DOCSLIB.ORG

Being Seen Mary Lou O’Neil

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Being Seen Mary Lou O’Neil Being Seen Mary Lou O’Neil To cite this version: Mary Lou O’Neil. Being Seen. European Journal of Women’s Studies, SAGE Publications (UK and US), 2008, 15 (2), pp.101-115. 10.1177/1350506807088069. hal-00571316 HAL Id: hal-00571316 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00571316 Submitted on 1 Mar 2011 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Open Forum Being Seen Headscarves and the Contestation of Public Space in Turkey Mary Lou O’Neil KADIR HAS UNIVERSITY Despite appearances that the issue of the Islamic headscarf in Turkey is a relatively recent one, it has been a contentious issue since the founding of the Republic if not even before. As Turkey sought to establish itself as a modern, western-looking republic in the early part of the 20th century, it used Islam and one of its most potent symbols, the headscarf for women, to signify what it no longer was. The headscarf came to be seen as a sign of backwardness and the oppressive nature of Islam and Ottoman society towards women (Delaney, 1994: 159; Secor, 2002: 5). As such, women were exhorted to uncover and take up their new and rightful place in the pub- lic sphere. As Yeg˘enog˘lu explains: ‘the unveiling of women became a con- venient instrument for signifying many issues at once, i.e. the construction of modern Turkish identity as opposed to backward Ottoman identity, the civilization and modernization of Turkey and the limitation of Islam to matters of belief and worship’ (Yeg˘enog˘lu, 1998: 132). This new Republican woman, educated, socially active, a trained wife and mother and yet fem- inine in her western dress, would demonstrate Turkey’s social progress. With the resurgence of Islam in Turkey in the last 20 years, women’s issues and the symbol of the headscarf have once again returned to the forefront of public discussion. The revival of Islam also challenges the historic construction of moder- nity in Turkey. Modernity in Turkey has often been equated with west- ernization as the Kemalist elite viewed ‘the top down imposition and the European Journal of Women’s Studies Copyright © 2008 SAGE Publications (Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore), 1350-5068 Vol. 15(2): 101–115; http://ejw.sagepub.com DOI: 10.1177/1350506807088069 102 European Journal of Women’s Studies 15(2) possible dissemination of Western secular reason and scientific rational- ity’ as necessary for the establishment of a modern state (Keyman, 2007: 220). Secularism was also viewed as key and is a central component of the concept of Turkish modernity (Keyman, 2007: 217). However, in Turkey, secularism does not merely consist of a separation of religion from public affairs but centres on the control by the state of virtually all religious activ- ity. This type of secularism also seeks to remove all signs of religion from public and private life in an attempt to render religion unimportant in the lives of citizens. Since the 1980s, globalization, economic liberalization, the passage of European Union harmonization legislation and the return to prominence of Islam have transformed Turkey in innumerable ways. Perhaps none more jarring than the changes brought about by the renascence of Islam. Islam now poses a serious challenge to the long-standing Turkish con- ception of modernity based on a state-centred strict form of secularism. In fact, Keyman asserts that it is ‘one of the defining and constitutive ele- ments of the changing nature and formation of Turkish modernity since the 1980s’ (Keyman, 2007: 223). Turkey is, once again, remaking itself and we can see ‘the emergence of alternative modernities’ comprised of dif- ferent agents and ‘identity claims’ (Keyman and Koyuncu, 2005: 109). The young women in this study represent an aspect of the questioning of and attempts to redefine modernity that are currently taking place in Turkey. Much has been written about the headscarf in recent years both inside and outside Turkey (Ahmed, 1992; El Guindi, 2003; Gemalmaz, 2005; Özdalga, 1998; Saktanber, 2002; Secor, 2002; Yeg˘enog˘lu, 1998). What has become clear is that wearing the headscarf in public places is an enor- mously important and polarizing debate within Turkey and much of the rest of the world. In Turkey at least, it seems there exists little room for dialogue, one is either for the wearing of the headscarf or against it. Particularly contentious is the issue of public space and the presence of covered women in the public sphere. It seems that as long as one is will- ing to keep one’s religion to oneself then one is welcome to it, headscarf and all. However, if one is insistent on being seen, then the secular estab- lishment and its protagonists will vigorously defend what they see as their space. I employ the terms public space and the public sphere roughly inter- changeably to convey the layered sense of meaning present in both. First, public space