Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) Field course 2019 Secondary Cities in Burkina Faso: Urban Life as seen by the Townsfolk Institute of Social Anthropology Supervisors: Till Förster, Aïdas Sanogo and Michelle Engeler Building the modern city of Bobo-Dioulasso: Cement, clay, and other symbols of modernity Alexander Crawford 2nd semester MA Critical Urbanism [email protected] 1 Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) Contents Acknowledgements Abstract 1. Introduction 2. Chronicle 3. Theoretical and methodological approach 4. Cement as a symbol of development and modernity 5. Subdivision as a tool of modernity 6. Structures and building materials in Bobo-Dioulasso • Typology of housing in Western Africa and Bobo-Dioulasso • Clay brick • Cement brick • Utilitarian ‘vernacular’ design • Money is power, purchasing modernity 7. Sectors of Bobo Dioulasso • Historical context • Sector map • The City Centre • Dogona • Belleville 8. Case studies • Aziz: Dogona • Ousmane and Mohamed: Dogona • Usman: Belleville • Senou: Belleville • Rasma: Belleville 9. Conclusion 10. Reflections 11. References 2 Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) Acknowledgements This project was my first extended time in the field, a time to test research methods and experiment. I had to leave my comfort zones at times and face challenges while in Burkina Faso. Thus, I am thankful to my supervisors Till Förster, Aïdas Sanogo and Michelle Engeler from the Institute of Social Anthropology at Basel University for their guidance and support. I am especially grateful to the people of Bobo- Dioulasso who made time to talk to me and help me with my research, especially those who were willing to meet with me multiple times. Their contributions and insight helped bring my research together. Finally, my thanks to my fellow students who were also in Bobo-Dioulasso for making the field course easier by sharing moments and advice. Abstract This report is the result of 6 weeks of fieldwork course in Burkina Faso under the guidance of the Institute for Social Anthropology in Basel. It is part of the course entitled ‘Secondary Cities in Burkina Faso: Urban Life as seen by the Townsfolk’ and is part of my Critical Urbanism Master Program’s module ‘Urbanisms from the South’. The report is based on observations of the spatial layout and structures in these residential districts, interactions with locals (using qualitative research methods such as conversations and semi-structured interviews) with residents, in addition to analysis of photographic images and maps. The study focuses on two residential districts in the secondary city Bobo-Dioulasso, Dogona and Belleville, and investigates how concepts of modernity are constructed by residents through building materials and aesthetics in reaction to development programs initiated by the city in the form of subdivision and service delivery. The report documents that homes in Bobo-Dioulasso are constructed predominantly from two types of materials, clay or cement bricks. It is common to find properties with both types of structures and the financial and social situation of the owner influences which material is used. Historically, clay bricks were used before colonialism, and during colonialism they were used in the neighbourhoods on the 3 Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) periphery of the French colonial city. Consequently, the clay bricks used in Bobo- Dioulasso (at least from a Western perspective) are perceived as traditional and unmodern. However, cement is perceived as modern because it was used by the French to construct Bobo-Dioulasso as a ‘modern’ and ‘developed’ city. Today, it appears that Burkinabe residents also are claiming modernity through their decision to replace their clay brick structures with cement bricks. Cement as a construction material could thus be considered a symbol of modernity and a better investment due to its durability, unlike clay bricks which require constant maintenance. However, this report takes other factors into consideration, besides building materials, which influence residents’ decisions to use cement. The relationship to land has changed due to subdivision which promotes private property ownership and formalises the urban space. Furthermore, the decreasing availability of land near the city centre, and the arrival of migrants (from rural areas or smaller urban centres) who want access to the city, motivates residents to display their urban identity by building their homes from ‘modern’ building materials. Thus, resident who are part of the formal or ‘legal’ city feel secure enough to invest in more expensive construction materials such as cement bricks. This study reveals how residents interact with modernity in the urban environment of Bobo-Dioulasso. It provides a narrative as to how certain building materials are used to develop homes and properties, but also why cement has become a symbol of modernity. 