Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019)

Field course 2019 Secondary Cities in Burkina Faso: Urban Life as seen by the Townsfolk Institute of Social Anthropology

Supervisors: Till Förster, Aïdas Sanogo and Michelle Engeler

Building the modern city of Bobo-Dioulasso:

Cement, clay, and other symbols of modernity

Alexander Crawford 2nd semester MA Critical Urbanism [email protected]

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Contents Acknowledgements Abstract

1. Introduction

2. Chronicle

3. Theoretical and methodological approach

4. Cement as a symbol of development and modernity

5. Subdivision as a tool of modernity

6. Structures and building materials in Bobo-Dioulasso • Typology of housing in Western Africa and Bobo-Dioulasso • Clay brick • Cement brick • Utilitarian ‘vernacular’ design • Money is power, purchasing modernity

7. Sectors of Bobo Dioulasso • Historical context • Sector map • The City Centre • Dogona • Belleville

8. Case studies • Aziz: Dogona • Ousmane and Mohamed: Dogona • Usman: Belleville • Senou: Belleville • Rasma: Belleville

9. Conclusion 10. Reflections 11. References

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Acknowledgements This project was my first extended time in the field, a time to test research methods and experiment. I had to leave my comfort zones at times and face challenges while in Burkina Faso. Thus, I am thankful to my supervisors Till Förster, Aïdas Sanogo and Michelle Engeler from the Institute of Social Anthropology at Basel University for their guidance and support. I am especially grateful to the people of Bobo- Dioulasso who made time to talk to me and help me with my research, especially those who were willing to meet with me multiple times. Their contributions and insight helped bring my research together. Finally, my thanks to my fellow students who were also in Bobo-Dioulasso for making the field course easier by sharing moments and advice.

Abstract This report is the result of 6 weeks of fieldwork course in Burkina Faso under the guidance of the Institute for Social Anthropology in Basel. It is part of the course entitled ‘Secondary Cities in Burkina Faso: Urban Life as seen by the Townsfolk’ and is part of my Critical Urbanism Master Program’s module ‘Urbanisms from the South’.

The report is based on observations of the spatial layout and structures in these residential districts, interactions with locals (using qualitative research methods such as conversations and semi-structured interviews) with residents, in addition to analysis of photographic images and maps.

The study focuses on two residential districts in the secondary city Bobo-Dioulasso, Dogona and Belleville, and investigates how concepts of modernity are constructed by residents through building materials and aesthetics in reaction to development programs initiated by the city in the form of subdivision and service delivery.

The report documents that homes in Bobo-Dioulasso are constructed predominantly from two types of materials, clay or cement bricks. It is common to find properties with both types of structures and the financial and social situation of the owner influences which material is used. Historically, clay bricks were used before colonialism, and during colonialism they were used in the neighbourhoods on the

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) periphery of the French colonial city. Consequently, the clay bricks used in Bobo- Dioulasso (at least from a Western perspective) are perceived as traditional and unmodern. However, cement is perceived as modern because it was used by the French to construct Bobo-Dioulasso as a ‘modern’ and ‘developed’ city. Today, it appears that Burkinabe residents also are claiming modernity through their decision to replace their clay brick structures with cement bricks. Cement as a construction material could thus be considered a symbol of modernity and a better investment due to its durability, unlike clay bricks which require constant maintenance.

However, this report takes other factors into consideration, besides building materials, which influence residents’ decisions to use cement. The relationship to land has changed due to subdivision which promotes private property ownership and formalises the urban space. Furthermore, the decreasing availability of land near the city centre, and the arrival of migrants (from rural areas or smaller urban centres) who want access to the city, motivates residents to display their urban identity by building their homes from ‘modern’ building materials. Thus, resident who are part of the formal or ‘legal’ city feel secure enough to invest in more expensive construction materials such as cement bricks.

This study reveals how residents interact with modernity in the urban environment of Bobo-Dioulasso. It provides a narrative as to how certain building materials are used to develop homes and properties, but also why cement has become a symbol of modernity.

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1. Introduction For the field course ‘Secondary Cities in Burkina Faso: Urban Life as seen by the Townsfolk’ I decided to study the urbanisation and development of residential districts in the city Bobo-Dioulasso. The intended outcome of this field research is an improved understanding of the concept of modernity and how it is articulated in the context of Bobo-Dioulasso. This would be achieved through the analysis of development and modernisation projects initiated by the state and how inhabitants operate their communities and private homes in reaction to them.

Prior to my arrival in Bobo-Dioulasso, I aimed to compare two residential sectors, to understand how they are developed and operate. Initially, I planned to compare how development and modernisation projects affected the residents and learn:

• To what extent are development and modernisation projects promoted by the state, and how do residents react to these projects? • What strategies do residents have to develop and modernise their communities and private homes? • How does this improve our understanding of the concept of modernity in Bobo-Dioulasso?

Part of this research is to understand how modernity is perceived in Bobo-Dioulasso, but another reason is to challenge the perception that African cities are underdeveloped and unmodern. This is likely due to the large amount of informality compared to Western cities, suggesting that they are poor and unmodern ( (Myers 2010, 6-14), reinforcing colonial hierarchies and justifying development and modernisation projects to help the African city ‘catch-up’. Therefore, I wanted to understand how effective development and modernisation projects are as a method to ‘catch-up’ (a central trope of developmental discourse in the 1960-80s) and investigate how residents develop strategies to attain their own concept of modernity.

However, once in Burkina Faso, I found my initial research aims to be unfeasible. Unable, in most, cases to enter spheres of development and modernisation belonging to the state, I decided to use the construction of homes and their building materials as a lens to understand how concepts of modernity are formed by residents.

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2. Chronicle

DATES EVENTS 2 January, Wednesday Arrived in Ouagadougou and met with Aidas. I acquired my SIM card at the airport. 3 January, Thursday Explored the district, taking note of the types of houses and the infrastructure (roads, streetlights, etc.). Later, I met with my colleagues after walking to the reservoirs north of the city. 4 January, Friday Organised a taxi to move to the hostel where my colleagues stayed. We had a meeting with Aidas about our observations. 5 January, Saturday Visited the district named Dapoya. There I saw the construction of main road with bricks and not asphalt. Spoke to a business owner. 6 January, Sunday We departed via bus to Bobo Dioulasso, arriving in the afternoon and moved into our accommodation at CECAO. We had dinner with our supervisors to discuss the upcoming weeks. I spoke to Aidas on her perspective of development in Burkina Faso. 7 January, Monday We travelled together into town and visited the Grand Marche and the Sitarail station. I briefly visited the Old Mosque and Artisanal Village district but did not enter. 8 January, Tuesday I walked to the Belleville district and saw a cement brick producing site and spoke to a brick maker named Didi. I also saw the ‘Rue Rouge’ which (at the time) is a large unpaved road. 9 January, Wednesday Visited Sarfalao district to determine if it could be a potential research site. In the afternoon I visited the Grand Marche to shop for a bicycle. Here I met Aziz, a local who could speak English and works at the Marche. I spoke to him a bit and we exchanged numbers to meet in the future and organise a bicycle for me to purchase. 10 January, Thursday Explored the city centre. I spoke to some artisans and a Burkinabe named Davido who introduced me to Ibrahim who had some experience as a translator in Mali. In the evening while returning home I met Nicholas who had a confrontation with security personal in the direction of CESAO. 11 January, Friday I focused on readings and my journal writing in preparation for a meeting with our supervisors that evening. Till recommended that I take enough photos to assist me in analysing the districts and as visuals for presentation. 12 January, Saturday In the morning I explored district 5 near CESAO. We had dinner at our colleague’s Vishi’s accommodation in Belleville and went to a local music venue.