consists quite literally of places such as schools, par- liament, courts, etc. – spaces defined as public under Turkish law and therefore covered by the ban on the headscarf. These actual places also constitute part of the public sphere which is a space where social rela- tions are produced and limits are demarcated as to who can belong and what is permissible (Göle, 2002: 185–6). The public sphere is contained O’Neil: Open Forum 103 within the broader social imaginary that Taylor describes as ‘the ways in which people imagine their social existence, how they fit together with others, how things go on between them and their fellows, the expecta- tions that are normally met, and the deeper normative notions and images that underlie these expectations’ (Taylor, 2002: 106). Importantly, the social imaginary is also the shared set of understandings that allow for common customs and a ‘shared sense of legitimacy’ (Taylor, 2002: 106). In Turkey, the current social imaginary defines the public sphere as one that should be devoid of religious symbols, particularly those asso- ciated with Islam. For defenders of secularism, few public spaces are considered more sacred than schools. Schools are viewed as the frontline in a battle for the hearts and minds of future citizens. Indeed, schools play an enormous part in the production and reproduction of the existing social imaginary, an imaginary that many wish to maintain as strictly secular. Therefore, special reverence is paid to secularism in the schools, at the same time that schools are viewed as an important bulwark against encroaching religiosity. Currently, there exists a ban on the wearing of the headscarf in pub- lic buildings, e.g. schools, courts, parliament. With the institution of the ban in 1925, schools, universities in particular, have become a serious site of contention. On the one hand, are those who defend the ban and seek to keep schools free from those who wear the headscarf. On the other hand, are young women who wear the headscarf and remain on the outside trying to get in. Somewhere in the middle are the young women who remove their headscarves in order to attend university. Little has been written about these young women, their decision to remove their headscarves and their subsequent experiences at the uni- versity. This article uses material gathered from interviews with six such women in order to better understand their position and to open a space for dialogue. PROCEDURE This article stems from conversations I had with six young women who have chosen to remove their headscarves in order to attend classes at the university. All six women attend private universities in Istanbul and are studying in various departments. This is not a representative sample; nor have I tried to construct any kind of typical headscarved university stu- dent. Louise Spence, in a different context, has described such interviews as ‘not evidence [but] opportunities for discursive analysis and interpre- tation’ (Spence, 2005: 52). I perceived our discussions as an ‘intersubjec- tive dialogue’ of which we were all a part, thus refusing any split between 104 European Journal of Women’s Studies 15(2) subject and object (Spence, 2005). My intention here is not to provide an explanation but a reading. Nor is my intention to take sides or try to determine who is right or wrong. Rather this article is an attempt to root out the layers of meaning present in this debate and to convey what these young women have to say about their experiences. It is important to acknowledge the ways in which we researchers are also a part of the process of producing a possible reading. The questions asked often struc- ture the answers, while the power and accessibility of the researcher can also deeply affect the outcomes provided. In my case in particular, there were a number of factors to potentially influence our discussions. First and foremost I am not a Turk, nor a Muslim, although I am a long- time resident of Turkey, a Turkish citizen and married to a Turk. I am a university lecturer, which is a position of power especially given that all of the young women were students at the time the discussions took place. Moreover, the students also made the power differential clear in that they addressed me by the title Hocam (teacher), and always with the formal ‘you’ in Turkish.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Changing Nature of the Turkish State Authority for Religious Affairs (ARA) and Turkish Islam in Europe Günter Seufert
