4.2.4 The Outside World The question of how a nationalist party view the surrounding world is a defining feature when deciding whether it is cultural or political nationalism at work. The category took an interest in the relations and the meaning of out-of-border relationships to Scotland, including the relationship to the EU.
4.3 The analysis process The speeches were read chronologically from May 25th 2016 to May 16th 2018. From each speech, all relevant examples for each respective category were collected in tables on a sheet counting the occurrences of the examples from every speech in every category. The tables also gave every speech a number in chronological order. After the read-through, the tables were processed, accounted for by occurrences, and divided by coding of the location to track changes based on audience. At the next stage, preparation for the analysis
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began with collecting the data in a bulleted list mapping common subjects and statements between speeches within each category. This was also to increase the validity as it showed where speeches covered the same subject or opinion, relating them in a pattern. This document and the quantitative result laid the foundation for the analysis.
The aim of the operational part of the analysis was threefold. First, the focus was on outlining what depictions and statements were communicated in each of the categories. Secondly, the interest lay in exploring what the four categories jointly conveyed about the nation of Scotland. Third, there was also a quantitative aim in keeping track of which of the categories and subjects were most reoccurring in the First Minister’s communication to the surrounding world (Table 1.1).
4.4 Validity and reliability This thesis was carefully structured and uniform in instrumentation to retain the reliability and validity of the study and its results. Through keeping distance between subject and researcher, beliefs about the social world can become knowledge, according to Pinnegar and Daynes (2012:8), though this is not a scientific study based on prediction but explanation (Sayer, 1992). To maintain the reliability of the study transparency was employed throughout the thesis both in the account of using only credible materials and the analysis. Less interpretation and subjectivity needed for the analysis in employing a stricter, quantitative tone, was to increase the reliability of the study, although there must be awareness that research will rarely be completely free of subjectivity as facts do not speak for themselves (Gillham, 2000:10). Interpretation of the data must happen for the study to be conducted at all. However, the study has been conducted independently from the SNP and without hidden interests. As for validity, judgement is, according to
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Hammersley (2008) always involved and dependent upon background knowledge and practical understanding. Retaining the validity of the study was the motivation behind the thorough account of the study process above making an assessment for the study’s quality and replication by others possible.
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5 Analysis In this chapter, data from the 62 speeches aided by the framework of previous research and theory will attempt to find answers to the research question “How does the leader of the Scottish National Party depict the nation of Scotland?”. Examining the general result of the data, the four different categories ended up with a considerable difference in numbers of examples (see Table 1.1 Frequencies of examples – summary). The largest category was The Economy with 454 examples, although The Outside World and Democracy were not far behind with 422 and 408 examples respectively. Last was The people of Scotland with 107 examples (Table 1.1). Noting the marked difference in material for The people of Scotland, it was interesting that talking in direct terms about the people or even just mentioning the terms was not nearly as common as the other categories. While the three other categories had a mean value of roughly 7 to 6,5 examples per speech, this category had a mean value of just over 1,7 examples per speech.
It is to be contemplated that the frequencies of each category changed depending on the location where the speech was held. While examples for The people of Scotland and Democracy were more frequent when in Scotland, The Economy was more frequent when in the UK and The Outside World was most frequent when the speech was held outside of the UK. This result spells out a change of weight to each category depending on where Sturgeon held the speech, although these numbers are only considered indicators since the dataset is not large enough to make them statistically reliable. Though, these numbers and comparisons sit as background to the four categories presented separately in chronological order in this chapter.
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5.1 Category 1: The people of Scotland The first category may stand on the smallest amount of data but offered a curious picture. What terms Sturgeon used to what definitions she set on who belongs in Scotland appeared to have open definitions generally, though sometimes dependent on context. In this category Sturgeon’s own definitions on who belongs in the nation of Scotland and how she describes the people of her country will be presented.
5.1.1 The importance of words The term that Sturgeon used most of the time describing the people in her country was “people in/of/across Scotland” (45 speeches). The terms “Scottish people” and “Scots” were rarely used, although when they were utilized, they had an intriguing context pattern to them. “Scottish people” was used in the context of a potential independence referendum (Speech 7, 19) and in a historic context, especially in relation to innovation and entrepreneurship (Speech 40, 42, 62), while deliberating on the “distinguished” Scottish history (Speech 40) and Scotland’s historic strengths and historic reputation (Speech 57, 61, 62) in engineering excellence, entrepreneurship and innovation (Speech 23, 34, 40, 49, 60, 62). She brought up examples like Scotland having been at the forefront and leading the world towards the industrial revolution (Speech 26, 40, 58, 61, 62), declaring that “Scottish people /…/ literally created much of the modern world we live in today” (Speech 40). Recalling Renan’s (1882) definition of nationalism as a story of a heritage endorsed by a particular group of people devoted to its protection in the future and claiming companionship through it and Anderson’s nation which “always loom out of an immemorial past and /…/ into a limitless future” (2006:11) the pattern fits in with the motivation of attempting to claim a common heritage which is brought into the present. The crossing, mentioning the terms while speaking of a potential independence referendum were interesting incidences as well, minding the connections between nationalism and the concept of autonomy.
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What is happening here is that Sturgeon is creating a timeline and a continuous narrative of national progress for Scotland (see Bhabha, 1990:1) saying: “So if we decide we're going to be the entrepreneurial innovators of the future, we can know we were also the entrepreneurs of the past” (Speech 40). This is context creation serving the nation’s continuity. If there is a memory of a time when Scotland was successful in trade in the past (Speech 61), it is easier to imagine it for the Scotland of the future. A clear example of how this works was how:
“This generation can have great pride when you think of the list of inventions as long as your arm, of things that originated or were invented here in Scotland or by Scots. I think one of the things we need to strive to do right now is do the things that mean, 100 years from now – when people are looking back on this period – that somebody then can write a book on how Scots invented the modern world to come.” (Speech 40)
The narration serves the purpose of giving a foundation to the vision of the future; hence it is intriguing to explore Sturgeon’s use of the term “Scottish people” and “Scots” in this context minding, especially, Mycock’s (2012) criticism that ethnic references are present in the SNP. However, these terms were rarely used compared to the frequent use of “people of/in/across Scotland”. In the modern age, citizens of Scotland are clearly described as the “people of/in/across Scotland”, even if the past and especially its glories were described as invented by Scots. Because of the clear distinction between when the “people in/of/across Scotland” were used and when “Scottish people” and “Scots” were used we can trace a choice in the use of terms in the narration. The choice to go with “the people in/of/across Scotland” instead of “the Scottish people” or ”Scots” is noteworthy in this case because the former is void of the ethnic heritage and history the latter two refer to. Another point to consider in the matter is that the sounding ethnocentricity of the term “Scottish” is arguably missing in Sturgeon’s expressed definition of the term.
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5.1.2 Defining belonging When discovering Sturgeon’s own reasoning and very open description of who is “Scottish”, which she addressed directly on several occasions (Speech 23, 36, 40, 47), the reasoning behind her concept on who belongs in Scotland became evident. In a speech held in the Scottish Parliament just two weeks after the Brexit vote she stated:
“Whether we have lived here for generations or are new Scots, from Europe, India, Pakistan, Africa and countries across the globe, we are all of this, and more. We are so much stronger for the diversity that shapes us. We are one Scotland and we are simply home to all those who choose to live here. That is who and what we are.” (Speech 4)
In the quote above it is unmistakable that being part of Scotland does not mean that you must have been born or have ancestry from Scotland. In two later speeches held in 2017, she extended the definition to people not living in Scotland (Speech 40) and to people that are “Scots at heart” (Speech 47). Scotland’s modern identity is, according to Sturgeon, an inclusive identity free to use by people around the world who want to call themselves as such, even if they do not have Scottish ancestry (Speech 23), stating that “as far as I’m concerned, if you want to be Scottish, nobody, least of all me, is going to stop you” (Speech 23). In that way she is voiding the term of ethnicity and fitting it with belonging being founded on citizenship/residency, as known from theory (Geertz, 1963:31; Hutchinson, 1987:12; Kohn, 1944:4-5; Weber, 1948:172; Berghe, 1978:403; Brass, 1979, 35; Breuilly, 1982:335; Greenfeld, 1992:7; Anderson, 2006:6). Sturgeon’s definitions also aligned with findings from the majority of previous research into SNP nationalism which has analysed it to be not ethnocentric, but civic (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:14; Agnew, 2018:5; Engström, 2019:99; Harvey, 2020:56; McAnulla & Crines, 2017:478). The question about who belongs in the nation is fundamental to nationalism and in this first step, with Sturgeon’s open description of who
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belongs, there is not much trace of a narrative excluding people based on ethnic grounds on the description of the population of today. The rarely used potential ethnocentric terms were only mentioned two times in relation to a modern context and confined most of the time to a historic context. Mostly, belonging in Scotland was broad-based and civically founded; a statement that will become supported in the following categories.
5.2 Category 2 – Democracy The third-largest category in the data had the broadest approach. Democratic concerns in the speeches ranged from the legitimacy and powers of the Scottish Government to concerns about Brexit to the well-being of communities in the country. Sturgeon was effective in constantly portraying a picture for her audience of where the nation of Scotland needs to head, how that is to be achieved and what hers and her government’s job is in that process. This section will go from the individual level, what it is and should be like to live in the nation of Scotland, to overriding questions about the powers of government and the future of the nation to outline the narrative.