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13 January, Sunday I explored district 5 again and walked to the town centre along Ave Charles de Gaulles. There I wrote in my journal and observed from the café ‘Petite Paris’. In the evening I played frisbee near the Maison de Culture with some locals and expats. 14 January, Monday Met Aziz at the Grand Marche and tested some bicycles. While waiting for the one I had selected to be cleaned up I spoke to Aziz about his work there in the Marche. In the afternoon I met with a potential translator, Aruss, a lecturer at CESAO. 15 January, Tuesday Cycled to Belleville and spoke to two students of the nearby university, INSSA. I met with Vishi for lunch and we discussed our research. While returning home I met two engineers, Bamba and Mohammed, who were working on the ‘Rue Rouge’. I spoke to them of the construction planned for this road through Belleville. 16 January, Wednesday Cycled to Dogona which may be a potential research site. I met and spoke to a young seller named Orton in Nyeneta market. I entered Dogona and met Ousmane and Mohamed at a cement brick site. It was late so I had to leave but we exchanged numbers. 17 January, Thursday Met Vishi at her contact’s store near the Artisanal Village and we went to Dogona to find women who were making traditional pottery. In the evening we met with our supervisors for dinner and a debriefing session. 18 January, Friday Ran errands in the morning and then explored the interior of Belleville further away from the ‘Rue Rouge’. That evening I prepared to move out of CESAO to an Airbnb the following morning. 19 January, Saturday Changed accommodation and the class made a day trip to La Guingetta with Anna’s Airbnb family. 20 January, Sunday Went to the nearby store to purchase food and spoke to my housemates, both French citizens working long term in Bobo. 21 January, Monday Felt unwell so I spent the morning practising French, reading, and writing in my journal while resting. In the evening I met a Canadian expat in Belleville who was married to a Burkinabe and has lived in Bobo-Dioulasso for several years. 22 January, Tuesday Explored Belleville further and met a Nigerian school principal, Usmane. We spoke about his experiences in Bobo. I then cycled to Dogona and met with Ousmane and Mohammed again. 23 January, Wednesday Spent the day at home, reflecting and writing in my journal. 24 January, Thursday Went to the Grand Marche to fix a problem with my bicycle, Aziz was not there. I explored more of Dogona and met a man named Zachary and we spoke about his experiences in Bobo. Afterwards I cycled to the water treatment plant on the outside of Dogona.

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25 January, Friday Leah had organised with one of her contacts for the class to learn about Bologan painting. In the evening I met with Vishi’s housemate Rasma and we spoke about her experiences in Belleville. 26 January, Saturday Ousmane contacted me to meet and talk in the afternoon near the Institut Francais. 27 January, Sunday Wrote in my journal and reviewed my readings and notes before dinner with our supervisors. 28 January, Monday Met with Till for a one-on-one session. 29 January, Tuesday The class travelled together to Banfora 30 January, Wednesday Travelling in Banfora. 31 January, Thursday Met Orton at Nyeneta market and he took me briefly to his home and then to a restaurant in the city centre. 1 February, Friday Rested at home and reviewed my readings and wrote in my journal. 2 February, Saturday Went into the city and wrote in my journal at café ‘Petit Paris’ 3 February, Sunday Cycled to Belleville and the INSSA residence. I met a student named Yousuf who offered to help me visit INSSA. I then explored more of Belleville. They had begun placing asphalt on the ‘Rue Rouge’. 4 February, Monday I met Yousuf who took me to the administrator of the residence. With his permission, I met with the engineers who were on site and received a tour. 5 February, Tuesday Yousuf translated for me in Belleville. I had a semi-structured interview with a woman named Senou. 6 February, Wednesday Cycled to Belleville and visited the principal Usmane. 7 February, Thursday Cycled to Dogona and visited Aziz in the morning. He gave me a quick tour of his home and part of his street/area. In the afternoon I met with Ousmane near the cement brick site. 8 February, Friday I returned the bicycle I bought at the Grande Marche and then visited Orton at the Nyeneta market. 9 February, Saturday The class presented their findings to students and staff at CESAO. 10 February, Sunday Journaling and prepared to leave for Ouagadougou the next day. Went to an event in the City Centre with my housemates. 11 February, Monday Travelled to Ouagadougou. 12 February, Tuesday Visited the Artisanal Village with the class. 13 February, Wednesday Departed Ouagadougou for Switzerland.

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3. Theoretical and methodological approach

Image 1: An advertisement billboard for a development company, displaying a concept of a home which is typical of Western homes: pitched roof, large glass windows, and single structure. However, this is not the norm regarding most homes in Burkina Faso. Do images like this influence how Burkinabe citizens perceive modernity and development? (2019) I conducted my research to understand how modernity is created in the Bobo- Dioulasso, but also to challenge assumptions that the African city is not modern and developed. My theoretical approach was influenced by Jennifer Robinson’s ‘Ordinary cities’ (Robinson 2006) which challenges colonial power-relation that assume that urbanism and modernity in Africa are consequences of Western action despite African passivity. Robinson argues that the colonial and neo-colonial fantasy, which asserted that Western cities were ‘creative, dynamic, modern places’ and other cities were unmodern, created a hierarchy of modernity which continues to have negative consequences for African cities because it ‘limit(s) both cultural imaginations of city life and practices of city planning (Robinson 2006, 4).’ Thus, Robinson argues that a post-colonial revision of how African cities and their imagined futures are understood is required to dispel the notion that they are unmodern while creating a diversity of urban contexts to analyse different strategies of development and concepts of modernity. Equally important, by contesting the hierarchy of modernity and studying alternative strategies of development, particularly those of residents, it is possible to legitimise those concepts of modernity despite the dominance of Western modernity.

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Western modernity in Africa Robinson summarises Western modernity as the “West’s self-characterisation of itself in opposition to ‘others’ and ‘elsewheres’ that are imagined to be not modern” (Robinson 2006, 4). It was a consequence of changing conditions in reaction to industrial capitalism during the 19th century and was integral to the discourse of European empire in the 19th and 20th centuries. Modernity became part of a hegemonic discourse justifying colonialism on the premise that it was a civilising mission. The discourse was that modernity would help colonised indigenous populations transition from ‘traditional’ to ‘modern’ ways of living, civilising them in the process (Hintzen 2014). Consequently, for African cities to attain modernity, they were expected to undergo a process of Westernisation. This narrative continued after colonialism during the Cold War, however, modernisation was rebranded from a civilising to a development project to help new African states ‘catch up’ with the rest of the world. Thus, many African states and cities strived to attain modernity through renewal and infrastructure projects. In Peter Bloom’s book “Modernisation as Spectacle in Africa”, the author highlights how African states adopted the rhetoric of modernisation to address historic inequalities. Notably, Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of Ghana, initiated numerous modernisation projects to create ‘modern’ African cities and citizens (Bloom, Miescher and Manuh 2014). Consequently, modernity became a tool to overcome colonial legacies, becoming a claim-making device that African states and cities are equal to other global powers (Cooper 2005).

However, the language of modernisation and development has been significantly delegitimised due to critique in the social sciences through the historic contextualisation of these concepts. Despite this delegitimization in academic circles, development and modernisation are still seen as a strategy to uplift communities, but NGOs and communities claim that modernisation projects often benefit wealthier citizens or cosmopolitan areas to the detriment of poorer citizens. This is linked to the state’s lack of resources to fulfil the needs of all their citizens and use their resources in visible spaces to demonstrate their modernity (Ferguson 2006). Thus, invisible spaces, usually poor or marginalised communities, are expected to wait for the state to provide modernity, implying they cannot attain it using their own strategies. Essentially, they are dispossessed from modernity. Robinson argues that, “Theories of modernity, just like South African urbanism, have often reserved

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) experiences of dynamism and innovation for a privileged few, and especially for those wealthy cities and their citizens who have laid claim to originating modernity (Robinson 2006, x).”

Thus, I conducted my research in Bobo-Dioulasso to observe strategies residents use to attain modernity to become legitimate and accepted within the urban space of Bobo.

