The Andean Community at the Crossroads
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Simón Bolívar
Reading Comprehension/Biography SIMÓN BOLÍVAR Simón José Antonio de la Santísima Trinidad Bolívar y Palacios, (July 24, 1783 – December 17, 1830), more commonly known as Símon Bolívar, was one of the most important leaders of Spanish America's successful struggle for independence from Spain. He is a very important figure in South American political history, and served as President of Gran Colombia from 1821 to 1830, President of Peru from 1824 to 1826, and President of Bolivia from 1825 to 1826. Bolívar was born into a wealthy family in Caracas, in what is now Venezuela. Much of his family’s wealth came from silver, gold and copper mines. Later in his revolutionary life, Bolívar used part of the mineral income to finance the South American revolutionary wars. After the death of his parents, he went to Spain in 1799 to complete his education. He married there in 1802, but his wife died of yellow fever on a short return visit to Venezuela in 1803. Bolívar returned to Europe in 1804 and for a time was part of Napoleon's retinue. Bolívar returned to Venezuela in 1807, and, when Napoleon made Joseph Bonaparte King of Spain and its colonies in 1808, he participated in the resistance juntas in South America. The Caracas junta declared its independence in 1810, and Bolívar was sent to Britain on a diplomatic mission. Bolívar returned to Venezuela in 1811. In March 1812, he left Venezuela after an earthquake destroyed Caracas. In July 1812, junta leader Francisco de Miranda surrendered to the Spanish, and Bolívar had to flee. -
Venezuela's Withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations And
Area: Latin America - ARI 54/2006 (Translated from Spanish) Date: 30/5/2006 Venezuela’s Withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations and the Consequences for Regional Integration (Part I) Carlos Malamud ∗ Theme: The unexpected announcement by Venezuela of its decision to withdraw from the Andean Community of Nations (CAN), plus the nationalisation of Bolivian hydrocarbons, have further shaken the already unsteady scenario of South American regional integration. Summary: The President of Venezuela took advantage of a meeting with his colleagues from Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay on 19 April 2006 to unexpectedly announce the country’s withdrawal from the Andean Community of Nations (Comunidad Andina de Naciones or CAN), the sub-regional integration block formed by Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela, whose annual trade turnover totals close to US$9 billion. Ten days later, Bolivia’s President Evo Morales announced the nationalisation of the country’s hydrocarbons. Venezuela insists that withdrawal from the CAN was a direct result of the immediate harm it would be caused by the free trade agreements (FTAs) signed by Colombia and Peru. Regardless of the real reasons behind Commander Chavez’s attitude, Venezuela’s move sent a deep shudder of concern through other CAN members and further stirred the already choppy waters of regional integration in the continent. In the Andean Community, Colombia and Peru held Chávez responsible for withdrawing from the block, Bolivia clearly aligned itself alongside Venezuela and Ecuador took a more neutral stance, although it defended the process of regional integration. Theoretically, Venezuela’s withdrawal from the CAN should imply a greater and more active role for the Bolivarian regime in Mercosur, which has not pleased Argentina and Brazil, who are suspicious of attempts by Chávez to align with the smaller countries in the block, Paraguay and Uruguay, which in turn have their bones of contention with the two major players. -
Colombian Refugees Cross the Border with Ecuador