    Working Paper SWP Working Papers are online publications within the purview of the respective Research Division. Unlike SWP Research Papers and SWP Comments they are not reviewed by the Institute. CENTRE FOR APPLIED TURKEY STUDIES (CATS) | WP NR. 02, JUNE 2020 The changing nature of the Turkish State Authority for Religious Affairs (ARA) and Turkish Islam in Europe Günter Seufert Contents Introduction 4 The umbrella organizations of the Turkish Authority for Religious Affairs in Europe 6 From "partner in integration" to "tool of a foreign power” 7 Definition of terms 9 Historical outline 11 The Authority for Religious Affairs as a product of Turkish secularization: the gradual exclusion of religious discourses and norms from administration and politics 11 The Authority for Religious Affairs as a bone of contention between secular and religious forces 14 Muslim policies beyond traditionalism and Islamism 17 The Authority for Religious Affairs between theological autonomy and political instrumentalization 21 The independence of the Diyanet as a step towards the rehabilitation and empowerment of the Islamic religion in society (and politics?) 21 The independence of the Diyanet as a step towards strengthening the civil character of religion and effectively dealing with worrying currents within national and international Islam 23 The intensified role of the Diyanet in the context of Turkish foreign policy 24 The Diyanet's attitude to subject areas 26 The comments of Diyanet on Fethullah Gülen 26 The Diyanet's Statement on the Ideology of the
    [Show full text]
  • The Relations Between Islam and Secularism: the Impact on Social Behavior in Turkey
    International Education Studies; Vol. 9, No. 8; 2016 ISSN 1913-9020 E-ISSN 1913-9039 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The Relations between Islam and Secularism: The Impact on Social Behavior in Turkey Nik Ahmad Hisham Ismail1 & Mustafa Tekke1 1 Department of Psychology and Counseling, Faculty of Education, International Islamic University Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Correspondence: Mustafa Tekke, Department of Psychology and Counseling, Faculty of Education, International Islamic University Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: February 29, 2016 Accepted: March 31, 2016 Online Published: July 26, 2016 doi:10.5539/ies.v9n8p66 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ies.v9n8p66 Abstract Secularism as central to society and human life may bring undesired negative consequences in Muslim societies. Increasing social problems among juveniles in Turkey raised questions regarding the right personality development and education of young people. In extending further analysis, we conducted semi-structured interview with experts to assess the level of Turkish personality and impact of Said Nursi, who is a very influential Islamic scholar in Turkish society and to the Islamic movement in general. This study implies that education integrated with Islamic belief and practice will be more influential to educate Turkish Muslims, rather than secular based teaching. This result will be a guideline for educationists and counselors. In future study, developing a personality scale integrated with belief and practice will be beneficial to Muslim communities. Keywords: secularism, Islam, personality, Turkey, Said Nursi 1. Introduction Although Islam and secularism are obviously opposite concepts, they might be some common issues to consider them as a similar.
    [Show full text]
  • Evolution of Religious Motives in Turkish Cinema
    Religions 2014, 5, 199–218; doi:10.3390/rel5010199 OPEN ACCESS religions ISSN 2077-1444 www.mdpi.com/journal/religions Article From Clichés to Mysticism: Evolution of Religious Motives in Turkish Cinema Hülya Önal Department of Radio-Cinema & Television, Faculty of Communication, Canakkale Onsekiz Mart University, Terzioglu Campus, Canakkale 17100, Turkey; E-Mail: [email protected]; Tel.: +90-286-218-0019-3114 Received: 3 December 2013; in revised form: 30 January 2014 / Accepted: 6 February 2014 / Published: 3 March 2014 Abstract: As an art form, an academic discipline and an ideological instrument that finds a place in cultural studies and social sciences, film plays a significant role both in the creation and as a reflection of the culture in which it is produced and sustained. Within the relationship between religion and the cinema in the Turkish context, religion has ironically become an ideological discourse contrasting with the Islamic attitude prohibiting human depiction. This paper seeks to examine the transformation of both religious and secularist clichés and stereotypes in the Turkish cinema, by means of ideological and sociological critiques of some sample films. Keywords: religious clichés; Turkish cinema; Islamic rituals; White Cinema 1. Introduction Within the relationship between religion and the cinema in the Turkish cinema, religion has ironically become an ideological discourse contrasting with the Islamic attitude prohibiting human depiction. As the young heir of the Ottoman Empire, which was administered under Islamic rule (Sharia) for about six centuries, the Republic of Turkey’s relationship with religion, following the westernization/modernization process, has been reflected in Turkish cinema. The young republic considered religion to be a political threat, rather than a natural part of life, in the process of adapting its own revolutions to the conservative majority of society.