Development and modernisation in the face of residential urbanisation A challenge in African cities resulting in them being marked as underdeveloped and unmodern is the urbanisation of poverty which manifests itself in informal housing. While preparing for my field research in Bobo-Dioulasso, I studied the growth of the city on satellites maps (Google 2018-19), the accuracy of which has been brought into question by colleagues and noticed that over time the urban space changed quickly in only a decade. The urban sprawl in specific sectors was clear, yet an order quickly developed in how the streets and homes are arranged. In a rigid grid system. I wondered if this these sectors were considered more developed and modern by residents in Bobo-Dioulasso. For comparison, in the context of Cape Town, South Africa, innovation and dynamism has resulted in the creation of large, organised communities in townships, often with minimal aid from government. However, they would not be considered modern due to the comparative developed urban space of the city and previously European only suburbs which symbolise Western modernity, order, and efficiency. I, having a South African perspective, have heard the rhetoric of development and modernisation projects, claiming to modernise the city and address historic inequalities by providing service delivery and ‘modern’ housing. However, in post- Apartheid South Africa (as elsewhere in Africa), these types of projects rarely accomplish their goal and citizens are often dissatisfied by the pace and quality of modernity. Therefore, I aimed to discover if residents in Bobo-Dioulasso were equally dissatisfied with development and modernity projects and learn what strategies they use to improve their standards of living and develop their own concepts of modernity.

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4. Cement as a potential symbol of development and modernity

Image 2: The first cement brick site I saw in Bobo-Dioulasso. The site was next to a main road in the sector of Belleville and demonstrates how practical it is to make cement bricks. (2019) When I arrived in Bobo-Dioulasso, I aimed to study how residential sectors were urbanised and developed to understand how modernity was articulated. However, I struggled to engage with residents on the topic of modernity because I could not identify an appropriate project that residents actively participated in, meaning that they reacted to and influenced it. Furthermore, during conversations and interviews with residents, the terms ‘modernity’ and ‘development’ became too diverse and broad. They were associated with infrastructure such as roads, water and electricity supply, housing, hospitals and clinics, and economic stability. Many residents were frustrated by the rising cost of living and wanted the state to develop and stabilise the economy by providing jobs and more education opportunities. A reason I had difficulty engaging residents on these aspects of development was because they were not always certain how the state intended to develop their sector and neighbourhood. Thus, they could not easily participate in the development and modernisation of these spaces.

Despite this setback, after spending time in the residential neighbourhoods I wanted to study, I decided to investigate whether cement is a symbol of modernity to Bobo residents.

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My decision was inspired by my first visit to the residential sector Belleville where I observed a cement brick manufacturing site (Image 2). I observed the labourer, Didi, mix water and cement powder together and place part of the mixture in a mould. The mould was then emptied onto the ground, forming a grey brick to dry in the sun and then sell. Once the mixture had been made, Didi could make cement bricks rapidly. Thus, cement appeared to be an efficient and practical construction material because of the speed at which the bricks are made. All it required was packets of cement, water, and a mould. Furthermore, although cement brick sites are found throughout the city, I later learned that it is common for cement bags to be transported to the construction site, and some families make their own bricks on their property to reduce costs.

After speaking to my supervisors about my difficulties to engage with Bobo residents on the topic of modernity and development, in addition to the cement brick manufacturing site, it was suggested by Aidas Sanogo that I could investigate how cement as a building material could be a symbol of modernity. Till Förster supported this, suggesting that a study on how the meaning and aesthetics of building materials could provide me with a valuable insight into how residents perceive and create their own forms of modernity. I was interested in this idea, because from my perspective, cement was a modern building material in comparison to clay which is still used as a building material by Bobo-residents. However, did Bobo residents perceive cement as modern? When I visited residential neighbourhoods, I noticed that buildings and walls could be constructed from both cement and clay, but I did not know on what basis residents chose their construction material. Do residents make a transition from using clay to cement bricks to suit their concept of urban modernity? This is possible considering the historical concept of traditional building materials such as clay by Europeans. In Elliot P. Skinners book, “African Urban Life: The transformation of Ouagadougou”, he notes that even after Ouagadougou had been planned and built by the French colonial Governor Hesling to characterise a Western town, it was mocked based on the building material used, “(although) these majestic buildings were constructed out of sun-dried bricks (banco), the town was jocularly referred to throughout French West Africa as Bancoville (Skinner 1974, 130).”

Thus, I decided to investigate whether cement as a building material symbolised modernity and development in Bobo-Dioulasso. I hoped it would allow me to engage

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) with residents on the concept of modernity because they could explain why they chose to use cement as a building material for their homes and whether it makes them ‘modern’. Their responses can then be used to understand how the city of Bobo-Dioulasso constructs its own concept of modernity and development.

5. Subdivision as a tool of modernity

Image 3: A subdivided plot in Belleville. A trench for the perimeter wall has been prepared in the foreground, and the cement bricks for the structures sit ready in the background. (2019)

During my field research in Bobo-Dioulasso, the system of ‘lotissement’ or subdivision was regularly mentioned when discussing the development of the residential sectors of the city. Subdivision in Bobo-Dioulasso entails the marking out of neighbourhoods with a grid road system with plots of land to be sold. People who live in informal housing or migrants could gain formal ‘legitimate’ access to the city by purchasing the plot and building a home. Although a plot can be expensive, depending on its distance from the city centre, owners have the advantage of being registered by the state and are given a title deed to prove their claim. Furthermore, subdivided sectors have better access to services such as water and electricity.

Initially, knowing when a sector was subdivided was useful for my research because it gave an indication of how old the neighbourhood could be (see figures 1-4). However, I came to see it as a valuable example of the state’s role in the development

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) and urbanisation of the city and as an integral part of the process for Bobo residents to attain modernity in an urban environment.

Ophelie Robineau’s paper ‘Les quartiers non-lotis: espaces de l’entre-deux dans la ville burkinabe’, which examines informal or ‘spontaneous’ housing in ‘non-lotis’ neighbourhoods in Bobo-Dioulasso, gives an insight into how subdivision produced idiosyncratic urban forms due to the transitory nature of land. Robineau explains how subdivision was historically used to prevent densification of residential sectors, impose European aesthetical value, and symbolise hierarchy of space. It classified what was legal and formal, bureaucratically registered and occupied according to the subdivision system, in contrast to what was illegal and informal, communal compounds and customary property practices. After independence, subdivision controlled urban growth and sprawl while attempting to ensure that adequate housing and services were provided to the greatest number of Burkinabe. However, subdivision in Bobo-Dioulasso continued to define urban space, therefore, living in a subdivided neighbourhood meant resident had formal ‘legitimate’ access to the city, its services, and a sense of permanence. Bobo-residents living on non-subdivided land did not feel integrated into the city and thus their lifestyles reflected their temporary urban existence, often building temporary structures.

Robineau divides open space into three modes of urbanisation that are common in African cities (Robineau 2014):

Bounded areas: are geometrical, planned during subdivision, and supplied with water and electricity. They are “legal” and under the public authority of the city. They usually have wide and straight roads which may be paved.

Non-parcelled areas: are not geometrical as they are “illegal and informal”, created outside the authority of the city. There is no water or electricity supply, and structures are often built from earth. Often found bordering subdivided areas.

Areas of old rural habitat: they are usually precolonial neighbourhoods which still have some of their original architecture and layout. Although they are not ‘illegal’ they may not benefit as other “legal” areas do. Some are eventually integrated into the city and supplied with water and electricity, while others keep their organisation if there is a strong traditional authority to maintain social and spatial structures.