5.2.1 Life in Scotland In a speech on St Andrew’s Day in 2017 Sturgeon told her audience that compassion and solidarity is part of Scotland’s national identity (Speech 47). It has been noted in previous research that the SNP leans towards “social democracy” (Arnott & Ozga, 2010:96; Hassan, 2009:5) and “left-wing” ideas (Harvey, 2020:56; Hassan, 2011:366). Sturgeon did use the term “social democratic” about her government once (Speech 8), although it was not in regular use. However, her narration about Scotland had a firm standing in social equality and responsibilities of government, which summarizes the way she narrated many of the subjects related to democracy and the well-being of the nation. For example, Sturgeon expressed pride in Scotland having
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safeguarded the “social contract” delivering public service provision and a range of social benefits that she declared far exceeds what is available anywhere else in the UK (Speech 41). She also spoke about promoting “social justice” (Speech 31, Speech 48) pointing out that inequality and unemployment are lower in Scotland than in the UK in general (Speech 60; Speech 10, 14, 15, 27, 34), emphasizing Scotland’s distinction in comparison with the UK general which is a tendency supported by findings from previous research (e. g. McAnulla & Crines, 2017:478-479).
One reoccurring point was that everyone should be given a chance to fulfil their full potential and flourish (Speech 8, 23, 38, 39, 55). This was specifically related to children and young people (Speech 8, 23, 55). The care for young people was not only addressed as an instrumental issue, but a moral one and a measure of what kind of country Scotland is (Speech 55). Sturgeon stated that she was looking to strengthen children’s rights in Scotland (Speech 59), celebrating the contribution young people can have to society (Speech 59) and giving every child a fair chance to realize their potential (Speech 23). “Contribution” and “potential” were regularly mentioned words throughout the two years of speeches, and not only in concern about individuals. Fulfilling everyone’s potential, making way for their contribution, and safeguarding their dignity was equalized with fulfilling the potential of the nation (Speech 1, 8) which is to be taken note of here. The people and nation are intrinsically interwoven because, in the end, the success of the people is the success of the nation. The greater aim, and the purpose, is the prosperity of the nation, which is an essential concept to Sturgeon’s narration on the nation, mentioned in passing by Gunn & Schmidtke (2015:13), but otherwise not found in previous research.
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Turning the equation the other way; Part of caring for Scotland’s future is taking care of its people. It is valuing and protecting citizens (Speech 1), promote fairness (Speech 4, 5, 8, 11, 50), equality (Speech 4, 5, 8, 41), and creating a fairer society (Speech 11, 21, 23, 35, 36, 39). It is to respect and celebrate differences (Speech 4), for example, standing together with the LGBTQ community (Speech 4, 43). Promoting fairness was exemplified in creating a living wage (Speech 38), investing in childcare, schools, improve public services (Speech 8), eradicating child poverty in Scotland (Speech 38) and protecting the rights and improving the lives of people with disabilities (Speech 52). Equality meant promoting gender equality (Speech 38, 39, 54), improving women’s representation and participation in public life, removing barriers and make the world a better place for women (Speech 54). The aim these points all come down to is helping “all people to lead happy, healthy and fulfilling lives” (Speech 34). An articulated objective which is, according to the depiction, the backbone of the nation succeeding; of the creation of a prosperous country (Speech 11, 23, 35). In this way equality, fairness and differences are made into opportunities for the nation of Scotland to thrive to its full potential. It was also a narration of a Scotland distinct from the rest of the UK. For example, Sturgeon mentioned that Scotland is building social housing faster than the UK general (Speech 35, 36), have the best-performing hospitals (Speech 35) and have a higher proportion of workers being paid the living wage in Scotland than in the rest of the UK (Speech 15, 36). Sturgeon also pointed out Scotland’s commitment to fair work as opposed to the accusation of race-to-the-bottom she dealt the UK Government (Speech 8), distinguishing Scotland further and letting the UK stand opposite, as was Mycock’s (2012) criticism.
5.2.2 The society of the nation In the section above it was clear from Sturgeon’s narration that a successful population is a cornerstone to the success in Scotland’s future. Therefore,
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building a supportive society, where as many people as possible can be successful, is fundamental. Sturgeon mentioned that a good society needs to build on optimism, humanity, and basic kindness to flourish and succeed (Speech 18). In speeches from 2017 and 2018 Sturgeon spoke about wanting to make Scotland the best place in the world in which to grow up, to be educated, to live, work, visit, be cared for in sickness, to live when you have a disability and the best place to grow old in (Speech 35, Speech 48, Speech 49, Speech 52, Speech 55). These aims all go in the category of “what Scotland could become” which was a subject Sturgeon thought should unite everyone (Speech 41), stating that she believes that people in Scotland:
“want world-class public services; that we shouldn’t ask the lowest earners to shoulder more of the burden; we should do all we can to make the system fairer and reduce inequality; and that supporting the economy and sustainable growth should be absolutely central to our approach.” (Speech 41)
This quote outlines the nation Sturgeon seeks to depict for her various audiences. The question about what country Scotland should become and how to build a better society (Speech 23) engaged several different perspectives and aims. A couple of practical examples which Sturgeon herself brought up was to have the highest-quality public services, a strong social contract, effective policies to tackle poverty and inequality (Speech 35, 39, 41), build a system that encourages people to work, have affordable housing (Speech 34), and improving the health and well-being of people in the country (Speech 46). To measure a society is to observe how they “care for, look after, love and support those who are most vulnerable” (Speech 55). Once again, taking care of people is raised as a crucial task to the government. Sturgeon stated in 2017 that “keeping people and communities safe is one of the most important responsibilities of any government” (Speech 35). This type of approach is perhaps what calls for the description of the SNP as social-democratic and left- wing in previous research (Arnott & Ozga, 2010:96; Harvey, 2020:56; Hassan,
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2011:366). In Sturgeon’s speeches, the narrated aim for Sturgeon and her government is to make Scotland and its people prosperous together. To make this connection between people, nation and prosperity even clearer, a term that became consistently mentioned in 2017 and 2018 was inclusive growth. A term consisting of the idea that all parts of the nation need to be included in economic growth. This idea goes from the individual level, to make sure no one is left behind (Speech 38) up to the community level of making sure that every part of the country and society can benefit from growth (Speech 34). If some people face barriers to contributing their talents, then everyone in the country loses (Speech 52). This is connected to the idea that everyone has a fair chance to contribute (Speech 34, 40, 49), going back to the potential, which is the ultimate aim.
5.2.3 Democratic interests in Scotland Finally, what democracy means in Scotland is layered. To extend on what was found above, Scotland is portrayed as an open, welcoming and inclusive nation. It is also said to be a nation that stands strong for principles of a progressive and liberal democracy (Speech 18) and where human rights are to be valued and strengthened (Speech 1). The government is said to prioritise inclusion (Speech 23, 34), adopting policies with fairness, economic and social rights as well as human rights and inclusion at the heart (Speech 23, 24). To Sturgeon, the open and inclusive nation is the Scotland she says she represents (Speech 4). She also recognized independent academic expertise, a free and “vigorous” media and strong civic institutions as “the lifeblood” of a democracy (Speech 25), underlining democratic factors to the conduct of her government and to her narrative.
The devolved parliament and government from 1999 and onwards have been an important platform to the SNP. First of all, it is clear that the Scottish
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Government is not only considered to be the most trusted voice for acting in Scotland’s interest by Sturgeon (Speech 5), but by the respondents in surveys as well (Reid, Montagu & Scholes, 2020). Sturgeon said in a speech a month after the Brexit vote that since devolution “people in Scotland have trusted the Scottish Government more than the UK Government to act in Scotland’s interest” (Speech 5). According to the Scottish Social Attitudes survey 2019 (Reid, Montagu & Scholes, 2020) this is correct information. She also repeatedly spoke of pursuing all options for the protection of Scotland’s interest (Speech 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 21). What exactly Scotland’s interest is was not deliberated on directly, although it was said that there is a way to protect this interest in a way that can unite the country (Speech 5), recalling nationalism’s doctrine of unification.
Speaking of unity and devolution, a consistent subject was the importance of and strengthening local government around Scotland. Sturgeon spoke about strengthening local and specifically rural communities through, for example, devolving powers (Speech 1, 2, 8, 11), empowerment and encouragement (Speech 26, 35), inclusion in day-to-day decisions (Speech 11), promoting wealth-building within local communities (Speech 34) and seeing to it that all parts of Scotland can succeed and flourish (Speech 31). In other words, enabling communities around Scotland to “prosper” (Speech 46) showing the word as an aim. The united Scotland, leaving no individual and no area behind (Speech 34) is part of the great aim for Scotland and can be likened to the nationalist idea of a particular geographic area and the people within it as a unity and one community working together for the protection of the nation (e.g. Renan, 1882). The greater aim, once again, is the nation of Scotland. This became even clearer in the next section which challenged the relationship between democracy and the nation of Scotland: Brexit.
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5.2.4 Brexit and independence The third speech in the data was the EU Referendum Result speech. Brexit immediately became an event of concern for Sturgeon and Scotland where the 62 per cent vote in Scotland in favour of staying was contradicting the UK general result, and Sturgeon spent a considerate amount of time and space in the speeches battling the situation. The subject of Brexit also proved a platform for the presentation of her instrumental idea on democracy and proved an argument to bring the independence issue back up on the table.
