Regional Integration in South America: a Comprehensive Analysis Towards a New Wave of Integration Jesid Acosta
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more
Recommended publications
-
Venezuela's Withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations And
Area: Latin America - ARI 54/2006 (Translated from Spanish) Date: 30/5/2006 Venezuela’s Withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations and the Consequences for Regional Integration (Part I) Carlos Malamud ∗ Theme: The unexpected announcement by Venezuela of its decision to withdraw from the Andean Community of Nations (CAN), plus the nationalisation of Bolivian hydrocarbons, have further shaken the already unsteady scenario of South American regional integration. Summary: The President of Venezuela took advantage of a meeting with his colleagues from Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay on 19 April 2006 to unexpectedly announce the country’s withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations (Comunidad Andina de Naciones or CAN), the sub-regional integration block formed by Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela, whose annual trade turnover totals close to US$9 billion. Ten days later, Bolivia’s President Evo Morales announced the nationalisation of the country’s hydrocarbons. Venezuela insists that withdrawal from the CAN was a direct result of the immediate harm it would be caused by the free trade agreements (FTAs) signed by Colombia and Peru. Regardless of the real reasons behind Commander Chavez’s attitude, Venezuela’s move sent a deep shudder of concern through other CAN members and further stirred the already choppy waters of regional integration in the continent. In the Andean Community, Colombia and Peru held Chávez responsible for withdrawing from the block, Bolivia clearly aligned itself alongside Venezuela and Ecuador took a more neutral stance, although it defended the process of regional integration. Theoretically, Venezuela’s withdrawal from the CAN should imply a greater and more active role for the Bolivarian regime in Mercosur, which has not pleased Argentina and Brazil, who are suspicious of attempts by Chávez to align with the smaller countries in the block, Paraguay and Uruguay, which in turn have their bones of contention with the two major players. -
Trade Agreement Between the European Union and Colombia and Peru
Trade agreement between the European Union and Colombia and Peru European Implementation Assessment STUDY EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Editor: Anna Zygierewicz Ex-Post Evaluation Unit PE 621.834 – July 2018 EN Trade agreement between the European Union and Colombia and Peru European Implementation Assessment On 29 November 2017, the Committee on International Trade (INTA) of the European Parliament requested authorisation to undertake an own-initiative report on the implementation of the trade agreement (TA) between the EU and Colombia and Peru (2018/2010 (INI). Santiago Fisas Ayxelà (EPP, Spain) was appointed rapporteur. This European implementation assessment has been provided to accompany the work of the INTA committee in scrutinising the implementation of the agreement. This European implementation assessment (EIA) consists of two parts. The in-house opening analysis (Part I) outlines the process leading to the signature of the trade agreement between the EU and Colombia and Peru. It also presents the socio-economic situation in Colombia and Peru and relations between the EU and Colombia and Peru, as well as relations between the EU and the Andean Community. The research paper prepared by external experts (Part II) presents a detailed analysis of trade in goods and services and foreign direct investments. The paper also evaluates, in detail, the implementation of the trade and sustainable development chapter of the trade agreement in both Colombia and Peru. Finally, the paper provides recommendations for the improvement of the implementation of the trade agreement. EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service AUTHORS Part I: The opening analysis has been prepared by Dr Anna Zygierewicz, Ex-Post Evaluation Unit, EPRS. -
Alba and Free Trade in the Americas
CUBA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL TRADE SYSTEMS: ALBA AND FREE TRADE IN THE AMERICAS LARRY CATÁ BACKER* & AUGUSTO MOLINA** ABSTRACT The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) (Bolivarian Alternative for The People of Our America), the command economy alternative to the free trade model of globalization, is one of the greatest and least understood contributions of Cuba to the current conversation about globalization and economic harmonization. Originally conceived as a means for forging a unified front against the United States by Cuba and Venezuela, the organization now includes Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, and Bolivia. ALBA is grounded in the notion that globalization cannot be left to the private sector but must be overseen by the state in order to maximize the welfare of its citizens. The purpose of this Article is to carefully examine ALBA as both a system of free trade and as a nexus point for legal and political resistance to economic globalization and legal internationalism sponsored by developed states. The Article starts with an examination of ALBA’s ideology and institutionalization. It then examines ALBA as both a trade organization and as a political vehicle for confronting the power of developed states in the trade context within which it operates. ALBA remains * W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar and Professor of Law, Dickinson Law School; Affiliate Professor, School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania; and Director, Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Washington, D.C. The author may be contacted at [email protected]. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Conference, The Measure of a Revolution: Cuba 1959-2009, held May 7–9, 2009 at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada. -
Building" Nuestra América:" National Sovereignty and Regional
Building “Nuestra América:” National Sovereignty and Regional Integration in the Americas* Renata Keller** “It is the hour of reckoning and of marching in unison, and we must move in lines as compact as the veins of silver that lie at the roots of the Andes.” José Martí, “Nuestra América,”1891 José Martí, the Cuban intellectual and independence hero, publis- hed one of his most important essays in a Mexican newspaper while representing Uruguay at the First International Conference of Ame- rican States in Washington DC in 1891. Titled “Nuestra América,” Martí’s call to action touched on a number of themes, including nati- onalism, imperialism, and racism. He urged his readers to discard * Article submitted on September 16th, 2013 and approved for publication in October 16th, 2013. ** Renata Keller is an assistant professor of International Relations at Boston University and holds a Ph.D. in History from the University of Texas at Austin. Her research and teaching interests focus on Latin American history, particularly the connections between foreign and domestic politics, the dynamics of the Cold War, and U.S. relations with Latin America. E-mail: [email protected]. CONTEXTO INTERNACIONAL Rio de Janeiro, vol. 35, no 2, julho/dezembro 2013, p. 537-564. 537 Contexto Internacional (PUC) Vol. 35 no 2 – jul/dez 2013 1ª Revisão: 29/12/2013 Renata Keller their provincial mindsets, insisting that “hometowns that are still strangers to one another XX must hurry to become acquainted, like men who are about to battle together” (MARTÍ, 1977, p. 26). -
Sucre Protocol
SUCRE PROTOCOL THE GOVERNMENTS OF BOLIVIA, COLOMBIA, ECUADOR, PERU AND VENEZUELA; AGREE through their duly authorized plenipotentiary representatives to the following amendments to the Andean Subregional Integration Agreement (Cartagena Agreement): Article 1. – In Article 2 replace the term "gross national product" by "gross domestic product." Article 2.- Substitute the following text for Article 3: "Article 3.- The following mechanisms and measures, among others, shall be used to achieve the objectives of this Agreement: The intensification of integration with the other regional economic blocs and of political, social, economic, and commercial relations with extra-regional systems; The gradual harmonization of economic and social policies and dovetailing of national laws on pertinent matters; Joint programming, the intensification of subregional industrialization and the execution of industrial programs and other forms of industrial integration; A more advanced trade liberalization schedule than the commitments arising out of the 1980 Treaty of Montevideo; A Common External Tariff; Programs to accelerate the development of the agricultural and agribusiness sectors; The channeling of internal and external resources to the Subregion to finance the investments that are needed for the integration process; Programs in the field of services and of the deregulation of intra-subregional trade in services; Physical integration; and Preferential treatment for Bolivia and Ecuador. The following economic and social cooperation programs and actions shall be carried out in coordination to complement the above-cited mechanisms: Programs designed to expedite scientific and technological development; Actions in the field of border integration; Tourism programs; Actions for the use and conservation of natural resources and the environment; Social development programs; and Actions in the field of social communication Article 3.- Eliminate Article 26c). -
Latin America and the Caribbean
LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN The EU’s relations with Latin America and the Caribbean are multifaceted and conducted at different levels. The EU interacts with the entire region through summits of the heads of state and government, while agreements and political dialogue bind the EU and the Caribbean, Central America, the Andean Community, Mercosur and individual countries. LEGAL BASIS — Title V (EU external action) of the Treaty on European Union; — Titles I-III and V (common commercial policy; development cooperation and humanitarian aid; international agreements) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. REGION-TO-REGION RELATIONS A. The summits The first summit between the EU, Latin America and the Caribbean was held in Rio de Janeiro in June 1999 and established a Bi-regional Strategic Partnership. The most recent biennial summit, held in June 2015 in Brussels, was the second between the EU and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribeños, CELAC). The summits strengthen links between the two regions at the highest level and address issues on the bi-regional and international agendas. Debates have focused on topics such as democracy and human rights; fighting poverty; promoting social cohesion, innovation and technology; and the environment and climate change. The Brussels summit adopted a short political declaration, a longer declaration on the different aspects of the partnership and an EU- CELAC action plan, based on the priorities established by the recent -
A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts And
ARGENTINA’S INFORMAL ECONOMY: A CASE STUDY OF PATRIA GRANDE UPON THE INFORMAL TEXTILE INDUSTRY A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in Development Management and Policy By Anna Porembka, B.A. Washington, DC May 1, 2013 Copyright 2013 by Anna Porembka All Rights Reserved ii ARGENTINA’S INFORMAL ECONOMY: A CASE STUDY OF PATRIA GRANDE UPON THE INFORMAL TEXTILE INDUSTRY Anna Porembka, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Matthew Carnes, S.J. ABSTRACT In order to strengthen their economic positions, developing nations like Argentina have produced laws aimed at salient informal manifestations. Argentina’s 2005 law “Patria Grande” sought to answer public outcry after a deadly fire exposed the inhumane conditions of illegal textile workers. What is the relationship between public policy and informality, and what legal, economic, and social characteristics identify the informal economy generally, and in Argentina specifically? What is the historical foundation of Argentine informality, and how has it behaved in the 21st century? Finally, how did Patria Grande develop, and what lessons can we learn from its results? By taking a public policy approach to informality, this study unravels the current characteristics and the historical roots of Argentina’s institution of informality. Three empirically recognized factors of informality are applied in a MIMC model and discussed with regard to Argentina’s history and present condition. These indicators support that, since the 2001-2 crisis, the Argentine informal economy appears to be shrinking, but at a decreasing rate. -
The Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas: the Destabilizing Impact on Latin America
St. John Fisher College Fisher Digital Publications International Studies Masters International Studies Department 1-2010 The Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas: The Destabilizing Impact on Latin America JoEllen Vassallo St. John Fisher College Follow this and additional works at: https://fisherpub.sjfc.edu/intlstudies_masters How has open access to Fisher Digital Publications benefited ou?y Recommended Citation Vassallo, JoEllen, "The Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas: The Destabilizing Impact on Latin America" (2010). International Studies Masters. Paper 2. Please note that the Recommended Citation provides general citation information and may not be appropriate for your discipline. To receive help in creating a citation based on your discipline, please visit http://libguides.sjfc.edu/citations. This document is posted at https://fisherpub.sjfc.edu/intlstudies_masters/2 and is brought to you for free and open access by Fisher Digital Publications at St. John Fisher College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas: The Destabilizing Impact on Latin America Abstract The Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA) is an international cooperation organization based upon the idea of social, political, and economic integration between the countries of Latin American and the Caribbean. The ALBA Bloc was started by the Venezuelan President, Hugo Chavez, as an alternative to the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), in 2004. Its main objective is to counter United States hegemony in Latin America. It started off as a trade agreement between Cuba and Venezuela and has grown to include the following members: Antigua and Barbuda, Bolivia, Dominica, Ecuador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. -
The Andean Community at the Crossroads