    [Show full text]
  • Religious Pluralism and Religion-State Relations in Turkey
    religions Article Religious Pluralism and Religion-State Relations in Turkey H. ¸SuleAlbayrak Department of Sociology of Religion, Faculty of Theology, Marmara University, Mahir Iz˙ Cad. No. 2, Üsküdar, Istanbul 34662, Turkey; [email protected] or [email protected] Received: 7 November 2018; Accepted: 16 January 2019; Published: 18 January 2019 Abstract: In this article, I examine religion-state relations and religious pluralism in Turkey in terms of recent changes in the religious landscape. I propose that there is a growing trend in the religious sphere that has resulted in a proliferation of religions, sects and spiritual approaches in Turkey. I argue that although the religious market model might not be applicable to the Turkish religious sphere during the republican era until the 2000s due to the restrictions applied by the state’s authoritarian secularist policies, it is compatible with today’s changing society. Different religious groups as well as spiritual movements have used the democratization process of the 2000s in Turkey as an opportunity to proselytize various faiths and understandings of Islam, with both traditional and modernist forms. In this period, new religious movements have also appeared. Thus, the Turkish religious landscape has recently become much more complicated than it was two decades earlier. I plan for this descriptive work firstly to provide an insight into the history of religious pluralism and state policies in Turkey. Secondly, I will discuss the religious policies of the republican period and, thirdly, I will evaluate recent developments such as the increasing number of approaches in the religious sphere within the scope of the religious market model.
    [Show full text]
  • Plagiat Merupakan Tindakan Tidak Terpuji Plagiat
    PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI THE RISE OF SPIRITUAL ISLAM IN TURKEY’S IDENTITY QUEST: UNDERSTANDING ORHAN PAMUK’S OEUVRES THROUGH SUFI FRAMEWORK A THESIS Presented as a Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements to Obtain the Magister Humaniora (M.Hum) Degree in English Language Studies by Sri Hariyatmi Student Number: 126332037 THE GRADUATE PROGRAM IN ENGLISH LANGUAGE STUDIES SANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY YOGYAKARTA 2014 i PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI A THESIS THE RISE OF SPIRITUAL ISLAM IN TURKEY’S IDENTITY QUEST: UNDERSTANDING ORHAN PAMUK’S OEUVRES THROUGH SUFI FRAMEWORK by Sri Hariyatmi Student Number: 126332037 Approved by Alb. Bagus Laksana, SJ., Ph.D. Yogyakarta, May 12, 2014 Advisor ii PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI A THESIS THE RISE OF SPIRITUAL ISLAM IN TURKEY’S IDENTITY QUEST: UNDERSTANDING ORHAN PAMUK’S OEUVRES THROUGH SUFI FRAMEWORK Presented by Sri Hariyatmi Student Number: 126332037 Defended before the Thesis Committee and Declared Acceptable Chairperson : __________________ Secretary : __________________ Members : 1. __________________ 2. __________________ Yogyakarta, , 2014 The Graduate Program Director Sanata Dharma University Prof. Dr. Augustinus Supratiknya iii PLAGIATPLAGIAT MERUPAKAN MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TIDAK TERPUJI TERPUJI STATEMENT OF ORIGINALITY This is to certify that all ideas, phrases, sentences, unless otherwise stated, are the ideas, phrases, and sentences
    [Show full text]
  • The Fethullah Gülen Movement and Its Politics of Representation in Turkey*
    T F G M I P R T TheBlackwellOxford,MUWO0027-4909©911Original 2006 MuslimFethullah HartfordUKArticle Publishing World Gulen Seminary LtdMovement and Its Politics of Representation in FethullahTurkey Gülen Movement and Its Politics of Representation in Turkey* Mucahit Bilici University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan Introduction amuel Huntington’s provocative assertion about the “clash of civilizations”1 has been a source of controversy not only for academics Sbut also for religious communities. Some radical Islamist groups have enthusiastically welcomed Huntington’s suggestion. In fact, this assertion has been finding more resonance since September 11, 2001. However, there are significant attempts on the part of some Islamic religious communities to challenge this theory through dialogue-oriented practices. The religious movement led by Fethullah Gülen in Turkey, for example, launched a civil societal foundation to challenge the discourse of conflict and introduced the idea of dialogue not only to the Turkish audience, but also to a global one. It was through this foundation that Fethullah Gülen and his community became part of the Turkish public agenda. This article aims to explore the nature of the Gülen movement and its politics of representation. The Gülen community is a significant case for students of contemporary Islam, for it is a successful example of a civil Islamic movement in the new global context. The bulk of this article is devoted to a critical elaboration of several constitutive elements of the identity of the Gülen movement. These elements include: (1) the constraints and opportunities created by “conservatism” in Turkey; (2) Turkish nationalism; (3) the implications of the central concept and root-paradigm of hizmet; (4) the legacy of Said Nursi; and (5) the celebration of the Ottoman state or the Turkish-Islamic past.