A first fundament to understand is that Scotland is said to have a distinct voice within the UK (Speech 5). In concern with Brexit, that voice was not being heard. A month after the election Sturgeon stated that “to be told that we have to leave, regardless, is tantamount to being told that our voice as a nation doesn’t matter” (Speech 5), indicating a risk of loss of autonomy to live at the will of the UK Government ringing similar to Hutchinson & Smith’s recollection of autonomy and its threats according to nationalism (2012:31). One recurring statement in the data was that Scotland was being taken out of the EU against their will (3, 5, 6, 18, 21, 23, 25, 36) which was concluded as democratically unacceptable (Speech 3, 23, 25). Sturgeon withheld that it is a democratic principle that Scotland’s needs are recognized, and their priorities met (Speech 20). Followingly, audiences were told that the Scottish government was trying to make sure that Scotland’s voice was going to be heard and not ignored in the Brexit negotiations (Speech 6, 9, 16, 20, 21, 32).
The language used on Scotland’s needs and Scotland’s interests depicts an image of Scotland having distinct needs and interests from the UK, which Sturgeon did spell out once (Speech 7). Sturgeon did declare her acceptance of the Prime Minister’s mandate in England and Wales to leave the EU (Speech 14, 16, 19) though it was deemed democratically unjustified to pull
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Scotland, which had not voted for the same outcome, out (Speech 3, 23, 25) in a way delegitimizing the UK Government’s powers as sovereign over Scotland (comp. Stephens, 2013:2). Sturgeon did state that she would go into negotiations with the UK Government as “constructively and positively as possible” (Speech 10), keeping good faith (Speech 7, 9) aiming for cooperation with an open mind (Speech 22, 35). She sought a compromise with the UK Government for at least Scotland to stay in the single market and customs union (Speech 31, 42, 49, 53). An outcome she described as “democratically justified” (Speech 36) and which she asserted was the “least worst” outcome of Brexit (Speech 31, 42, 53). On the other hand, she warned that if the UK would decide to leave both the EU and the single market leaving Scotland’s wishes about the EU membership ignored “then it is clear that our voice and our interests can be ignored at any time and on any issue. That cannot be a secure basis on which to build a better Scotland” (Speech 21). A quote perhaps better understood through Hutchinson writing of the political nationalist objective to secure the place of their community and to participate as an equal (1987:122). What Sturgeon is spelling out is that Scotland has a distinctive voice that needs to be treated as an equal. To make that happen she presented two options that would respect and secure the outcome of the vote in Scotland (Speech 14, 18, 19, 20). One option was setting plans for a distinctive Scottish deal that would retain Scotland’s place in the single market and transfer the necessary powers from Westminster to Holyrood in the event that the rest of the UK left the single market (Speech 16). The other option was independence (Speech 3, 7, 19, 21, 32). Scotland, Sturgeon declared, has a right to choose its own future (Speech 22).
Given the background above in part, Sturgeon raised, already in the EU referendum result speech (Speech 3), the argument that Brexit could be grounds for a new independence referendum in Scotland. In December 2016,
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she declared that the manifesto on which her party was re-elected that year had stated that “the Scottish Parliament should have the right to hold another referendum if there is a significant and material change in the circumstances that prevailed in 2014, such as Scotland being taken out the EU against our will” (Speech 19). The change of circumstance, Brexit, had now occurred and therefore the Scottish people should be given the chance to reconsider independence (ibid). It might even be so, Sturgeon said, that independence is the option that provides “greatest certainty, stability and the maximum control over our own destiny” (Speech 5), bringing out the familiar nationalist term. Being independent, she said, Scotland would also be able to create a true partnership with the other nations of the British Isles (Speech 16, 21, 23), again signalling the political nationalists’ equal partnership (Hutchinson & Smith, 2012:31). However, the most frequently maintained reason for having a second independence referendum as an option was that if no choice was given for the people of Scotland to decide whether to stay in the UK, the future would be imposed rather than chosen by the people (Speech 22, 25, 31) in a “fair, free and democratic way” (Speech 21, 32) as an “informed choice” (Speech 21, 22, 23, 25, 32). The UK Government could not determine this, not even Sturgeon herself as First Minister claimed that right (Speech 21). She stated, “it will be Scotland’s choice. And I trust the people to make that choice” (ibid); The autonomy of the people of Scotland practised (comp. Smith, 2001:9).
5.2.5 Protecting Scotland’s interests Scotland is a separate nation in the UK and that nation needs to choose its own future, but what considerations underline that decision? If we read what Sturgeon has to say about it, it is a familiar argument from before; It is about protecting Scotland’s interests (Speech 6, 9, 10, 14, 19, 21, 32, 35), which Sturgeon declared as her “guiding principle” (Speech 9, 10, 35). Independence was considered one way to protect Scotland’s interests if these should prove to not be protected within the UK (Speech 7, 8, 16, 32) or if the path the UK
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chose proved “deeply damaging” to Scotland’s interests (Speech 18, 20, 21, 32).
Defining what these interests are, Sturgeon presented what she called five “national interests” that were at risk due to Brexit (Speech 7, 9). These interests were: democratic interest, economic interest, interest in social protection and solidarity of independent countries working together to address global challenges and interest in continuing to influence EU decisions (Speech 7). Interestingly, these interests reflect the empirically developed categories of this study. Concentrating on the democratic interest it seems this particular interest was about being in control of Scotland’s future, especially in relation to Brexit, which was key in the narration. It was time to show that Scotland’s voice can be heard, their wishes accommodated within the UK (Speech 5), and if not independence was an option. Once again, what independence is supposed to serve is the great potential of Scotland. What can also be read from this narrative is that Scotland’s best interest, their voice and their wishes for the future are not necessarily in alignment with the rest of the UK. Sturgeon stated specifically at two points that Scotland currently is not benefitting from the union (Speech 5, 20), further detangling Scotland from the UK in the narration. To underline this Sturgeon also sought, due to Brexit, a reconsideration of the devolution settlement arguing that the Scottish Parliament would need “additional, and broader, powers to serve, protect and promote Scotland’s economic and social interests in the post-Brexit landscape” (Speech 19). At the same time, she warned that “Brexit must not become an excuse for a Westminster power grab” (Speech 19), arguing that any powers which are transferred from the EU must go to the Scottish Parliament rather than to Westminster (Speech 20). This is an implication of the power struggle between the Scottish Government and the UK Government on who should have legitimate power over Scotland.
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5.2.6 Who is in charge? There was a conflict of powers that in Sturgeon’s speeches drew a narrated wedge between the governments in Scotland and in London, recollecting of Stephens (2013:2) and Hutchinson’s and Smith’s (2012:31) discussion about nationalism and legitimate power. The space between the governments was underlined by the Scottish Government implementing policies contradicting UK Government policies. Sturgeon mentioned the UK Government’s “ambivalent attitude” towards the Human Rights Act and the European Convention of Human Rights (Speech 56) and declared that Scotland would oppose the approach (Speech 1, 35). She was critical of several social and economic policies implemented by the UK Government, for example, austerity and welfare cuts which she said drive people into homelessness and poverty (Speech 35, 38), and ensured that the Scottish Government had been able to identify and mitigate their effects (Speech 23, 32, 38, 52) “in the face of unprecedented Westminster cuts” (Speech 32). She also lay the rise of growing numbers of children who grow up in poverty in Scotland on these welfare cuts “implemented” by the UK Government and countered with the Scottish Government passing the Child Poverty Act (Speech 59). Already in the first speech in the data, she had declared before Parliament that where there is “unfair or regressive Westminster policies” the Scottish government will work with other parties to maximise the Scottish Parliament’s influence and make Parliament’s voice heard (Speech 1).
While Sturgeon did accept the U. K. Government’s mandate generally (Speech 28) she also pushed for further devolution in different areas like immigration (Speech 19, 36, 42, 44) and was suspicious of Westminster trying to rule over Scotland’s head (Speech 16, 19, 59). Especially through drawing back powers because of Brexit (Speech 16, 19, 21, 31, 32, 35, 53). Sturgeon expressed
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criticism that the UK Government talks about wanting to strengthen the bonds of the UK, though “in reality is so desperate to cling on to power at any cost that it is prepared to ride roughshod over the very principles of the entire devolution settlement” (Speech 32). Sturgeon expressed repeatedly that in her nation they are seeking to be heard as an equal partner (Speech 16, 19, 21, 22, 23) whether that is to be within the UK or as an independent country.
The narration outlined above emphasizes that Sturgeon and her government are not only a legitimate voice for Scotland’s best interests but can be interpreted as a message that the Scottish Government is protecting Scotland from the UK Government’s unpopular policies, further underlining their distinction from each other. A narrative supported by previous research (McAnulla & Crines, 2017:478-479). Considering the survey data (Reid, Montagu & Scholes, 2020) on which of the governments the people of Scotland trust most to have Scotland’s best interest in mind, Sturgeon has significant wind in her back. Using words like “imposed” and “imposition” (Speech 19, 22, 23, 41, 52, 59), speaking about the UK Government drawing back powers, ruling over Scotland’s head and clinging onto power through Brexit makes the UK Government’s mandate to implement decisions disputed in certain areas. Who is in charge is therefore narrated as a constant pull and defence where the Scottish Government is responsible for and taking care of the distinct Scotland sometimes challenged by “Westminster”. This is a fundament in Sturgeon’s narrative to understand and, importantly, a feature both in theory on nationalism and a finding in previous research on the SNP. Secondly, as far as democracy goes, Sturgeon depicted Scotland as a nation with its own distinct voice. Though, the viability of this voice, especially in the independence matter, hangs onto something else: the economy.