Colombian refugees cross theborderwithEcuador. 114 UNHCR Global Report 2008 OPERATIONAL HIGHLIGHTS • UNHCR increased its protection • Within the framework of UNHCR’s capacity in Colombia, enabling coverage Global Needs Assessment pilot of 41 of the 50 districts most affected initiative, nationwide consultations by displacement and benefitting more were carried out in Ecuador in order to than 570,000 internally displaced assess the main protection needs of persons (IDPs). refugees. • More than 678,000 hectares of land in • Chile accepted the resettlement of 117 Colombia were protected in 2008 Palestinian refugees in 2008. Uruguay through the Land Property Protection and Paraguay joined the Solidarity Project of the Government, which Resettlement Programme, and UNHCR supported with advice and government delegations from these sensitization campaigns. countries undertook a familiarization mission to Argentina and Chile. •InEcuador,theGovernment presented a new National Policy of • Governments in many Latin American Asylum. This policy envisages the countries have been supported to adoption of an accelerated refugee strengthen their legal frameworks and status determination (RSD) capacity to undertake refugee status procedure, known as ‘enhanced determination, as well as to increase registration,’ and the decentralization the ability to identify refugees within of the General Directorate for mixedflowsandprovideaccesstothe Refugees to this effect. asylum procedures. UNHCR / B. HEGER / ECU•2004 UNHCR Global Report 2008 115 Working environment Canada remained a major country of asylum and resettlement, and an important donor to Tensions between Colombia and Ecuador UNHCR’s programmes. However, difficulties persisted throughout 2008, in spite of efforts by have arisen from perceptions in the country the Organization of American States (OAS) to that its refugee system is being misused by mend the rift between the two countries. -
The Labor Market Effects of Venezuelan Migration in Ecuador
DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 13501 The Labor Market Effects of Venezuelan Migration in Ecuador Sergio Olivieri Francesc Ortega Ana Rivadeneira Eliana Carranza JULY 2020 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 13501 The Labor Market Effects of Venezuelan Migration in Ecuador Sergio Olivieri Ana Rivadeneira The World Bank Group and CUNY, Queens The World Bank Group and CUNY, Queens College College Francesc Ortega Eliana Carranza The World Bank Group, CUNY, Queens Col- The World Bank Group and CUNY, Queens lege and IZA College JULY 2020 Any opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and not those of IZA. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but IZA takes no institutional policy positions. The IZA research network is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The IZA Institute of Labor Economics is an independent economic research institute that conducts research in labor economics and offers evidence-based policy advice on labor market issues. Supported by the Deutsche Post Foundation, IZA runs the world’s largest network of economists, whose research aims to provide answers to the global labor market challenges of our time. Our key objective is to build bridges between academic research, policymakers and society. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. ISSN: 2365-9793 IZA – Institute of Labor Economics Schaumburg-Lippe-Straße 5–9 Phone: +49-228-3894-0 53113 Bonn, Germany Email: [email protected] www.iza.org IZA DP No. -
Alba and Free Trade in the Americas
CUBA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL TRADE SYSTEMS: ALBA AND FREE TRADE IN THE AMERICAS LARRY CATÁ BACKER* & AUGUSTO MOLINA** ABSTRACT The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) (Bolivarian Alternative for The People of Our America), the command economy alternative to the free trade model of globalization, is one of the greatest and least understood contributions of Cuba to the current conversation about globalization and economic harmonization. Originally conceived as a means for forging a unified front against the United States by Cuba and Venezuela, the organization now includes Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, and Bolivia. ALBA is grounded in the notion that globalization cannot be left to the private sector but must be overseen by the state in order to maximize the welfare of its citizens. The purpose of this Article is to carefully examine ALBA as both a system of free trade and as a nexus point for legal and political resistance to economic globalization and legal internationalism sponsored by developed states. The Article starts with an examination of ALBA’s ideology and institutionalization. It then examines ALBA as both a trade organization and as a political vehicle for confronting the power of developed states in the trade context within which it operates. ALBA remains * W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar and Professor of Law, Dickinson Law School; Affiliate Professor, School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania; and Director, Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Washington, D.C. The author may be contacted at [email protected]. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Conference, The Measure of a Revolution: Cuba 1959-2009, held May 7–9, 2009 at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada. -