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Therefore, subdivision has a significant influence on resident’s concept of urbanity and their decision to use certain building materials. It also helped me to understand why residential neighbourhoods’ appearances can vary, depending on the numbers of clay and brick structures, and why there is a transition from clay brick to cement brick structures. Once subdivision takes place, residents can attain a legal urban status. Even then, many are unable to afford a plot of land and would be pushed again to the peripheries. Those who can build their homes initially out of clay bricks to secure their ownership until they are financially capable of building structures of cement brick which are more durable and considered suitable for modern urban lifestyle.

Figure 1 and 2: Map showing the subdivision of Bobo-Dioulasso, extensions 1995 (left) and 2000 (right), (Bonkoungou n.d.)

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Figure 3: Map showing the subdivision of Bobo-Dioulasso, extension 2010, (Bonkoungou n.d.)

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Figure 4: Map of Bobo-Dioulasso showing when parts of the city were subdivided, (Meunier-Nikiema, et al. 2015).

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6. Structures and building materials in Bobo-Dioulasso

Typology of housing in (French) Western Africa and Bobo-Dioulasso Although the following is at best a generalisation of building traditions in Bobo- Dioulasso and the region, studying structures which pastiche architecture which I am unfamiliar with, made me cautious to draw a line and define certain structures and architecture as ‘modern’ or ‘traditional’. Consequently, I took time to study how architecture and urban space developed in Bobo-Dioulasso and the region before, during, and after colonisation. I believe doing so has helped me interpret why and how residents in Bobo perceive and create modernity.

Sudano-Sahelian architecture

The vernacular architecture in West Africa, except for the coastal areas, is referred to as Sudano-Sahelian architecture. It is traditionally characterised by mudbricks and adobe plaster and may have wooden logs built in as support beams or sticking out perpendicular to the structure to be used as scaffolding for repairs and plastering, seen predominantly in mosques. Plastering is required due to wind and rain erosion and must be done regularly, otherwise the structure’s integrity can be undermined.

This architectural style is associated with urban environments and centres of trade where inhabitants establish permanent homes and communities are denser. Sudano- Sahelian architecture was influenced by Islamic architecture because many West African kings during the Middle Ages accepted or converted to Islam. Hence, large buildings such as mosques, palaces, and homes of nobles are often identified by their ‘cone-roofs’ which became landmarks to locals and travellers. However, the expansion of the Sahelian kingdoms and trade routes resulted in different styles developing. Today, four styles are associated with ethnicity of their builders but cannot be strictly designated to one modern country (Elleh 1997).

Malian: Predominantly used by Mande groups of central and southern Mali. Characterised by the Great Mosque of Djenne, Mali.

Fortress: Existed throughout the savannahs in different styles and were ‘fortified settlements’ with high walls around a compound. Characterised by the Sankore Mosque of Timbuktu, Mali.

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Image 4: Malian style, Great Mosque of Djenne, Mali. Photo from Project for Public Spaces

Image 5: Fortress style, Sankore Mosque, Mali. Photo from Wikimapia Tubali: Typically, a Hausa architectural style in North and North-western Nigeria, Niger, and Eastern Burkina Faso. Characterised by one or two storey buildings (though such buildings were not uncommon in the region) with parapets. Yaama Mosque, Niger, is an example.

Image 6: Tubali style, Yaama Mosque, Niger. Photo from archnet.org Volta Basin: Predominantly used by groups in Burkina Faso, Northern Ghana, and Cote d’Ivoire. They usually have single courtyards with high walls and turrets on the exterior. There is usually a larger turret near the centre. Characterised by the Larabanga mosque of Ghana and the Bobo-Dioulasso Grand Mosque.

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Image 7: Volta style, Larabanga Mosque, Ghana. Photo by Sathyan Velumani, Wikipedia.

Image 8: Volta style, Bobo-Dioulasso Grand Mosque, Burkina Faso. Photo from Wikimedia Commons Colonial period

During the colonial period, Bobo-Dioulasso was the second largest city in West Africa and part of the colonial administration’s strategy to enable migration of Upper Volta Africans to coastal areas in the Ivory Coast. Part of the strategy was the construction of a railway line from Abidjan to Bobo-Dioulasso in 1934 (Thomas 1957, 11). French architects and urban planners constructed official building, including the railway station in the neo-Sudanese style (Werthmann 2013). Neo-Sudanese style in Burkina Faso drew inspiration from architecture throughout West Africa which was condensed by French architects into a pastiche which reproduced ‘indigenous’ structures. Most building had small turrets along the exterior wall and along the roof top, larger turrets such as the two on the railways station were less common. What made neo-Sudanese architecture unique was their construction materials, cement and iron. African residents in Bobo-Dioulasso, especially those living in villages or neighbourhoods on the periphery of the colonial city, built their homes depending on their economic means, which would usually mean with clay bricks. However, as the city grew it is likely that wealthy residents built their homes with cement to display their ‘modernity’.

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Image 9: An example of neo-Sudanese architecture, the Sitarail station, Bobo-Dioulasso.

Image 10: An administrative building built by the French in Bobo-Dioulasso using the neo-Sudanese style.

Image 11: The Grande Marche, Bobo-Dioulasso, although renovated after independence it retains its neo-Sudanese architecture.

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Post-colonial period

In Bobo-Dioulasso, many neo-Sudanese structures built by the French changed ownership but retained their administrative purpose, becoming ministerial or company offices. However, there is evidence that smaller structures in the city centre and centre commercial were used by Burkinabe for homes and businesses, though often temporary structures such as stores have been built in front which obscures most of the original building.

Image 12: Neo-Sudanese style structures with temporary structures built in front, Koko, Bobo-Dioulasso, 2019

Image 13: Neo-Sudanese style structures with temporary structures built in front, Sikassocira, Bobo-Dioulasso, 2019 In the residential sectors of Bobo-Dioulasso there is evidence that some private housing mimicked neo-Sudanese architecture, yet none use the style used by French architects. Most homes appear to have simpler, more practical designs with no large

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) turrets. The spatial layout appears to not have changed dramatically, most households live in a compound with high walls and different structures built around a central courtyard. However, while many constructed their homes using clay bricks, there has been a transition to using cement bricks and aluminium roofing sheets.

Image 14 and 15: Neo-Sudanese style house in Dogona, Bobo-Dioulasso, 2019 There are more complex examples of the neo-Sudanese style being used to maintain a Burkina Faso identity while demonstrating modernity in public buildings. The INSSA residences in Belleville are impressive due to their size and their unique architecture, adapted from the French neo-Sudanese style, making them akin to monuments of Burkina modernity and development.

Image 16-19: The residences of INSSA in Belleville, Bobo-Dioulasso. Speaking with architects and students, the buildings were described as symbols of Burkina modernity. Though this may also be because they are synonymous to tertiary education. In my opinion, the decision to reference neo-Sudanese architecture while using cement bricks (note the large site behind the residence buildings) indicates an attempt to combine heritage and modernity while avoiding connotations that these are ‘traditional’ buildings.

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There are also examples of European architectural styles, especially in newer sectors such as Belleville. These structures are made from cement bricks and have either aluminium sheet or tiled pitched roofs. They usually have multiple stories and balconies.

Image 20 and 21: Western style house in Belleville, Bobo-Dioulasso, 2019 Clay brick and other construction materials Here I will define building materials and structures made of clay bricks and stone as more traditional due to their usage before colonialism and Western development in the 20th century. These materials, especially clay, are easily acquired in Bobo- Dioulasso and older homes and residents predominantly used them when building their first homes or walls to claim their plot of land. They are preferred because buying clay bricks is affordable due to the abundance of the material locally and the lack of specialised equipment, these bricks are not baked in an oven. Consequently, it is not unusual for family or members of the community to come together to help make bricks or structures. However, because clay bricks are not baked, they are less resistant to water and not ideal for supporting high loads; but they are considered superior compared to baked and cement bricks at absorbing moisture and providing passive humidity control, in addition to requiring less energy to make and are easily recyclable (Heath n.d.). Stone ‘bricks’ are much more expensive than clay bricks as they must be quarried and formed by a skilled labourer and cost more to transport to the building site. Due to their hardness, they are more resistance to wind and water than clay bricks and can be exposed to the elements without the need for constant maintenance. Bobo residents also find this building material aesthetically more pleasing because it does not need to be plastered meaning its red colour can be displayed.