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5.3 Category 3 – The Economy In Category 2 - Democracy above it was stated that the economy was one of Scotland’s “national interests” (Speech 7, 9, 19). There is no doubt the economy was brought up in many of the speeches since this was the largest category in the data, showing to be of considerable importance to Sturgeon’s depiction of Scotland. What makes the economy a “national interest” in Scotland?
5.3.1 A nation and its economy The strength and opportunities for Scotland’s economy were consistently stated throughout all three years. For example, it was repeated that Scotland has strong economic foundations and opportunities (Speech 1, 14, 27, 34, 38, 60), that the economy is thriving (Speech 11, 27) and being a “successful, dynamic and open economy” (Speech 15). Examples of resources were renewable energy, the most highly educated workforce in Europe and great universities (Speech 14). Concluding, Sturgeon stated that Scotland has the skills and the research base to be one of the most prosperous parts of Europe (Speech 34, 51). “Scotland is a nation of great wealth” (Speech 38). One reason why it is important to portray Scotland’s economy as strong and independent is for the independence claim. Whether Scotland would have a strong enough economy to stand on its own two legs has been contested and was much debated before the 2014 independence referendum where the question about the economy was prominent (Keating & McEwan, 2017:18). A single economy can also in itself function as a national symbol and something for people to share within the nation (Smith, 2001:13). Therefore, it has become crucial for the side supporting independence to show that Scotland is a strong enough economy to stand alone, making the economy a national interest. However, this interest did not mean that Sturgeon only narrated Scotland’s economic success, but also where they could become better. A few challenges or issues to the economy the nation faced were, for example, that
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Scotland needs to become a more competitive economy (Speech 48), the low population growth needs to rise (Speech 23) and finally, Sturgeon conceded in 2018 that the economy had not grown as much as she and her Government wanted it to (Speech 60). These three issues comprise much of how Sturgeon deliberated on Scotland’s economy and will be discussed in this section below.
5.3.2 Economic growth That Scotland has resources to grow with and supporting the growth of the economy was a repeated message in the speeches (Speech 1, 8, 14, 27, 34, 35, 41, 49, 50, 52, 60). The aims were to protect Scotland’s economic interests (Speech 8, 14, 34), the stability and sustainability of the economy (Speech 9, 14, 21, 30, 32) and boosting productivity (Speech 23, 38, 39, 51, 52). Sturgeon spoke about building a stronger economy that needs to be modern, successful, sustainable, and inclusive (Speech 1, 2, 8, 14, 18, 27, 35, 36, 38, 39) and that Scotland has “countless opportunities” for economic progress (Speech 36). Methods to seize these opportunities were said to be building an economy based on exports, innovation, high skills, and increased productivity (Speech 10), investment (Speech 41), growing the population (Speech 51), making Scotland an “even better” nation to work and invest in (Speech 49) and seeing to the needs and sustainability of rural economies in Scotland (Speech 31, 34). These methods can all be summarized in what was called the four pillars, or the four I’s, of the SNP Government’s economic strategy: investment, innovation, internationalisation and inclusive growth (Speech 8, 38). This strategy is visible in much of the image of the economy and is rooted in creating a stronger Scotland. Even arguments for Scotland’s need for transitioning to a low-carbon economy (Speech 46, 58, 60, 61, 62) has a role to play in the strengthening of the nation.
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While economic challenges were addressed, positives and successes were featured more often in the narrative and tended to be compared with the UK in general. Two of the most highlighted examples were that Scotland is the most successful part of the UK in inward investment (Speech 10, 14, 15, 34, 36, 57, 60, 62) and that Scotland’s productivity has grown since 2007, while the UK’s has stagnated (Speech 10, 14, 15), not only signalling where Scotland is doing well but where the “others” are falling behind or even failing. It also suggests how and where Scotland’s economy is even stronger than the UK general, and where they can thrive. In other words, how the Scottish economy can be competitive.
5.3.3 The competitive Scotland Building on the three first I’s, investment, innovation and internationalisation, of the economic strategy above, the competitive Scotland is focused in great part on business. The ability of business to be successful is almost to compare with how the people in Scotland is to realize their full potential was depicted in their relationship to the greater cause: the potential of Scotland. Just as Scotland is to be a great nation to live in and contributing to with your full potential, businesses are to be supported (Speech 14, 40, 48) to grow to their full capacity. In 2018 this was imaged as Scotland, which was said to have led the world to the industrial revolution, leading the world towards the “low carbon economy” (Speech 49, 58, 60, 62). Sturgeon wanted to build an entrepreneurial nation (Speech 10, 40) depicting Scotland as not just as “users” of innovations but as “inventing, designing and manufacturing the innovations that will shape the future of the world”, going back to Scotland leading the world into the next era of transformational change (Speech 26, 62) stating that “few countries are better placed to fulfil that role” (Speech 58). From the perspective of the distinct Scotland, it is crucial to understand the purpose this image serves in the depiction of Scotland. It creates distinction and a symbol out of the industrial revolution for the nation to come together (Smith,
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2001:13), fulfilling nationalisms two goals of national unity and national identity (ibid, 9).
Sturgeon expressed an ambition to make Scotland a world leader in enterprise, research and innovation (Speech 35, 39, 40, 60, 62), at the forefront of economic and technological change (Speech 40, 46, 48, 62). To become the world-leading Scotland, the nation needed a strong, supportive and competitive business environment (Speech 15, 27, 35, 62) and be attractive as a country to invest and do business in (Speech 48, 57), aiming to become the best place in the UK (Speech 10, 57), even the world, to do business (Speech 40, 49). The leading words were to build a “fairer, more competitive, more internationalised economy in the years ahead” (Speech 48). She was open and encouraging for people from around the world to come and start their business in Scotland (Speech 34, 40, 49, 62) and wanted to see Scotland grow its exports and internationalisation (Speech 14, 15, 20, 27, 35, 36, 39, 48, 49), opening the nation towards the world.
Sturgeon expanded Scotland’s distinction on current achievements as well mentioning several examples of Scotland emerging as a leading centre for the development of financial technology (Speech 62), offshore renewable energy (Speech 27) being home to the world’s first floating wind farm (Speech 12, 23, 26, 27, 34, 36, 37, 45, 49, 58, 60, 62) and pioneering research on artificial intelligence and robotics and research in precision medicine (ibid). Sturgeon spoke of promoting innovation (Speech 30, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40), making Scotland’s economic future founded on innovation (Speech 58, 61, 62) and keeping the nation known as an innovating country of world-class (Speech 49, 52). She also stated repeatedly that divided per head, Scotland has the second most top-class universities in the world (Speech 10, 15, 23, 27, 34, 36, 38, 57, 60) and the most highly educated workforce in Europe (Speech 14, 34, 36, 38,
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57, 60, 62) distinguishing the nation among its peers and pinpointing its accomplishments. She once summarized: “We have vast renewable energy resources; an international reputation for engineering excellence; a world-class research base; and a completely committed public sector” (Speech 58). One sector of specific interest to combine these methods into a distinctive approach was transitioning to a low-carbon economy (Speech 46, 58, 60, 61, 62). Besides an “overwhelming” moral imperative (Speech 46), Sturgeon saw the sector as an opportunity that could make Scotland both wealthier and fairer (Speech 58), recalling the terms from Category 2 – The Democracy.
The picture laid out in this section has so far had very positive connotations in depicting a modern, more environmental-friendly and thriving Scottish economy, even outperforming the UK at times. On the other hand, there was a looming threat, and opportunity, for the Scottish economy: Brexit.
5.3.4 Brexit troubles There is no doubt that Brexit was regarded as a threat to Scotland’s economy. The formulation of Brexit being a danger/damaging to the economy of Scotland was brought up 13 times in total (Speech 7, 14, 21, 22, 23, 39, 48, 49, 51, 53, 58, 60) and much of the threat was portrayed as the potential damage it could have on the opportunities found above. Brexit was feared to have consequences on economic growth and prospects (Speech 53) as it would have an impact on trade (Speech 49), business, universities, and jobs (Speech 36). In the long run, Brexit could reduce exports to the single market, reduce Scotland’s productivity, restrict their ability attracting talent (ibid) and reduce access to funding (Speech 58). There would be “no cost-free option to leaving the EU” (Speech 53). Therefore, Scotland would strive to leave the union in the least damaging way to the economy (Speech 42), and that way, according
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to Sturgeon, was to stay in the single market (Speech 10, 15, 31, 49, 51, 53, 57, 58, 62).
Retaining Scotland’s place in the EU single market and customs union was a main strategy for Scotland for a long time in the Brexit negotiations (Speech 5, 6, 7, 10, 14, 18, 19, 20, 34, 36, 49, 57). Even if the UK left the single market, Sturgeon saw an option in Scotland retaining its place (Speech 14, 19, 20). The importance of keeping Scotland’s place in the single market was, first of all, because of the single market’s importance to Scotland’s economy and the country in general (Speech 14, 20, 51), but also for Scotland to protect their place in Europe and relationship with the EU (Speech 7). The implications of the damage Brexit could do to Scotland’s economy had a deeper context from the beginning as well. Already in the press conference on the EU referendum result, Sturgeon criticised the economic argument of staying in the UK saying: “The old argument that the UK somehow delivers financial security for Scotland, no longer holds water. Brexit will be deeply damaging to Scotland’s economy and finances” (Speech 7). Brexit was therefore also economically linked to the independence issue.