Indigenous Peoples in Latin America: Statistical Information
Indigenous Peoples in Latin America: Statistical Information Updated August 5, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46225 SUMMARY R46225 Indigenous Peoples in Latin America: Statistical August 5, 2021 Information Carla Y. Davis-Castro This report provides statistical information on Indigenous peoples in Latin America. Data and Research Librarian findings vary, sometimes greatly, on all topics covered in this report, including populations and languages, socioeconomic data, land and natural resources, human rights and international legal conventions. For example the figure below shows four estimates for the Indigenous population of Latin America ranging from 41.8 million to 53.4 million. The statistics vary depending on the source methodology, changes in national censuses, the number of countries covered, and the years examined. Indigenous Population and Percentage of General Population of Latin America Sources: Graphic created by CRS using the World Bank’s LAC Equity Lab with webpage last updated in July 2021; ECLAC and FILAC’s 2020 Los pueblos indígenas de América Latina - Abya Yala y la Agenda 2030 para el Desarrollo Sostenible: tensiones y desafíos desde una perspectiva territorial; the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and World Bank’s (WB) 2015 Indigenous Latin America in the twenty-first century: the first decade; and ECLAC’s 2014 Guaranteeing Indigenous people’s rights in Latin America: Progress in the past decade and remaining challenges. Notes: The World Bank’s LAC Equity Lab -
Tourism in Continental Ecuador and the Galapagos Islands: an Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM) Perspective
water Article Tourism in Continental Ecuador and the Galapagos Islands: An Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM) Perspective Carlos Mestanza-Ramón 1,2,3,* , J. Adolfo Chica-Ruiz 1 , Giorgio Anfuso 1 , Alexis Mooser 1,4, Camilo M. Botero 5,6 and Enzo Pranzini 7 1 Facultad de Ciencias del Mar y Ambientales, Universidad de Cádiz, Polígono Río San Pedro s/n, 11510 Puerto Real, Cádiz, Spain; [email protected] (J.A.C.-R.); [email protected] (G.A.); [email protected] (A.M.) 2 Escuela Superior Politécnica de Chimborazo, Sede Orellana, YASUNI-SDC Research Group, El Coca EC220001, Ecuador 3 Instituto Tecnologico Supeior Oriente, La Joya de los Sachas 220101, Orellana, Ecuador 4 Dipartimento di Scienze e Tecnologie, Università di Napoli Parthenope, 80143 Naples, Italy 5 Grupo Joaquín Aarón Manjarrés, Escuela de Derecho, Universidad Sergio Arboleda, Santa Marta 470001, Colombia; [email protected] 6 Grupo de Investigación en Sistemas Costeros, PlayasCorp, Santa Marta 470001, Colombia 7 Dipartimento di Scienze della Terra, Università di Firenze, 50121 Firenze, Italy; enzo.pranzini@unifi.it * Correspondence: [email protected] or [email protected]; Tel.: +593-9-9883-0801 Received: 28 April 2020; Accepted: 6 June 2020; Published: 9 June 2020 Abstract: Tourism in coastal areas is becoming increasingly important in Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM) as an integrated approach that balances the requirements of different tourist sectors. This paper analyzes ICZM in continental Ecuador and the Galapagos Islands from the perspective of the 3S tourism, and presents its strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (SWOT). The methodology used was based on a literature review of ten aspects of the highest relevance to ICZM, i.e., Policies, Regulations, Responsibilities, Institutions, Strategies and Instruments, Training, Economic Resources, Information, Education for Sustainability, and Citizen Participation. -
Summary of the Bch 2018 Judgment
INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE Peace Palace, Carnegieplein 2, 2517 KJ The Hague, Netherlands Tel.: +31 (0)70 302 2323 Fax: +31 (0)70 364 9928 Website: www.icj-cij.org Twitter Account: @CIJ_ICJ YouTube Channel: CIJ ICJ LinkedIn page: International Court of Justice (ICJ) Summary Not an official document Summary 2018/5 1 October 2018 Obligation to Negotiate Access to the Pacific Ocean (Bolivia v. Chile) Summary of the Judgment of 1 October 2018 Procedural background (paras. 1-15) The Court recalls that, on 24 April 2013, the Government of the Plurinational State of Bolivia (hereinafter “Bolivia”) filed in the Registry of the Court an Application instituting proceedings against the Republic of Chile (hereinafter “Chile”) with regard to a dispute “relating to Chile’s obligation to negotiate in good faith and effectively with Bolivia in order to reach an agreement granting Bolivia a fully sovereign access to the Pacific Ocean”. On 15 July 2014, Chile raised a preliminary objection to the jurisdiction of the Court. By its Judgment of 24 September 2015, the Court rejected the preliminary objection raised by Chile and found that it had jurisdiction, on the basis of Article XXXI of the Pact of Bogotá, to entertain the Application. Public hearings were held from 19 March to 28 March 2018. I. HISTORICAL AND FACTUAL BACKGROUND (PARAS. 16-83) Due to the importance of the historical context of this dispute, the Court begins by examining certain events that have marked the relationship between Bolivia and Chile. 1. Events and treaties prior to 1904, including the 1895 Transfer Treaty (paras. -
Sucre Protocol
SUCRE PROTOCOL THE GOVERNMENTS OF BOLIVIA, COLOMBIA, ECUADOR, PERU AND VENEZUELA; AGREE through their duly authorized plenipotentiary representatives to the following amendments to the Andean Subregional Integration Agreement (Cartagena Agreement): Article 1. – In Article 2 replace the term "gross national product" by "gross domestic product." Article 2.- Substitute the following text for Article 3: "Article 3.- The following mechanisms and measures, among others, shall be used to achieve the objectives of this Agreement: The intensification of integration with the other regional economic blocs and of political, social, economic, and commercial relations with extra-regional systems; The gradual harmonization of economic and social policies and dovetailing of national laws on pertinent matters; Joint programming, the intensification of subregional industrialization and the execution of industrial programs and other forms of industrial integration; A more advanced trade liberalization schedule than the commitments arising out of the 1980 Treaty of Montevideo; A Common External Tariff; Programs to accelerate the development of the agricultural and agribusiness sectors; The channeling of internal and external resources to the Subregion to finance the investments that are needed for the integration process; Programs in the field of services and of the deregulation of intra-subregional trade in services; Physical integration; and Preferential treatment for Bolivia and Ecuador. The following economic and social cooperation programs and actions shall be carried out in coordination to complement the above-cited mechanisms: Programs designed to expedite scientific and technological development; Actions in the field of border integration; Tourism programs; Actions for the use and conservation of natural resources and the environment; Social development programs; and Actions in the field of social communication Article 3.- Eliminate Article 26c). -
1 Border War Between Ecuador and Peru
1 Student: Solveig Karin Erdal pn: 810711 7684 Border War between Ecuador and Peru -Can there be Positive Peace without the Indians? Peace and Conflict Studies C level, 41-60 points Autumn 2003 Malmö University Supervisor: Peter Hervik 2 Table of content Table of Content 2 Maps 3 1 Introduction 4 1.1 Solving the Border Conflict 4 1.2 Contextualisation of the Problem 5 1.3 Research Question 5 1.4 Method, Material, Source Criticism and Limitations 6 2 Theory 8 2.1 Positive Peace 8 2.2 Distributive and Integrative Negotiations 10 2.3 Borders 10 2.4 Citizenship 11 2.5 Summary 12 3 Indians in Ecuador and Peru 13 3.1 Indians in the ‘War Zone’ 13 3.2 Indian Identity 15 3.3 Indian Demands 17 3.4 Indian Rights 19 3.4.1 ILO 169 19 3.4.2 Self Determination 21 3.5 Indian Social Movements 22 3.6 Summary 23 4 Border Conflict between Ecuador and Peru 24 4.1 The Conflict in 1995 24 4.2 Long-term Historical Background 26 4.3 The Conflict after the Rio Protocol 28 4.4 Ecuador and Peru’s Interests in the Conflict 29 4.5 Summary 31 5 Towards a Peace Agreement 31 5.1 Getting to the Negotiating Table 31 5.2 Four Guarantor Countries as Mediators 32 5.3 Negotiations become Integrative 35 5.4 Peace Agreement of 1998 37 5.5 Integration of the Indians in the Negotiations 39 5.6 Summary 42 6 Positive Peace Including Indians 42 6.1 Indians in the States 42 6.2 Positive Peace Building 44 6.3 Future of Positive Peace in Ecuador and Peru 46 6.4 Summary 46 7 Positive Peace With the Indians 47 References 49 3 Maps Map over the conflicting border line (Palmer 1997:120). -