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They are regularly used as perimeter walls in multiple sectors of Bobo-Dioulasso, including Belleville and Dogona, however, the additional cost of these bricks makes them inaccessible to many residents. It has come to my attention that a newer building material exists, compressed earth blocks (CEBs). A method of compacting the earth using a machine that improves the quality of the material, making it popular due to its relative affordability to durability. These bricks can be made with or without cement depending on the financial situation of the homeowner (Césaire 2017). Although this construction material is becoming more common, I have not come across examples of this material being used in the field, therefore I will not be focusing on it in this report. However, considering the economic and environmental value of this material it could be an interesting subject to pursue in the future. Cement brick It is unclear when African Bobo-Dioulasso residents began using cement bricks, however it was often used in the construction of the European administration and residential quarters by the French by the mid-20th century. This, and the colonial hierarchy (especially in urban spaces such as Bobo), would contribute to the perception that cement is a ‘modern’ building material. Although I cannot say to what extent cement was accessible to African Bobo-Dioulasso residents during the colonial period, finances were likely the only limitation. After independence it became a popular building material in urban spaces. Cement is a popular building material in Bobo-Dioulasso today, considering the number of cement brick sites in the city, in addition to construction sites mainly using cement brick, especially for larger buildings which require stronger, loadbearing walls. Beyond cement being considered modern, there are advantages to using it over clay bricks. Cement bricks are more durable and water resistant, meaning they do not require a façade to protect them, while painting them does not diminish their effectiveness like clay bricks. However, some residents criticise cement bricks for not being adaptable (in the same clay bricks are) to the local climate and cause homes to be uncomfortable due to their inability to regulate moisture. Some, more conscientious residence recognise that they are not as environmentally friendly and would like an alternative. Another reason why CEBs (mentioned in the previous section) could be an interesting

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) research subject. Finally, cement bricks are expensive compared to clay bricks, however, their durability means once the structure is complete owners save time and money on maintenance. There is an emphasis on a sense of permanence associated with the building material. During my field research I considered how subdivision and landownership influenced residents’ relationship with the land. If residents purchase a plot, it is because of the demand to be ‘in’ the city and benefit from a number of advantages, notably security, that come with it. Afterwards, it appears they would invest more in the structures on it to display that they are ‘in’ the city. Thus, cement may be considered an ideal construction material because of its association with modernity and the sense of permanence it gives to the structure.

Image 22: Home with cement bricks in courtyard to build a new structure on the property, Belleville, Bobo-Dioulasso, 2019. Utilitarian ‘vernacular’ design Homes in Bobo-Dioulasso generally have similar design elements which could be considered traditional because they partially maintain pre-colonial social conditions. However, it would be easy to argue against this view as residents’ lifestyles, even in the family and home, has altered significantly. Often, they are communal, with family and extended family members living on one property. The courtyard is usually placed in the middle of the property and provides a public space where work and events can take place. In front of homes there are often patios which can be considered a semi-private space due to the proximity to the entrance of a room or home. Multiple families can live on a property and structures are built to provide some privacy. The only way to access another family member’s room is to travel across the courtyard or patio to the other entrance. However, wealthier residents of Bobo-

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Dioulasso with larger properties are more likely to have a more western home, a single structure (sometimes with two floors) with multiple rooms and a front yard with space for vehicles. Yet, it is important to note that because residents in subdivided sectors are constrained by the limits of their plot, land must be used utilitarianly, especially if a resident is not financially well off. Therefore, residents must plan to meet current and future needs. This may be why homes in recently subdivided sectors, such as Dogona, have many structures made of clay. Over time, and according to their needs, residents can replace them, often with cement. Consequently, residents in Bobo have developed housing types which can be adapted according to their plot size, social needs, and finances. The axonometric plans in image 23 demonstrate a number of these household typologies used by residents in Burkina Faso.

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Image 23: Axonometric plans depicting the architectural typology of households in Burkina Faso (Chabaud 2013)

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Money is power, purchasing modernity On my first visit to the neighbourhood of Dogona, I interacted with a young man named Orton. Our conversation improved my understanding of modernity in Burkina Faso because he argued that modernity can only be attained by those with the financial means. The phrase we used was ‘l’argent est le pouvoir (money is power)’ to imply the correlation between the income and wealth of a resident and how modern their lifestyle is. Bobo residents can demonstrate their modernity using clothing, cellphones, vehicles, and the size and type of homes. I heard this sentiment repeated during other conversations with Bobo residents who are aware of how poor Burkina Faso and Bobo-Dioulasso is compared to other African states, using Cote d’Ivoire and Ghana as examples of ‘rich’ and therefore more ‘modern’ countries. Residents also feel that the shift of resources and development from Bobo-Dioulasso to the capital Ouagadougou is part of the reason why the city is experiencing an economic decline, making it difficult for residents to provide the basics for their families, let alone improve their homes or purchase modernity.

I felt that this made my topic of development and modernity difficult to study because the issue of housing did not appear to be a priority to the residents that I spoke to. This is probably due to them living in legitimate residential sectors ‘in’ the city. Although housing can be a symbol of modernity, residents are currently more concerned with economic security which the government is expected to provide. They are conscious that modernity is symbolised through economic conditions, ideally in low unemployment and the affordability and availability of goods, and the city’s infrastructure. Housing did not appear to be as important as these factors, at least not consciously to Bobo residents. If I had spoken to Bobo residents in more informal (non-subdivided) areas, concerns of housing and access to the city would likely have been greater.

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7. Sectors of Bobo-Dioulasso

Historical context Pre-colonial history

The city of Bobo-Dioulasso’s originally grew around settlements of ethnic Bobo farmers before the 15th century due to a consistent source of water from the river We (Houet). Its geographical location in West Africa as a crossroad between the coastal kingdoms and the northern Sahel and Sahara made it an ideal location for trade routes to pass through leading to other ethnic groups such as the Jula (Dioula), a merchant caste found throughout the region.

Figure 5: Map of pre-colonial Bobo-Dioulasso. Original by Binger in 1888 (Diallo 1993, 10) Colonial period The area was occupied by the French in 1897 because of its commercial influence in the region. They set up a colonial administrative post and military camp on the outskirts of the larger villages in the area (Saul and Royer 2002, 71; Harsch 2017). After the 1915-16 anti-colonial conflict in Bobo-Dioulasso resulted in greater French influence, they began urbanising the area according to colonial ideals. From 1926, the French established the framework for a modern European city centre by subdividing the land into sectors and to create a typical European grid pattern connected by major routes which helped them to control the space. The subdivision also helped the administration to meet principles of health and hygiene at the time

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) which aimed to reduce population density in the city and segregate inhabitants of different ethnicities (Robineau 2014). The subdivision process was also a planning tool which conveyed aesthetic values and symbolised order while enforcing a hierarchy of space. This urban model, though modified after independence, remains relevant in the organisation of the city today and continues to define which spaces are urban.

Figure 6: Urban plan map of the quartier Sikasso Cira, Bobo-Dioulasso, 1924, (Bonkoungou n.d.) demonstrating first grid system of roads in Bobo which continue to define urban space.