5.3.5 The economy and the world Brexit was pictured as opposite to not only what Scotland in general needs, but what the Scottish economy is said to need and stand for. The economy and the relationship to the outside world often went hand in hand with Sturgeon proclaiming that the Scottish economy should be an open and outward-looking (Speech 14, 20, 39), internationalised economy (Speech 23, 48) open for international business in Scotland (Speech 34, 40, 60) with the Government ready to support new business in Scotland even if the owner is not from or even in Scotland (Speech 40, 49). The push for the internationalisation of the economy had two motives. First, internationalisation is good for the whole
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economy (Speech 27) and is key to future economic success for Scotland (Speech 14) since it encourages business to be more productive, ambitious, and innovative (Speech 27) as well as encouraging Scottish business to be developing and growing international export, which was specifically portrayed as important (Speech 20, 27, 34, 48, 49). Secondly, Scotland and its economy need immigration since, historically, population growth in Scotland has been lower than in any other part of the UK (Speech 23). EU migrants, for example, were portrayed as making a positive contribution to the economy (Speech 53). Immigration as a key element of SNP economic policy was indicated before by Gunn and Schmidtke (2015:20). Scotland, Sturgeon concluded, needs to position itself as a leader of the future global economy (Speech 34, 35). Free trade and movement are part of this approach and will bring benefits to the economy (Speech 23), although they can “be seen as disadvantaging” which needs to be remedied by guaranteeing that everyone can benefit from internationalisation (ibid). Once again, Scotland is depicted as open, welcoming and an equal partner in the world (comp. Hutchinson, 1987:122).
There is no doubt the economy was given much importance to both Scotland’s present and its future. However, making Scotland’s economy stable, successful and competitive had its roots in another issue. The importance of the economy was, by the bottom line, not in the economy itself but in its role in creating a strong society (Speech 48). Once again it is spinning back to the prosperity of Scotland.
5.3.6 Society and economy The combination of a strong economy and a prosperous society was a frequently mentioned invention. A fair, inclusive and sustainable society was said to benefit a dynamic, open and innovative economy (Speech 18, 23, 36, 39) just as a dynamic, open and innovative economy benefits a fair, inclusive
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and sustainable society (Speech 18, 20, 37, 41, 45): “Everybody knows that a good society needs a strong economy. But it is equally true that no economy will reach its full potential without a strong, fair, inclusive society” (Speech 41). The feature of the word “potential” is to be noted here. The Scottish economy is dependent on how society is doing, though, the economy is a means to the end of enabling people in Scotland to live happy, healthy, fulfilling lives (Speech 34, 39), making Scotland wealthier, fairer, and equal (Speech 1, 38, 56). Therefore, Scotland needs a sustainable economic model focused on wellbeing (Speech 38). Once again, it comes down to prosperity. Economic growth is supposed to benefit everyone in Scotland (Speech 15, 23, 31, 34), making every part of Scotland prosperous (Speech 8), which cannot happen if there is inequality.
Inequality was stated to not only be harmful to the economic growth and living standards of all people (Speech 38, 39), undermining efforts for productivity (Speech 23, 39, 49), but also a threat to reaching the nation’s full potential (Speech 38). Because of this, implementing social interventions like tackling poverty and increasing childcare provisions (Speech 38, 60) had an economic case. An inclusive approach to the economy which Sturgeon called “inclusive growth” (which was discussed in 5.2.2 The society of the nation). Inclusive growth is a commitment to inclusion that runs through the economic strategy (Speech 14, 36, 38, 49). It is, beyond creating a fairer society (Speech 39) about creating an equal economy (Speech 52) which is an imperative both of “basic morality” (Speech 15) and economic efficiency (ibid). Advancing and prioritising inclusive growth was mentioned throughout the three years (Speech 2, 10, 14, 38, 60) and motivated social policies to build an economy where everyone has a fair chance to contribute with their “skills, talents and energy” to society (Speech 49) and growth (Speech 8, 14, 18, 34).
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Building an economy where everyone is supported and allowed to contribute their talents, skills and energy (Speech 38, 39) and where everyone can share in the benefits of economic growth (Speech 8, 10, 14, 18, 34) will be more successful for it (Speech 38). For example, Sturgeon added that investing in children’s lives was “the highest return investment” a country can make (Speech 59) and empowering women to become entrepreneurs and see to their full employment helps to sustainably increase the economy’s productive potential (Speech 60). Therefore, Scotland needed to become a fairer economy (Speech 2, 48) because “greater equality /…/ will boost our economy and enhance the quality of life for all of us” (Speech 1). It is about giving opportunity for prosperity for every individual which translates into the nation’s prosperity as a whole. To Sturgeon, a more productive economy and a fairer society are not opposites, competing for space, but two sides to the same coin (Speech 38). More importantly, both separately and in cooperation, because they both serve the greater prosperity of the nation. Rising inequality would, in this perspective, not only hamper prosperity and economic growth but the nation itself. For example, underusing, ignoring or discriminating against women and child poverty is a restriction to the contribution of individuals (Speech 59). The Government needs to make sure that a dynamic, open and innovative economy goes hand in hand with a fair, inclusive, and sustainable society (Speech 45) for the cycle of the potential of the nation to work correctly. This is how economic competition and equality can be promoted alongside each other. Without their cooperation, the economy will not function to its fullest capacity, and a strong and growing economy underpins all plans (Speech 2) also functioning as something for its citizens to share in (Smith, 2001:13) which is why this category is crucial to the nation.
5.4 Category 4 – The outside world Finally, in this fourth and last category, the nation of Scotland’s relationship to the outside world is put under scrutiny. For the most part, this category
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showed positive relationships. Sturgeon had pride in Scotland’s international reputation (Speech 14, 55, 60, 61) and the narrative about the outside world showed to be aligned with the narrative about Scotland as an open and welcoming nation previously found about democracy and the economy as Scotland was described as being a welcoming, internationalist and outward- looking nation (Speech 6, 10, 12, 16, 18, 20, 23, 27, 34, 37, 42, 49, 53, 57). Sturgeon spoke about “the tolerance, internationalism and open-mindedness that I believe must always define who we are” (Speech 18), especially with Brexit looming (Speech 14). In summary, she wanted to see Scotland participating on the world arena.
5.4.1 Scotland in the world In line with the big mantras presented above, Sturgeon kept to her vision of Scotland being an active nation on the world stage. She wanted to see Scotland learning from other countries (Speech 12, 13, 18, 37, 39, 46, 59) and for Scotland to contribute to the world in a positive way (Speech 5, 12, 18, 23, 24, 34, 37, 39, 53, 61, 62). To be a “good global citizen” (Speech 24, 53) and “play our part” (Speech 24). These wishes did not change over the years. Sturgeon spoke about promoting internationalisation (Speech 27, 35, 48, 49) and the benefits of well-managed globalisation (Speech 23, 36, 60). She expressed Scotland to be “partners” with other countries of the world (Speech 14, 19, 21, 23, 27, 36, 42, 57, 59) which is to be related to how she saw Scotland’s place within the UK as well (Speech 16, 19, 21, 22, 23). Sturgeon stated that the country, as a small nation, can bring “real and tangible benefits” (Speech 18) and contribute with their experiences in certain areas (Speech 23, 59) to the world. Some favoured areas were peacekeeping and reconciliation (Speech 24), improving health, wellbeing, and security of people across the world (Speech 46) and climate change (Speech 18, 23, 46). Especially in climate change, Sturgeon saw Scotland leading by example (Speech 12), reducing carbon emissions (Speech 26, 35, 37) and also helping also other countries
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mitigating the effects (Speech 23). Sturgeon also took pride in that Scotland had established, in 2009, some of the most ambitious climate change targets anywhere in the world (Speech 15, 23, 26), the praise they have gotten from the United Nations Environment Programme for developments in renewable energy, recognition for their efforts in circular economy by the World Economic Forum’s Circulars Awards (Speech 46) and that Scotland in 2015 was one of the first countries to confirm they would adopt the new sustainable development goals (Speech 12, 46). She was positive to see and develop platforms where countries can work together in solidarity on boundary- crossing issues like climate change (Speech 19), aligning to the idea of political nationalists cooperating in a modern, rationalist civilization (Hutchinson, 1987:122). For example, Scotland hosted a conference on marine litter in 2019 (Speech 46) and Sturgeon was positive to cooperating with countries like Norway and “other European nations” on carbon capture and storage (Speech 37, 42), signed a co-operation agreement on climate change with the governor in California in 2017 (Speech 37) and was determined to see Scotland play its part in the realization of the Paris agreement (Speech 42, 46). As opposed to what could be expected of a ethnocentric nationalist, Sturgeon expressed a clear interest in international solidarity and cooperation throughout the years, which went further than cooperating in climate change.