Working Group on Development and Environment in the Americas Discussion Paper Number 16 Natural Resources & Foreign Investors: A tale of three Andean countries Leonardo Stanley April 2008 The Working Group on Development and Environment in the Americas, founded in 2004, brings together researchers from several countries in the Americas who have carried out empirical studies of the social and environmental impacts of economic liberalization. The goal of the Working Group Project is to contribute empirical research and policy analysis to the ongoing policy debates on national economic development strategies and international trade. The project also brings more prominently into U.S. policy debates the rich body of research carried out by Latin American experts, as well as their informed perspectives on trade and development policies. Hosted by Tufts' Global Development and Environment Institute, the Working Group Project has four initiatives. The Working Group’s web page is http://ase.tufts.edu/gdae/WGOverview.htm Leonardo Stanley is an economist at Universidad de Mar del Plata and a visiting researcher in the Department of Economics at CEDES. He has previously worked in the Programa de Teoría Económica at Instituto de Desarrollo Económico y Social in Buenos Aires. Leonardo Stanley received his MA in Science in Economics from Queen Mary & Westfield, London University, and a Diplome d’Etudes Approfondies from Universidad de Evry Val-d'Essone. © 2008, Leonardo Stanley and the Working Group on Development and Environment in the Americas Natural Resources & Foreign Investors: A tale of three Andean countries Leonardo Stanley Introduction Over the past 25 years, Latin American governments have undertaken a structural-adjustment process including, among other actions, the elimination of trade barriers, privatization of large public domestic firms, and deregulation of markets. -
EU Trade with Latin America and the Caribbean Overview and Figures
EU trade with Latin America and the Caribbean Overview and figures IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Authors: Gisela Grieger and Roderick Harte Members' Research Service PE 625.186 – September 2018 EN This publication provides an overview of trade relations between the EU and Latin American and Caribbean countries and groupings. The EU has fully fledged agreements with two Latin American groupings (Cariforum and the Central America group), a multiparty trade agreement with three members of the Andean Community (Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru), and bilateral agreements with Chile and Mexico. Since November 2017, a new agreement governing trade relations with Cuba has also been provisionally applied. In addition, the EU is currently modernising its agreements with Mexico (with which it has reached an 'agreement in principle') and Chile. The EU also has framework agreements with Mercosur and its individual members (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay). The agreement with the former will be replaced, once the ongoing negotiations on an EU-Mercosur association agreement have been completed. This publication provides recent data on trade relations between the EU and Latin American and Caribbean countries and groupings, compares the main agreements governing trade relations that are already in place, and analyses the rationale behind the ongoing negotiations on the EU-Mercosur, EU-Mexico and EU-Chile agreements. This paper has been drawn up by the Members' Research Service, within the Directorate-General for Parliamentary Research Services (EPRS) of the Secretariat of the European Parliament. To contact the authors, please email: [email protected] Original manuscript, in English, completed in September 2018. -
Common Agenda Agenda a Common Toward Toward a Common Agenda Agenda a Common Toward
Andean-U.S. Dialogue Forum February 2011 This report has been developed by The Carter Center and the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) as part of the Andean-U.S. Dialogue Forum. It is intended to promote more effective cooperation by identifying convergences and divergences in priorities among the countries and the peoples of Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia and the United States. Developed as a "Common Agenda", it seeks to enhance understanding of the internal dynamics in e ach country and reduce stereotypes that impede cooperation. The report highlights the transnational issues of energy, climate change, trade, and illegal drugs, Andean Countries and the United States the for Agenda a Common Toward recognizing that progress requires a collective response. The Carter Center The Carter Center was founded in 1982 by former U.S. President Jimmy Carter and his wife, Rosalynn, in partnership with Emory University, to advance peace and health worldwide. A not-for-profit, nongovernmental organization, the Center has helped to improve life for people in more TowardToward aa CommonCommon AgendaAgenda than 70 countries by resolving conflicts; advancing democracy, human rights, and economic opportunity; preventing diseases; and improving forfor thethe AndeanAndean CountriesCountries mental health care. andand thethe UnitedUnited StatesStates International IDEA International IDEA is an intergovernmental organization with 25 member countries. The Institute supports democratic institutions and processes worldwide by providing resources to strengthen capacities, developing policy proposals and supporting democratic reforms. International IDEA's main areas of expertise are electoral processes, political party systems, constitutional processes, gender and democracy. ISBN: 978-91-86565-09-1 Toward a Common Agenda for the Andean Countries and the United States Andean-U.S. -
Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society.