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Figure 7: Urban plan map of the Marche in Centre Commercial quartier, Bobo-Dioulasso, 1952, (Bonkoungou n.d.) the economic centre of the city, French architects use the grid to ‘create’ order. After independence, Bobo-Dioulasso experienced high population growth and the city became a place of opportunities despite Ouagadougou becoming the capital because it was an industrial centre and agricultural zone, in the 1960s it was considered the economic capital, in addition to remaining an important administrative centre until the 1970s. However, it began to be overshadowed by Ouagadougou from the 1980s as government policies favoured the new capital forcing enterprises in Bobo-Dioulasso to either close or move. Consequently, the rise of population and economic decline resulted in housing shortages and so Burkinabes began settling on the edge of the city in non-subdivided areas or lived in the already densely populated city centre (see figure 7). To address the growth of these areas, in 1985, large subdivision programs were set up to organise these areas within the framework of subdivision. This results in the regular spatial growth of the city outwards as these ‘informal’ spaces are incorporated into the city’s territory.

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Figure 8: Population density of Bobo-Dioulasso in 1985 (Dioulla, 1993), demonstrating the need of the city to expand formal urban space to reduce population density in the city centre.

Sector map The municipality of Bobo-Dioulasso is divided into three districts; Dô, Dafra, and Konsa and are further divided into sectors, as of 2015 there were officially 25 (l'Habitat 2015), however there appears to be at least 33 sectors in 2019 as villages and informal settlements are incorporated into the city. This is due to new

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) subdivisions and extensions. Most sectors have an old name and a number, though it is more probable that Burkinabes will know the sector number and not the name. This may be a consequence that taxi drivers navigate the city predominantly using the sector numbers and landmarks, requiring residents to use them in their daily lives. Not knowing the sector number or any landmarks would make travelling via taxi difficult, as I have experienced, which is why I opted to travel mostly with a bicycle or by walking, which gave me a very different mental map of the city.

Figure 9: Sector maps of Bobo-Dioulasso. (Top) Overlaid on a city map demonstrating how sectors are formed by infrastructure. (Bottom) Highlighted in grey are the residential sectors focused on by this report.

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Sectors of Bobo-Dioulasso Sector Sector name (date of subdivision & extensions) number

1 Hamdalaye (1929), Faran-Sud (1945), Donona-Sud (1930), Centre commercial (1952), Kibudoue (S.D.U.), Mission (S.D.U.) 2 Medina-coura (1945), Diara-dougou (1930), Farakan-nord (1945), Dogona-nord (1945) 3 Tounouma (1930), Yoro koko (1930), Kombougou (S.D.U.) 4 Koko (1929), Zone des ecoles (1958) 5 Zone residentialle B (1967) 6 Bolomakote (1955 & 1967) 7 Camp militaire (1906) 8 Sikassocira (1924) 9 Accart-ville Sud gare (D.U), Zone (1965) 10 Accart-ville Nord (1954), Yeguere (1982 & 1999) 11 Colma (1976, 1992 & 1997), Colma sonature (2004), Colma Comme (2004) 12 Nieneta (1965) 13* Dogona (1991) 14 Bindougousso (1945 & 1986) 15 Quezzinville (1963 & 1986) 16 St Etienne de Tounouma (1940), L.O.C. (1958) 17 Sarfalao (1986) 18 19 Zone Industrielle (S.D.U.) 20 Aeroport (1944) 21 Colsama (1985 & 1999) 22 Zone de Dinderesso (1989 & 1994) 23 Sarassiamenso (S.D.U.) 24 Kwa (1999) 25 Zone Safari (1993 & 1999) 26 27 Kuinuma (1985) 28 Lafiabougou (1986 & 1999) 29* Belleville (S.D.U.) 30 31 32 33 Subdivision date unknown – (S.D.U.)

Figure 10: Table of sectors numbers and names. Includes subdivision and extension dates.

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The City Centre The city centre of Bobo-Dioulasso, sectors 1, 2, and 8, consists of the Grande Marche in the commercial centre, Bobo-Dioulasso’s railway station, industrial sectors, in addition to government and administrative building. It borders the military and police establishments to the South. It remains virtually unchanged spatially since its development in the 1920s and is the most ‘developed’ and ‘Western’ urban space, making it a symbol (or even a template) of modern urbanity in Bobo-Dioulasso. The architecture style is neo-Sudanese, built from cement bricks, but temporary structures are added on the street side of the buildings for businesses or store fronts. Virtually all roads are paved and have streetlights, there are even sidewalks in places.

Image 24: Google Earth, January 2019, Sikassocira and Centre Commercial sectors, Bobo Dioulasso

Image 25: Neo-Sudanese style structures in Sikassocira sector. The large structure in the background is an administrative building. The buildings with temporary structures in the foreground are small businesses.

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Dogona Dogona in sector 13 used to be a village and is not densely populated compared to the city centre, thus it became a popular space for migrants during the 1960s. The population doubled in 15 years from approximately 54,000 to 115,000 (Diallo 1993). Subdivision officially took place in 1991 and the village was put under the administration of the city of Bobo-Dioulasso, making it formal urban space. Initially homes were constructed out of clay bricks because residents knew that they could be forced to demolish them; subdivision made new plots by drawing lines through old ones. After subdivision, many residents rebuilt clay structures because it is affordable. However, new structures and walls were built out of cement when residents acquired enough money. This was done on the grounds that cement is considered a superior building material. Thus, there is an inconsistency in the housing along the streets of Dogona. Many structures are made of clay bricks, although some have not been well-maintained and are falling apart (see image 29). Structures made of cement bricks vary in quality, the best are plastered to provide a clean finish (see image 30). There are some examples of neo-Sahelian architecture visible from the street, but most structures are simple and undecorated. Still, it is important that one does not associate this inconsistency as exceptional in French West Africa, according to my supervisor Till Förster, nor should it be used to gauge the conditions inside the home. The few times I was invited into homes in Dogona gave me opportunities to see how resources were used, and the living conditions varied from comfortable (tiled and/or carpeted) to simple (painted interiors).

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Image 26: Google Earth, January 2019, Dogona, Bobo-Dioulasso

Image 27: Google Earth, March 2013, Dogona, Bobo-Dioulasso

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Image 28: Google Earth, July 2018, Dogona, Bobo-Dioulasso

Image 29: Clay and cement structures in Dogona, Bobo-Dioulasso, 2019.

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Image 30: Cement structure in Dogona, Bobo-Dioulasso, 2019. An example of a household that has improved the appearance of their home by plastering the wall with cement.

Belleville Belleville is one of the newest suburbs of Bobo-Dioulasso. Before 2000 the land was mostly agricultural with little demand due to its distance from the city centre. Access was made difficult because Bobo-Dioulasso’s airport and railway line acted as a barrier, especially since there were few paved roads at the time. However, after subdivision the sector was developed rapidly by property owners in about 10-15 years. Satellite maps from 2003 and 2019 make visible the transformation of the land into an urban space. People I spoke to commented that many of Belleville’s residents are from other countries or cities in Burkina Faso and were considered ‘middle-class’ because they were able to purchase land and build their homes in a short period of time. The presence of a technical college and a student residence, which has attracted many foreign students, may have contributed to the perception that Belleville is a middle- class neighbourhood. Here, there are some neo-Sudanese style homes, many are made of clay, but most appear to use cement brick, although it is not unusual to observe households with both types. Another factor that has created the image that Belleville is middle-class is the number of European style homes. During my research in Bobo-Dioulasso, Belleville had the most structures of this type.

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Image 31: Google Earth, December 2003, Belleville, Bobo-Dioulasso. The land is sparsely populated and does not appear to be subdivided.

Image 32: Google Earth, January 2019, Belleville, Bobo-Dioulasso. The land has been subdivided, creating a grid system, allowing urbanisation progress rapidly.

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Image 33: Google Earth, December 2003, Belleville, Bobo-Dioulasso.

Image 34: Google Earth, January 2012, Belleville, Bobo-Dioulasso

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8. Case studies During my 6 weeks in Bobo-Dioulasso I was fortunate to meet individuals who provided me with an insight on how development and modernity manifest themselves in residential sectors and households in Bobo-Dioulasso. These case- studies reveal through conversations aspects of living in Bobo or perspectives on modernity and development in urban space.