According to Sturgeon, Scotland is a nation determined to contribute to the world (Speech 53) and to do so they are seeking international cooperation and connections (Speech 5, 8, 12, 44, 45, 46, 60). Besides climate change, Sturgeon wanted to tackle inequalities around the world (Speech 13) and to work jointly with other nations on issues like trade, research and sharing experiences and expertise (Speech 60). She was supportive of the United Nations and joined, for example, the UN Special Envoy for Syria’s project to train women to be involved in the Syrian peace process (Speech 24), and saw
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Scotland playing a leading role in the Wellbeing Alliance (Speech 39). Scotland’s place as a leader in shaping and inventing the world future generations will inherit (Speech 6, 9, 35, 58, 62) went beyond research and innovation (see 5.3 Category 3 – The Economy). Sturgeon remarked on Scotland’s increasing role in international development and its promotion across the world (Speech 12, 54) of which several of the subject areas are in common with issues of care already discussed in a national context (see Category 2 – Democracy). For example, children’s right to a fulfilling life was extended to all children in the world (Speech 59) and promoting gender equality internationally (Speech 24). National issues being expanded to an international stage is not surprising considering Sturgeon’s fundamental statement that nations of the world are interdependent (Speech 23), aligning yet again to Hutchinson’s political nationalist idea (1987). No nation, she stated, is insulated from its reliance on and obligations to the wider world which means that the interest of one’s own nation is not the only one that matters, the interest of the wider world matters as well (Speech 23). Sturgeon told an audience that against the backdrop of a world in which isolation and protectionism seem to be on the rise:
“It’s all the more important that different countries and like-minded people come together to learn from each other and both imagine and realise how we can advance a better world, if I can be as idealistic as that”. (Speech 38)
The importance of international cooperation cannot be mistaken, and Sturgeon did state that Scotland will continue to build and strengthen partnerships with other countries around the world (Speech 12, 23). In the data, she visited the United States, Ireland, England, Iceland, Germany, and China. In all the locations she tried to signal old links and sought partnership between Scotland and the country she visited (Speech 12, 18, 23, 37, 42, 45, 59, 60). For example, in California she invited students to move to Scotland where they would get “the warmest welcome” (Speech 23), in Ireland she expressed a
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desire for a “stronger, warmer and more harmonious” relationship between the two countries (Speech 18) and to face challenges together mentioning their economic opportunities and trade links as “a Celtic Business Corridor” (Speech 36). In Beijing, she noted that China and Scotland have “different perspectives and different starting points”, but that they still have a strong friendship and partnership, common interests and common challenges to face (Speech 59) and in northern England, she pressed on commonalities and creating stronger links between the regions telling the audience that no matter Scotland’s constitutional future the connection with northern England will always be highly valued in Scotland (Speech 42). Addressing the Arctic Circle Assembly, she wanted to strengthen the relationships to Nordic countries, mentioning Nordic countries’ economic importance to Scotland (Speech 37) and a will for Scotland to work with and learn from Northern countries as well as Scotland helping in building a fairer, more prosperous, and more sustainable society by the mutual benefits this cooperation between the Nordic nations could bring (Speech 45).
As can be seen here, in all speeches Sturgeon was looking for common ground between Scotland and the country or region she visited. Never was there any inclination of one of the parties being dominant over the other. The language she used was recalling a relationship of equals. An approach to the world that can be traced back into the independence argument wanting for Scotland to be a nation in an equal relationship to their neighbours, echoing political nationalism (Hutchinson 1987:122). This message of Scotland as an equal in the world, protecting their “precious place” (Speech 4) was an open approach to the outside world which showed to be the same in relation to Europe and the EU as well, particularly in consequence of Brexit.
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5.4.2 Scotland in Europe One of the most brought up subjects in the data was Brexit, Europe and Scotland. While Sturgeon spoke of wanting to enhance Scotland’s place in Europe (Speech 53) and Scotland’s commitment to their European neighbours (Speech 12) Brexit challenged all these ideas. Sturgeon explained in the EU referendum speech that there is a divergence in how Scotland and large parts of the rest of the UK see their place in the world (Speech 3). She came to talk at several points about protecting Scotland’s place in Europe (Speech 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 14, 19, 53) and the EU (Speech 1, 3, 7, 9, 25) mentioning initiation of contacts with EU leaders and member countries right after the referendum to secure Scotland’s future in the union (Speech 3). Early on, Sturgeon stated that she was determined to pursue all options for Scotland to stay in the EU (Speech 8) and noted that as an independent country they would have the freedom to be an equal partner with other countries across the British Isles, Europe and the wider world (Speech 23). In December 2016 Sturgeon also declared that as an independent country Scotland shall be full members of the EU (Speech 19). Later, in 2018, she said this was the option she preferred for Scotland (Speech 53).
The EU membership, it was made clear, is more to Scotland than just trade rules and regulations. It is also “fundamentally” about who they are as a country, what kind of society they aspire to be in the future (Speech 53) and a part of a wider vision of the Scottish society (Speech 10). In Scotland they can align themselves to the fundamental EU principle of independent nations cooperating for a common good (Speech 10, 12, 18, 23, 36), implying once again the vision of Scotland as an equal partner (Hutchinson, 1987:122; Geertz, 1963:30), and Sturgeon explained that many people in Scotland had started to feel at home in Europe (Speech 36). To Sturgeon, it was “inconceivable” that their membership would now be lost as 30 EEA countries moved on (Speech 51). Instead of moving away, Sturgeon argued, as
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previously accounted, for Scotland to stay in the single market (Speech 15, 16, 19, 30, 32, 35, 36, 37, 49, 51, 58) and to build on existing relationships with their European neighbours (Speech 14). She also wanted to reaffirm to the “European partners” that Scotland has a belief in and commitment to the EU core values of solidarity, cooperation, and democracy (Speech 19). Sturgeon was proud that Scotland had voted to remain (Speech 36) and took it as evidence that Scotland is a “modern, outward-looking, open and inclusive country” (Speech 3). She said in the EU referendum result speech:
“We voted to protect our place in the world’s biggest single market - and the jobs and investment that depend on it. We voted to safeguard our freedom to travel, live, work and study in other European countries. And we voted to renew our reputation as an outward looking, open and inclusive country. It is significant - in my view - that we did so after a campaign that was positive about the EU and about the benefits of migration.” (Speech 3)
The last part about migration is noteworthy. Sturgeon once said that she had felt “contempt” over the leave campaign having “lied and given succour to the racism and intolerance of the far-right” (Speech 5) and was frustrated by her assessment that the EU referendum debate was driven on opposition to immigration (Speech 39), portraying immigration and free trade as something disadvantaging (Speech 60) and Tories “placing a higher priority on cutting immigration than absolutely anything else” (Speech 19). Instead, she expressed support for the EU’s “practical benefits” including free movement (Speech 12, 51) as something Scotland needs for the sake of the economy (ibid) and “beyond” (Speech 51), which was discussed in Category 3 – The Economy. Sturgeon had stated before that speaking out against “toxic anti- immigration rhetoric” is part of protecting Scotland’s interest (Speech 16). The followingly presented result showed that the open and inclusive Scotland was extended to immigration as well in the narrative, just as indicated by previous research (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:20).
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5.4.3 Immigration rhetoric It was made very clear that immigration, whether from the EU or elsewhere, is something positive (Speech 53, 57), beneficial (Speech 3, 10, 15, 23, 31, 34, 35, 36, 60) and important to Scotland (Speech 53) in everything from the economy to social life to culture (Speech 18). Sturgeon declared that Scotland welcomes immigration (Speech 6, 15, 23, 36, 49, 57) with an “open heart” (Speech 18) and that there is consensus in the country about the benefits of migration (Speech 34). She spoke of celebrating different cultures and people learning from one another as an idea at the core of progressive values which she thought to be “more important than ever before to champion” (Speech 17), opposing ethnic emphasis which nationalism is often accused of. An approach in the SNP observed before (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:20; Mycock, 2012:57). Diversity was said to make Scotland richer, happier and healthier as a society and country (Speech 6, 17). In comparison with the rest of the UK, Sturgeon once again used the opportunity to distinguish (comp. Smith, 2001:7-8) Scotland by describing her nation as more open and immigration as “an area where Scotland’s needs and requirements are actually very different from the rest of the UK that the case for a different approach here is, to my mind, overwhelming” (Speech 53). Once again Scotland is portrayed as going another route, letting the UK work as contrast (see also McAnulla & Crines, 2014:478-479). Sturgeon noted once that Scotland has no majority party in favour of constraints on immigration because “we know that would be damaging to our interests” (Speech 23). Hence, immigration is said to be in the nation of Scotland’s interest. Yet, what exactly is this interest founded on?
The importance of immigration to Scotland is based on three reasons. First, Scotland needs immigration for their population growth (Speech 5, 6, 51, 53). EU migration has helped turn around the long-term decline in Scotland’s population and mitigate the impact of an ageing population (Speech 51). The fear is that a decline in immigration will make the population level in Scotland
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start to fall (Speech 53). The second reason is to do with attracting and nurturing talent from around the world (Speech 34, 39, 40, 53) where Scotland has benefitted from the skills and work of EU migrants (Speech 20, 31, 57), which is a contribution they value (Speech 10, 15, 36, 51). The third reason was the benefit of migration of students and researchers to Scotland’s academic and research fields (Speech 23, 37), especially in science and technology (Speech 23) which is of special interest for Scotland to Sturgeon and her government (see 5.3.3 The competitive Scotland). Brexit challenged all these areas and therefore Sturgeon saw negative consequences of Brexit on the working-age population level (Speech 36, 53), Scotland’s ability to attract talent (Speech 53) and the benefits of freedom of movement in general (Speech 20, 31). She also argued in favour of freedom of movement both for EU citizens immigrating (Speech 34) and for people of Scotland’s rights to travel, work and study in Europe (Speech 19, 22, 53) calling it a “two-way street” (Speech 15).