Post-Neoliberal Environmental Governance in Bolivia and Ecuador Pablo Andrade A
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Springer - Publisher Connector OPEN 4 The Government of Nature: Post-Neoliberal Environmental Governance in Bolivia and Ecuador Pablo Andrade A. Introduction In 2005 and 2006, anti-neoliberal coalitions won the elections in Bolivia and Ecuador, respectively. In both countries, this development put an end to the rules that had regulated the use of natural resources in hydrocarbon extraction during the latter part of the twentieth century (Hogenboom, 2014). The post-neoliberal governments constructed new institutions for the governance of extractive-industry activities. The new rules of the game have changed the way in which the Andean countries govern extractive industries. It has not put an end to their dependence on income generated from natural resources, but it has changed the way in which that income is distributed. The process of change from neoliberalism to post-neoliberalism was fast, and fraught with confusion and abandoned experiments. This chapter describes that process. Two analytical objectives guide this description. First, I will identify the factors that guided the changes from neoliberalism to post-neoliberalism; and second, I will analyse the pos- sibilities for the governance of mineral and hydrocarbon wealth and the creation of a “government of nature” that were opened up by the new regulatory framework. Natural resources, rentier states, development and post-neoliberalism The contemporary debate about development based on natural resources has existed since the 1990s. Numerous academic studies con- ducted in that decade called attention to the relationship between 113 F. de Castro et al. (eds.), Environmental Governance in Latin America © Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 2016 114 The Government of Nature income from natural resources and development, highlighting the neg- ative impact of the former on the latter. -
Argentina Belize Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Cuba Ecuador El Salvador Guatemala Guyana Honduras Mexico Nicaragua Panama Paraguay Peru Suriname Uruguay
UNHCR organizes vocational training and brings clean water system to the Wounaan communities in Panama Argentina Belize Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Cuba Ecuador El Salvador Guatemala Guyana Honduras Mexico Nicaragua Panama Paraguay Peru Suriname Uruguay Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of) UNHCR / M. H. VERNEY OPERATIONAL HIGHLIGHTS l Throughout the Americas UNHCR witnessed a rise in l The Regional Solidarity Resettlement Programme of the the number of regional and extra-regional asylum-seekers Mexico Plan of Action was revamped and confirmed as a and refugees travelling within broader migratory key strategy in providing durable solutions to Colombian movements. refugees in the southern cone. A resettlement l Mexico appointed child protection officers in its National programme for women-at-risk began in Argentina and Migration Institute to protect unaccompanied minors Chile. trapped in massive mixed migratory flows in Central l After receiving a total of 225 Palestinian refugees for America. resettlement, Brazil and Chile began taking active steps to l In Nicaragua, one of the most advanced asylum laws in the assist with their local integration. region was passed by the National Assembly in July 2008. l UNHCR continued to engage with regional entities such l The right to asylum was incorporated into the new as Organization of American States (OAS) and Constitution of Bolivia. MERCOSUR. UNHCR Global Report 2008 281 Working environment Refugees and others of concern to UNHCR continued to be on the agenda at regional forums such as the OAS or the The global economic crisis caused a decline in remittances to Specialized Migratory Forum of MERCOSUR. Training and the region, especially to the Central American countries promotional activities were undertaken in cooperation with whose economies are highly dependent on them.