Aziz: Dogona I met Aziz while shopping for a bicycle near the Grand Marche during my first week in Bobo-Dioulasso. In his 40s, he is a trader who worked in New York City for 5 years. He often travels to Ghana, mainly Accra and Kumasi, and Cote d’Ivoire to purchase goods to bring to Bobo-Dioulasso via train or truck. He lives with his wife and daughter, and with his two brothers and their families in Dogona.

When I first spoke to him about what he defined as modern, he argued that education and the provision of schools by the state are essential to create a modern city and society. He critiqued the lack of European schools, and the inadequacy of Muslim schools which do not allow children to go university and do not teach skills that would be useful in government or business. The lack of a curriculum, in addition to no certificates and diplomas, means children/teenagers cannot prove their level of education to potential employers and must rely on family and friend networks. This often results in them working menial jobs. Aziz, though successful now, grew up in this environment and believes he could have had more opportunities if he had gone to a European style school. His daughter, aged 3, is already going to a kindergarten and is learning French and some English there. Aziz is aware that development can take generations. He and his brothers have benefitted from their father’s work and he wishes to invest heavily in his daughter in the hope she could one day have a good job. The plot they own now was purchased by his father when he was about 10, in the 1990s after the subdivision. Afterwards, father and sons built their home from clay bricks which Aziz claims are good if you have the time to maintain them. However, the plot today has no structures made of clay, only cement brick. When Aziz’s father was quite old, he had an accident and died, fortunately for the family he had life insurance which paid out a decent sum of

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) money. With the money, the brother’s decided to invest in new structures, homes for each brother. They demolished the older clay brick structures and replaced them with cement brick. Aziz made special mention to how expensive cement can be, a bag costing approximately 10,000 CFA, making 30-35 bricks. To Aziz, cement brick homes are preferable to clay bricks because it is better to not have to plaster your home every few years. He also thinks it easier to have running water and electricity in a cement brick home, improving the standard of living for the household. Though, I have been informed by my supervisor that it is forbidden to install electricity in ‘mud-brick’ structures, not that it deters all residents. However, it signals how cement bricks have become a legal requirement to benefit from modern infrastructure, which highlights that residents’ opinions are not solely influenced by aesthetic preference.

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Image 35 and 36: The property of Aziz and his family, Dogona, Bobo-Dioulasso, 2019. The property used to have clay brick structures, but they were replaced with cement bricks at a later stage. Ousmane and Mohamed: Dogona On my first visit to Dogona I observed another cement brick site and decided to ask the labourers about their work. They were finished for the day and were preparing to have tea, a ‘grin’. Unexpectantly, the first person I spoke to was not actually a labourer but a local of Dogona named Mohamed who was visiting the site where his friends worked. Mohamed was visiting his family and friends in Bobo-Dioulasso for a few weeks before returning to Accra, Ghana, to continue his Arabic studies. He introduced me to Ousmane, who also lived in the area. Ousmane studies at CESAO and works for a fruit juice manufacturer in Bobo-Dioulasso. They both helped me to communicate with some of the labourers and spoke to me about the development of Dogona, in addition to their views on the concept of modernity and development in the form of cement. One tense but insightful moment was the most thought provoking. It occurred a week after I met them. I asked them if they thought clay bricks were not modern. The reason why I asked was to better understand how Bobo residents perceived the difference between cement and clay structures. When I asked Bobo residents if cement bricks were better, they would simply respond, ‘yes’, and when asked why they would say that it is because it is more durable. However, from my observations, a large percent of buildings and walls are constructed from clay bricks. To be fair, I cannot say with certainty what material buildings inside the properties are made of, but many structures in Dogona which were visible were not made from cement.

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Thus, I changed my wording with Ousmane and Mohamed to ask if they thought clay bricks and structures were not modern, and if structures made of clay were less appealing and modern. They asked me where I saw these clay structures. I could have mentioned another sector, and in truth clay structures are found throughout Bobo-Dioulasso, however, I told them that I had seen many clay structures in Dogona. I was concerned that I would offend them by implying that Dogona was unmodern and underdeveloped. They spoke to each other for about 5 minutes before giving me their answer. They told me that they considered cement to be modern, but that did not mean clay was not modern. Mohamed and Ousmane defended clay as a building material because it was easily accessible, affordable, aesthetically more pleasing, and suitable for homes. They did admit that if Bobo residents had enough money to build structures with cement, they would prefer to do that, but this does not make clay structures inferior. However, it does reflect that cement, not clay, symbolises modernity more. This may be due to its association with aspects of modernity such as more formal access to the city and its infrastructure and a sense of permanence and security even during economic instability. Clay brick structures on the other hand, perhaps currently are not associated with these aspects of modernity due to their traditional origins and for most Burkinabe do not suit a modern lifestyle because they are not innovative. Yet, there are some who have experimented with new methods of constructing buildings with clay (or CEBs) which are considered modern and innovative. Notably, there is Burkinabe architect Diébédo Francis Kéré who has designed and constructed modern structures using ‘traditional clay-building techniques’ which have been ‘modified and modernized’ (Baldwin 2019) though he has argued that some of these structures are ‘not … traditional African building(s)’ (Block 2017). This indicates that to the majority of Burkinabe, the use of clay in ‘modern’ construction is limited to professionals such as Kéré, hence cement bricks are the ‘go to’ building material. This perspective is important to consider and would certainly be an informative avenue to follow (in the future), but as mentioned previous, due to not encountering homes with CEBs during my field research, I will not focus on it in this report.

Nevertheless, Ousmane and Mohamed’s response challenged me on how I approached my research since it forced me to rethink my own perceptions of

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) traditional versus modern building materials. The dichotomy between tradition and modern (constructed and made opposites through hegemonic discourses) in Bobo- Dioulasso points to economic and social aspect of the city which should not be ignored. Although I did not ask Mohamed and Ousmane directly if they were offended by the question and the ‘suggestion’ that Dogona was unmodern, I am aware that they understood that their country is relatively poor compared to other countries in the region, especially Mohamed who has lived in Accra, a modern ‘cosmopolitan’ urban centre. Thus, they understand that clay structures can be perceived as traditional and inferior. I feel that their answer that clay structures are not inferior is partially correct since clay structures are a practical and affordable type of housing, despite them not being considered aesthetically modern as cement bricks are.

Usman: Belleville Usman is the principal and director of a bilingual preschool for children in the Belleville. His perspective was interesting because he was more critical of how Bobo- Dioulasso and Burkina Faso has developed and did not defend clay brick structures. Although he was born in Burkina Faso, his family is Nigerian, and he received his high school and university education in Nigeria. He worked as a teacher in Nigeria for about 10 years before returning to Burkina Faso to be closer to his family. Usman’s preschool has 22 children aged between 5 and 7. They are sent there by their parents to learn French, English, and Mathematics before going to public schools. Although Belleville’s residents are considered wealthy, the fees are still high, approximately 45,000 CFA per year which many parents struggle to pay. Despite the high fees, there is a demand for bilingual schools in Bobo-Dioulasso, especially in Belleville. Usman says that Belleville is a good place to open schools because it is growing quickly due to the land being cheaper and new residents want their children to have an advantage. They believe that a good education and speaking English and French means they will find work in Burkina Faso or abroad more easily. When he compares Nigeria to Burkina Faso, he believes that Burkina Faso has not developed enough, that it is not self-sufficient and has little bargaining power in the region. When I asked Usman about cement and clay bricks, and which one he considered modern and why, he answered that cement bricks were modern and that clay bricks

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) were not. He argued that cement bricks were better because they are stronger and allowed larger and more complicated structures to be built. He associated clay bricks with traditional houses, which he said were not ideal homes because they were not as durable, and comically, he said smelled bad. Usman’s perspective was useful to my research because it revealed that clay as a building material is still perceived as a traditional (pre-colonial) building material to many Africans and is thus considered inferior. Furthermore, the concept of development and modernity in Bobo-Dioulasso is not only shaped by a comparison between Bobo and Western cities, but also other West African cities. ‘Modern’ African cities such as Abidjan, Accra, and Lagos with their Western architecture and infrastructure represent what other African states and cities wish to attain.