Sturgeon made clear that anyone who wants to come live and work in Scotland is doing them an honour (Speech 36) and a great privilege, telling EU migrants, “we want to consider Scotland as your home” (Speech 23). She tried to mitigate the damage of Brexit by seeking ways to reassure EU nationals after the outcome of Brexit (Speech 5, 9, 20), protect them (Speech 6) and their rights (Speech 19, 49, 53, 57) and putting their interests at the centre of the Brexit negotiations (Speech 6). Immigration also extended beyond Europe. Sturgeon thought it essential that Scotland could have the ability and flexibility to receive more migrants (Speech 34) and was proud that a third of refugees from Syria to the UK had settled in Scotland, speaking about being ready to receive more people from Syria (Speech 11, 18) and reuniting families (Speech 11, 53) so that refugee children can “get back into education, rebuild their lives and fulfil their potential” (Speech 11). Noting the use of the now familiar word
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“potential” again. Sturgeon also stated that refusing refugees would be a denial of their own identity as by helping people today Scotland is repaying their obligations from the past when people from Scotland needed help (Speech 18), making it a question about national identity (comp. Smith, 2001:9). At the beginning of 2018 she called for the need and duty for politicians across the UK to change the narrative around immigration and free movement, spelling out “the importance of being able to attract skills and talent from other countries and also to provide evidence and reassurance where it is needed about the benefits that migration brings to our economy and our wider society” (Speech 53). This statement summarizes much of Sturgeon’s narrated approach to migration. Once again, there was no conflict or rejection based on ethnicity related to the nation. Rather, diversity and migration were portrayed as something essential to strengthen the nation; a part of creating the future for Scotland.
5.4.4 The relationship to the UK Government Another relationship that has a major influence on the story about the nation of Scotland is the relationship to the UK. Especially the UK Government. This has been implicit in several of the stories and comparisons accounted for above. Since Brexit loomed over this relationship for the entire period of data much of the narration focused on Brexit and its consequences. For example, Sturgeon was particularly critical of the UK Government’s approach against EU citizens whom she argued should have been given a guarantee of continued residence (Speech 5, 6, 9, 19), telling the UK Government: “do the right thing and stop using human beings as bargaining chips” (Speech 9). For the entirety of the data period, she was also criticizing the lack of leadership and clarity on what the UK Government was seeking to achieve in the Brexit process (Speech 6, 7, 10, 14, 15, 19, 36, 16, 57, 58). After Article 50 had been triggered in March 2017, initiating the process of the UK leaving the EU, Sturgeon stated in a press conference that the Scottish Government had not been consulted at
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all before UK membership of the single market was ruled out, and she opened up the option of independence, stating: “The language of partnership has gone, completely” (Speech 21). This recalled the struggle for autonomy and legitimate power between the governments addressed in Category 2 – Democracy, classic to a nationalist movement (Smith, 2001:9; Hutchinson & Smith, 2012:31). Sturgeon praised her own government's leadership in Brexit as having been more decisive in their approach, publishing an analysis on Brexit that Sturgeon meant was more comprehensive than anything the UK Government had provided (Speech 19, 51, 53). A situation that reflected on the difference of leadership, she stated (Speech 51, 53). Just after the referendum, Sturgeon had criticized the leave campaign for being “One of the most shameful abdications of responsibility in modern political history” (Speech 5), too slow to address issues (Speech 36) and moving without a clear plan or consensus (Speech 31). Sturgeon also took issue with the “completely unrealistic” (Speech 53) approach of the UK Government, calling for the Government in Westminster to “stop wasting time and to stop squandering goodwill and instead embark on this next phase of negotiations with a sensible and credible position at the outset” (ibid). A narration that characterized the UK Government as lacking in leadership and committing to unrealistic decisions.
Meanwhile, Sturgeon was not always negative or critical in her narration towards the UK Government. She mentioned, throughout the period, positive cooperation with Westminster (Speech 12, 42, 44, 49, 58), praised the UK Government for their commitment to the Paris Agreement (Speech 44) and kept a hand out for a UK wide agreement in the Brexit negotiations (Speech 53). About England itself, she was positive and open, offering support to London after the terrorist attacks in June 2016 (Speech 29), was supportive of improving the railway between London and central Scotland (Speech 42),
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cooperation on joint interests between the nations (Speech 42, 49), sharing concerns (Speech 42) and even ensuring about a game of football that “everyone in Scotland is supporting England, as always” (Speech 36). Sturgeon never expressed any issue with England, only with the UK Government’s approach to certain subjects and how they are faring in their leadership and decision-making, emphasizing a civic approach to the discussion.
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6 Conclusions The research question driving this dissertation, “How does the leader of the Scottish National Party depict the nation of Scotland?” summarizes an allegiance to civic nationalism, recognized in Geertz (1963) and employed by Nicola Sturgeon in her depiction of Scotland, as has been found in the SNP’s approach before (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015; McAnulla & Crines, 2017; Agnew, 2018; Engström, 2019; Harvey, 2020:56). Sturgeon’s depiction of the nation of Scotland built on democratic and economic interests. Taking on Smith’s (2001) three generic goals for nationalism, national autonomy, national unity and national identity (p. 9), the national identity of Scotland built on historic successes and working to achieve the “great potential of Scotland” (comp. Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:13), which full realization urged for national unity and autonomy. Scotland’s potential was a driving force behind many social and economic policies aiming to create an open, welcoming and successful nation, whether that meant creating a fair society, have thriving business or receiving immigrants. Besides a slight inclination of ethnic rhetoric in references about Scotland’s past, the nationalism portrayed here was what Hutchinson (1987) called political nationalism, here and in previous research synonymously called civic nationalism.
6.1 Civic nationalism The civic nationalism utilized in this case was clearly visible in the five national interests Sturgeon presented: democratic interest, economic interest, interest in social protection and solidarity of independent countries working together to address global challenges and their interest in continuing to influence EU decisions (Speech 7). These are the founding interests building up the nation, motivating policy and used in the argument for independence as well, all going back to the aforementioned potential of Scotland. For example, democratic interest was having the autonomy to create the society and the future they wanted and economic interests were creating a successful but
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inclusive economy, staying/going back into the EU and the single market and welcoming migrants’ contribution. Sturgeon was also clear in her interest of international solidarity and for Scotland to keep their place in the EU, which was part of her vision for Scotland to participate and sometimes take a lead on international issues. Besides realizing Scotland’s potential, these interests were heavily influenced by the second leg to the vision of the nation of Scotland: Scotland as an equal partner both in relation to the other countries on the British Isles and in the world (comp. Hutchinson, 1987:122).
Retaining, or making, Scotland an equal partner was the driving rhetoric in relation to the outside world. In relation to the UK Government, it drove both distinction and the power struggle of legitimacy between the governments in Scotland and in London. The depictions around the distinction of Scotland were oftentimes underlined through contrast with the UK, with Scotland’s place in the UK at times argued to be hampering the nation’s potential. The SNP has been criticized before for contrasting Scotland against the UK (McAnulla & Crines, 2017; Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015, Mycock, 2012), though Sturgeon’s depiction did not shy away from this rhetoric. However, the contrast was worked against the UK Government’s leadership and policies, not the UK or England as countries or nations. Scotland being an equal was part Scotland performing as well as or overperforming compared to the UK general, part Scotland having a distinct voice that had a right to be heard as an equal within the union. The last part was, in Sturgeon’s portrayal, not always achieved, which was made especially clear in the depictions around Brexit where Scotland’s interests were stated as ignored, noting once again of the civic grounding in the argument.
6.2 Narrating Scotland The narration Nicola Sturgeon employed on the nation of Scotland was open, progressive and in great part void of ethnocentrism, which nationalism
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historically has been known for. Here was, instead, a nationalism heavily concerned about state and political policy creating a nation, or a country, that is performing at its full potential and cooperating in the world as an equal but also with an ambition to be a leader. Arguing for independence was an argument for protecting Scotland’s interests and future as they want it, akin to arguing for the full implementation of Scotland’s potential and equal status in the world. A status that Sturgeon portrayed as currently not achieved within the UK.
In summary, the Scotland that comes through in the 62 accounted for speeches is a nation building on civic nationalism (Hutchinson, 1987). In Sturgeon’s depiction, Scotland is portrayed as an open, inclusive and welcoming nation that is fair, equal, prosperous and an international citizen open towards the world, in large void of ethnocentrism. In the context of the UK, it is a left- leaning nation building a fair society that walks hand in hand with a thriving business enabling every individual and business in the nation to reach their full potential. A structure that is depicted as foundational to the nation’s success; A success sometimes portrayed as hampered by Scotland’s dependence on the UK Government, challenging this government’s policies. The two legs this nation of Scotland stands on motivating much of the government’s activities are the full realization of Scotland’s potential and its role as an equal partner on the world arena: two main interests that one day might be driving Scotland to become an independent, autonomous nation.
6.3 Contribution to future studies The knowledge derived from this study could be used for an in-depth literature study exploring the applicability of theoretical literature on the case of SNP nationalism. The case could also be useful as an empirical example of civic nationalism to studies exploring the modern development of nationalism.