4 Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) 1. Introduction For the field course ‘Secondary Cities in Burkina Faso: Urban Life as seen by the Townsfolk’ I decided to study the urbanisation and development of residential districts in the city Bobo-Dioulasso. The intended outcome of this field research is an improved understanding of the concept of modernity and how it is articulated in the context of Bobo-Dioulasso. This would be achieved through the analysis of development and modernisation projects initiated by the state and how inhabitants operate their communities and private homes in reaction to them. Prior to my arrival in Bobo-Dioulasso, I aimed to compare two residential sectors, to understand how they are developed and operate. Initially, I planned to compare how development and modernisation projects affected the residents and learn: • To what extent are development and modernisation projects promoted by the state, and how do residents react to these projects? • What strategies do residents have to develop and modernise their communities and private homes? • How does this improve our understanding of the concept of modernity in Bobo-Dioulasso? Part of this research is to understand how modernity is perceived in Bobo-Dioulasso, but another reason is to challenge the perception that African cities are underdeveloped and unmodern. This is likely due to the large amount of informality compared to Western cities, suggesting that they are poor and unmodern ( (Myers 2010, 6-14), reinforcing colonial hierarchies and justifying development and modernisation projects to help the African city ‘catch-up’. Therefore, I wanted to understand how effective development and modernisation projects are as a method to ‘catch-up’ (a central trope of developmental discourse in the 1960-80s) and investigate how residents develop strategies to attain their own concept of modernity. However, once in Burkina Faso, I found my initial research aims to be unfeasible. Unable, in most, cases to enter spheres of development and modernisation belonging to the state, I decided to use the construction of homes and their building materials as a lens to understand how concepts of modernity are formed by residents. 5 Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) 2. Chronicle DATES EVENTS 2 January, Wednesday Arrived in Ouagadougou and met with Aidas. I acquired my SIM card at the airport. 3 January, Thursday Explored the district, taking note of the types of houses and the infrastructure (roads, streetlights, etc.). Later, I met with my colleagues after walking to the reservoirs north of the city. 4 January, Friday Organised a taxi to move to the hostel where my colleagues stayed. We had a meeting with Aidas about our observations. 5 January, Saturday Visited the district named Dapoya. There I saw the construction of main road with bricks and not asphalt. Spoke to a business owner. 6 January, Sunday We departed via bus to Bobo Dioulasso, arriving in the afternoon and moved into our accommodation at CECAO. We had dinner with our supervisors to discuss the upcoming weeks. I spoke to Aidas on her perspective of development in Burkina Faso. 7 January, Monday We travelled together into town and visited the Grand Marche and the Sitarail station. I briefly visited the Old Mosque and Artisanal Village district but did not enter. 8 January, Tuesday I walked to the Belleville district and saw a cement brick producing site and spoke to a brick maker named Didi. I also saw the ‘Rue Rouge’ which (at the time) is a large unpaved road. 9 January, Wednesday Visited Sarfalao district to determine if it could be a potential research site. In the afternoon I visited the Grand Marche to shop for a bicycle. Here I met Aziz, a local who could speak English and works at the Marche. I spoke to him a bit and we exchanged numbers to meet in the future and organise a bicycle for me to purchase. 10 January, Thursday Explored the city centre. I spoke to some artisans and a Burkinabe named Davido who introduced me to Ibrahim who had some experience as a translator in Mali. In the evening while returning home I met Nicholas who had a confrontation with security personal in the direction of CESAO. 11 January, Friday I focused on readings and my journal writing in preparation for a meeting with our supervisors that evening. Till recommended that I take enough photos to assist me in analysing the districts and as visuals for presentation. 12 January, Saturday In the morning I explored district 5 near CESAO. We had dinner at our colleague’s Vishi’s accommodation in Belleville and went to a local music venue. 6 Burkina Faso Report Alexander Crawford (2019) 13 January, Sunday I explored district 5 again and walked to the town centre along Ave Charles de Gaulles. There I wrote in my journal and observed from the café ‘Petite Paris’. In the evening I played frisbee near the Maison de Culture with some locals and expats. 14 January, Monday Met Aziz at the Grand Marche and tested some bicycles. While waiting for the one I had selected to be cleaned up I spoke to Aziz about his work there in the Marche.