Image 37: Usman’s school, Belleville, Bobo-Dioulasso, 2019 Senou: Belleville Senou has lived in Belleville for about 10 years, ever since she married and moved into her husband’s home. She shares the home with her brother-in-law and his wife, and her mother-in-law. She spends her day looking after her children and domestic affairs. She used to work in the market, but she says currently there is not as much work as there used to be and she is fortunate that her husband earns enough. The property is spatially arranged around a courtyard, there are two single-storey structures built parallel to one another on the perimeter of the plot. Each structure has two entrances which open to a patio and the central courtyard. These structures

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) are made of cement brick, and the residents have put effort to aesthetically improve the homes by plastering and painting the outside walls giving them a ‘finished’ look. Even the window and door frames are well-defined. Unfortunately, Senou could not provide much information about the construction and development of the home because it was done before her marriage, adding that she did not taken an active interest in it because it is ‘men’s work’. However, Senou remembers that when she moved to Belleville there were not many homes in the neighbourhood, but new homes were soon built. Her perspective that home building was men’s work meant when she did not have much to say when I asked her about home renovations and what changes she would like. Senou did not critique her home, saying it was not for her to make such decisions and that she is satisfied with it. However, she did add that when her family has the means to improve their home they will do so. Senou was most vocal about the responsibility of the government to develop and modernise Burkina Faso. The pillars of modern country according to her is economic stability, work opportunities, and affordable goods

Image 38: The household of Senou from the inner courtyard, Belleville, Bobo-Dioulasso, 2019. Rasma: Belleville Rasma was the Airbnb host of my colleague in Belleville. She is an actress who has lived in Bobo-Dioulasso since 2014 and is originally from Koudougou. Rasma provided me with some insight as to why Belleville has grown so quickly in the last two decades. Approximately 15 years ago, most of the sector close to the airport was

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) farmland before it was subdivided to begin a process of expanding the city westwards. Rasma reasoned that this occurred due to the growing density in the city centre, thus by providing cheaper land away from the city, the state wished to improve standards of living. Another aspect of subdivision is the revenue the state acquires from taxation on landownership and service delivery such as water and electricity. However, Rasma said she feels lucky to live there because a consequence of Bellville’s rapid development and the construction of INNSA is the rise in land value. Despite being ‘far’ from the city centre, plot and rent prices are rising so it is difficult for poorer residents to live there. Within a short period of time, the subdivision and subsequent development of the sector has lead to the gentrification of Belleville, attracting investors, businesses, and wealthier persons who perceive Belleville as a modern, formal urban space.

9. Conclusion: During my field research I observed the residential sectors of Belleville and Dogona and interacted with residents to learn how development and modernity is perceived and created in Bobo-Dioulasso. My approach included studying development and modernisation projects managed by the state such as subdivision, and methods used by individuals and families to attain a modern lifestyle through the development of their homes.

Because I perceived a decision by residents to transition from clay brick to cement brick structures in residential sectors, I thought that this indicated that cement had become a symbol of modernity. However, through my interactions with residents I learned that to call cement modern, and clay traditional (or worse, unmodern) reinforced the colonial dichotomy of modern versus traditional, European versus African, which implies that African states and cities have to catch-up to European standard of development to be considered modern.

The reality is that Bobo-Dioulasso residents have already claimed modernity by developing their own type of urbanism through innovative housing strategies. Despite the state’s lack of resources to fulfil the needs of all their citizens, Bobo residents have made themselves visible in the urban environment using a variety of

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) building materials and architectural styles to demonstrate their concept of modernity, in addition to displays of wealth, prestige, or economic success.

In Dogona and Belleville, residents build structures according to their financial means and social needs. They recognise that the process of attaining modernity does not necessarily depend on the building material but by becoming part of the formal and ‘legal’ city. Essentially, being recognised by the government and its criteria of urban citizenship and modernity. Consequently, although clay structures are often considered unmodern because of their temporary and rural connotations, residents understand that clay structures are part of the process of modernisation although they do not fit the concept of modernity. Cement structure which are considered modern, a durable, providing a sense of permanence, help represent a resident as part of the modern and formal ‘city’ in Bobo-Dioulasso. However, the cost of cement bricks makes them inaccessible to most residents immediately, which is why residential sectors may not consistently match a global concept of modernity.

Therefore, the African city of Bobo-Dioulasso is a ‘creative, dynamic, modern place’ (Robinson 2006, 4) as the state and residents demonstrate they are capable of developing their own strategies of development and modernization. The development strategy of subdivision in residential sectors requires African residents to use their agency to develop their homes to legitimise their right to the to the city. This undermines the assumption that modernity is a consequence of Western action, rather, it is constructed through African imagination and planning. Leading in many cases to a local modernity, unique, and deserving of study to add to the pool of knowledge of African cities.

10. Reflections

This fieldtrip was a wonderful opportunity to study urbanism and modernity in a part of the world and, importantly for me, Africa which under normal circumstances I would not visit. Firstly, because of its geographical location in West Africa and second, being a Francophone country, Burkina Faso is not ‘on the map’ for the majority of South Africans. Thus, it was an eye-opening experience to conduct research there and interact with Burkinabe people and demonstrates to me that African cities are not a ‘type’ and vary widely.

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However, the fieldtrip was more challenging than I expected, maybe because I was aware of my ethnic and economic background. Being a European (white), male from South Africa, it seemed difficult to escape the fact that I was privileged. This interfered with my interactions with many of the Burkinabe I met, making it difficult to develop friendships or at least a professional relationship. On more than one occasion I was pressured to give my Swiss number along with my Burkinabe number, and I was asked in person or by message to help them financially. This made me uncomfortable because I knew I could not provide the financial aid they wanted, someone (in all seriousness) asked me to organise a truck from Europe. Should I do such a fieldtrip again, I would have to develop strategies to face such obstacles, especially if it is my own concerns holding me back. Despite this, many Burkinabe were helpful and provided me with important insights into how urban space is modernised and developed in Bobo-Dioulasso. During this time, good relationships were formed through exchanges that I hope were considered mutually beneficially.

Regarding my studies, participating in the Critical Urbanism course at Basel University had already challenged me to ‘see’ the city using a critical lens by making use of alternative academic viewpoints which either complement or seemingly contradict one another. Thus, because I have an academic background in history and literature, and am entering the field of urbanism, learning to observe urban space from the viewpoint of a social anthropologist is arguably a natural progression to view the city more critically. The city is not merely a shell or structure which should only be studied from a distance as this forces the researcher to rely solely on their interpretation. The importance of speaking to people, residents, and locals, is key to challenge researchers’ assumptions (mine included), as previously mentioned in the section where Ousmane and Mohamed were able to begin to express their perspectives of the significance of clay and cement bricks in the construction of modernity. Being faced with a perspective contrary to yours, even if you do not agree or understand it initially, is required to think more critically. Before the fieldtrip to Burkina Faso, I had a week-long fieldtrip to Accra which had already provided me with some insight and skills that proved useful, helping me to bring aspects of urbanism and social anthropology together. Specifically, how difficult it is to study the build form without being able to express ideas in a way that could be understood by the inhabitants of these spaces. This requires the researcher to not only learn

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Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) about the urban space as an academic, but also to describe and speak about it as a user.

Finally, regarding my topic of urbanism and modernity, the fieldtrip was personally beneficial because it broadened my understanding of urban modernity and allowed me to study how the concept is imagined and developed in the field with a post- colonial lens. I hope to be able to take what I learnt during and before the fieldtrip and apply it in other contested spaces of modernity such as the townships of my hometown, South Africa.

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