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Tables
1.1 Frequencies of examples – summary
Category Category Category Category 1: The 2: 3: The 4: The people of Democracy Economy Outside Scotland World Total 107 408 454 422
Scotland 80 328 338 273 -in parliament 26 104 54 62 UK 9 22 60 41 Outside of the UK 18 58 56 109
Divided/speech Scotland (47) 1,70 6,98 7,19 5,81 -in parliament (12) 2,17 8,67 4,50 5,17 UK (5) 1,8 4,4 12 8,2 Outside of the UK (10) 1,8 5,8 5,6 10,9
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Parker, Claire. 2021. Johnson calls UK crisis talks as Sturgeon says another Scottish independence vote is inevitable. The Washington Post. May 9. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/05/09/scotland-independence- referendum-johnson-sturgeon/ [Retrieved: 2021-05-24] Regan, Colm. 2021. The break-up of Britain – Colm Regan. Times of Malta. 15 May. https://timesofmalta.com/articles/view/the-break-up-of-britain.871990 [Retrieved: 2021-05-25] Sim, Philip. 2017. Who is Nicola Sturgeon? A profile of the SNP leader. BBC. https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-scotland-25333635 May 26th. [Retrieved: 2021-04- 19] Sim, Philip. 2021. Scottish election 2021: Results in maps and charts. BBC. https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-57028315 [Retrieved: 2021-05-19] Smith, Elliot. 2021. Scottish independence could be one step closer after SNP election result. CNBC. 11 May. https://www.cnbc.com/2021/05/10/what-the-snp- election-win-means-for-scottish-independence.html [Retrieved: 2021-05-25] The Newsroom. 2017. Nicola Sturgeon admits ‘national’ in SNP could be problematic. The Scotsman. Aug 18th. https://www.scotsman.com/news/politics/nicola-sturgeon-admits-national-snp- could-be-problematic-1442098 [Retrieved: 2020-10-29]
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XXIV. Union with England Act 1707. Article XXIV.
Other Cameron, David. 2014. Speech on the result of the Scottish referendum. 19 sep. [Video] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lvzybjGCK8s [Retrieved: 2021-05-27] Speech 1. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. Priorities for Government. 25 may. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/first-minister-speech-priorities-for-government/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 2. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. Scottish Leader’s Forum. 8 jun. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/scottish-leaders-forum-first-ministers-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 3. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. First Minister: EU referendum result. 24 jun. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/first-minister-eu-referendum-result/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 4. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. Official opening of the Scottish Parliament. 2 jul. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/official-opening-scottish-parliament/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 5. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. Scotland in the European Union. 25 jul. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/scotland-european-union/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 6. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. Ask the FM and Cabinet: EU nationals event. 17 aug [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/ask-fm-cabinet-eu-nationals- event/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 7. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. European Union referendum: First Minister's press conference. 23 aug. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/first- ministers-press-conference/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 8. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. Programme for Government 2016-2017: First Minister's statement. 6 sep. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/first- minister-statement-programme-government/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 9. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. Update on the European Union. 7 sep. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/update-european-union/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 10. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. Institute of Directors annual convention 2016: First Minister's speech. 27 sep. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/institute-of-directors-annual-convention-2016- first-ministers-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 11. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. COSLA conference 2016: First Minister's speech. 6 oct. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/cosla-annual- conference-2016 (Retrieved: 2021-05-28)
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Speech 12. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. Arctic Circle Assembly 2016: First Minister's speech. 7 oct. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/arctic-circle-assembly- 2016-fm-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 13. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. Rehabilitation International World Congress 2016: First Minister's speech. 25 oct. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/rehabilitation-international-world-congress-2016- fm-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 14. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. National Economic Forum 2016: First Minister's speech. 26 oct. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/national- economic-forum-2016-fm-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 15. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. Sheffield Political Economy Research institute: First Minister's speech, November 2016. 7 nov. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/speri-fm-speech-nov-2016/ (Retrieved: 2021-05- 28) Speech 16. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. First Minister's press conference: November 2016. 8 nov. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/first-ministers-press- conference-november-2016/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 17. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. Aberdeen Asset Management Annual Investment Conference 2016: First Minister's speech. 22 nov. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/aam-annual-investment-conference-2016-fm- speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 18. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. First Minister's speech to Trinity College, Dublin: November 2016. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/fm-speech- trinity-college-dublin-november-2016/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 19. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. Scottish-Irish relations. 29 nov. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/first-minister-address-to-seanad/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 20. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2016. Scotland's Place in Europe: First Minister's statement. 20 dec. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/scotlands-place- in-europe-first-ministers-statement/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 21. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. National Farmers Union in Scotland AGM 2017: First Minister's address. 7 feb. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/nfus-agm-2017-fm-address/ (Retrieved: 2021-05- 28) Speech 22. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Second independence referendum: First Minister speech. 13 mar. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/first- ministers-speech-bute-house-march-2017/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 23. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Scotland's choice: day two of second independence referendum debate. 28 mar. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/scotlands-choice-second-independence- referendum-debate-day-two/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28)
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Speech 24. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Scotland's place in the world: First Minister's Stanford University speech. 4 apr. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/scotlands-place-in-the-world-first-ministers- stanford-university-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 25. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Women's role in conflict resolution: First Minister's UN speech. 5 apr. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/womens-role-in-conflict-resolution-fm-un- speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 26. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Importance of truth in political debate. 12 apr. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/importance-of-truth-in-political- debate/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 27. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Scotland's energy future: First Minister addresses All Energy Conference. 10 may. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/scotlands-energy-future-fm-speech-all-energy- conference/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 28. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. National Economic Forum 2017: First Minister's speech. 12 may. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/national- economic-forum-2017-first-ministers-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 29. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Security in Scotland: statement to Scottish Parliament following Manchester attack. 24 may. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/security-scotland-statement-scottish-parliament- following-manchester-attack/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 30. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. London Bridge terror attack: First Minister's statement. 4 jun. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/london-bridge- terror-attack-first-ministers-statement/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 31. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Oil and Gas UK Conference 2017: First Minister's speech. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/oil-gas-uk- conference-2017-first-ministers-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 32. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Royal Highland Show 2017: First Minister's speech. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/royal-highland-show-2017- first-ministers-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 33. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. EU negotiations and Scotland's future: First Minister's speech. 27 jun. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/eu- negotiations-and-scotlands-future-first-ministers-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 34. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Diversity in the media: First Minister's speech. 25 aug. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/diversity-in-the-media-first- ministers-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 35. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Scotland's economy: First Minister's speech to Spirit AeroSystems. 31 aug. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/scotlands-economy-first-ministers-speech-to- spirit-aerosystems/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28)
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Speech 36. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Programme for Government 2017-2018: First Minister's speech. 5 sep. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/programme-for-government-2017-2018-first- ministers-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 37. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. First Minister's speech at Dublin Chamber of Commerce. 5 oct. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/first-ministers- speech-dublin-chamber-of-commerce/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 38. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Arctic Circle Assembly 2017: First Minister's speech. 13 oct. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/first-ministers- speech-arctic-circle-assembly/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 39. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Inclusive growth: First Minister's speech. 20 oct. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/inclusive-growth-first-ministers- speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 40. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Institute for New Economic Thinking annual conference: First Minister's speech. 21 oct. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/first-ministers-speech-at-institute-for-new- economic-thinking-conference/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 41. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Unlocking Ambition Challenge: speech. 1 nov. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/unlocking-ambition-challenge- speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 42. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. The role of income tax: speech. 2 nov. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/the-role-of-income-tax-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 43. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Cross-border rail improvements: minister's speech. 6 nov. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/cross-border-rail- improvements-ministers-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 44. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Historical Sexual Offences (Pardons and Disregards) (Scotland) Bill: minister's statement. 7 nov. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/historical-sexual-offences-pardons-disregards- scotland-bill-ministers-statement/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 45. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Global Climate Action high-level closing: speech. 15 nov. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/global-climate- action-closing-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 46. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Arctic Circle Forum Scotland: speech. 21 nov. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/arctic-circle-forum-scotland-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 47. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. World forum on natural capital: speech. 27 nov. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/world-forum-natural-capital-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 48. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Parliamentary statement on policing: speech. 29 nov. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/parliamentary-statement-on- policing-ministers-statement/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28)
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Speech 49. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. St Andrew's Day message: speech. 30 nov. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/st-andrews-day-message/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 50. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Scottish Chambers of Commerce annual dinner: speech. 8 dec. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/scottish-chambers-of- commerce-annual-dinner-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 51. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. National Economic Forum: minister's speech. 13 dec. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/national-economic-forum- ministers-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 52. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2018. Hampton-Alexander review business briefing: speech. 11 jan. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/hampton-alexander- review-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 53. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2017. Scotland's place in Europe: speech. 15 jan. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/scotlands-place-in-europe-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 54. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2018. Scotland's Disabled People's Annual Summit: speech. 16 jan. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/scotlands-disabled- peoples-annual-summit/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 55. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2018. Scotland after Brexit: speech. 16 jan. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/scotland-after-brexit/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 56. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2018. Celebrating 100 years of women's right to vote debate: speech. 6 feb. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/celebrating- 100-years-womens-right-to-vote-debate-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 57. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2018. Care day: speech. 16 feb. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/care-day-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 58. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2018. SCVO The Gathering: speech. 21 feb. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/scvo-the-gathing-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 59. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2018. Association of British Insurers annual conference. 27 feb. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/association-of- british-insurers-annual-conference/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 60. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2018. Scottish Renewables Annual Conference: speech. 27 mar. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/scottish-renewables- annual-conference-speech/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 61. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2018. First Minister's speech with UNICEF on child poverty. 10 apr. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/first-ministers- speech-with-unicef-on-child-poverty/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28) Speech 62. Sturgeon, Nicola. 2018. First Minister speech at Economist event on inclusive growth. 11 apr. [Transcript] https://www.gov.scot/publications/first- minister-speech-at-economist-event-on-inclusive-growth/ (Retrieved: 2021-05-28)
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