    [Show full text]
  • Is There a Turkish Islam? the Emergence of Convergence and Consensus
    Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol. 24, No. 2, October 2004 Is There a Turkish Islam? The Emergence of Convergence and Consensus M. HAKAN YAVUZ Abstract This paper attempts to demonstrate that it is not only the universal principles of Islam that ground our everyday actions, but also the practical and immediate issues which we confront. Although Islam provides a universal set of principles to make life meaningful, I shall argue that these principles are vernacularized and localized in specific narratives. By offering seven diverse zones of Islam, I seek to bring this critical and dynamic distance into the forefront to understand that there is no universal model or a single highway to salvation but, instead, there are multiple ways of being and becoming a Muslim. In the first part of the paper, I seek to disaggregate the concept of ‘Islamic or Muslim world’ by identifying seven diverse competing and conflicting ‘zones’ of political Islam, each characterized by their conversion pattern, colonial legacy, type of nationalism and by the state–society relations and political economy that factor into these evolving separate zones. At the same time and under certain political conditions, one also sees the emergence of consensus and similar ‘public opinion’ across zones on various issues. After identifying the features of three of the seven zones (Arab, Persian and Turkish), the paper focuses on Sufism, the frontier legacy of the Ottoman state, and on the tax-based economy and the expanding political opportunity spaces, to account for the construc- tion of Islamic knowledge and practices in the Turkish zone.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey – Nur Cemaat – Mehmet Kutlular – Freedom of Speech – Freedom of Press – Anti-Kemalist Activities – Australia
    Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: TUR32195 Country: Turkey Date: 21 August 2007 Keywords: Turkey – Nur Cemaat – Mehmet Kutlular – Freedom of speech – Freedom of press – Anti-Kemalist activities – Australia This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide background information on Nur Cemaat, particularly its religious and political profile. Is it opposed to the Turkish constitution? 2. Is there a formal network or any registration of members? 3. Do its members observe particular Islamic forms such as religious practice, headscarves and beards? 4. Do the Turkish authorities place restrictions on it? In particular, what is the recently reelected government’s relationship with it? 5. Are there reported incidents of Nur Cemaat being pressured or harshly treated? 6. Are there laws in Turkey to prevent anti-Kemalist speeches, etc., and are they enforced against Islamic groups? 7. Please provide any background on Mehmet Kutlular. 8. Are there reports of Encyclopedia of Recent History (Yakin Tarih Ansiklopedisi), or similar anti-Kemalist publications? 9. Are there reports of government action against people distributing such material? 10. If so, do reports of official action refer to formal charges, imprisonment and seizure of passports and/or informal measures such as detention and warnings? 11.
    [Show full text]
  • Bektashi Order - Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia Personal Tools Create Account Log In
    Bektashi Order - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Personal tools Create account Log in Namespaces Views Article Read Bektashi OrderTalk Edit From Wikipedia, the freeVariants encyclopedia View history Main page More TheContents Bektashi Order (Turkish: Bektaşi Tarikatı), or the ideology of Bektashism (Turkish: Bektaşilik), is a dervish order (tariqat) named after the 13th century Persian[1][2][3][4] Order of Bektashi dervishes AleviFeatured Wali content (saint) Haji Bektash Veli, but founded by Balim Sultan.[5] The order is mainly found throughout Anatolia and the Balkans, and was particularly strong in Albania, Search BulgariaCurrent events, and among Ottoman-era Greek Muslims from the regions of Epirus, Crete and Greek Macedonia. However, the Bektashi order does not seem to have attracted quite as BektaşiSearch Tarikatı manyRandom adherents article from among Bosnian Muslims, who tended to favor more mainstream Sunni orders such as the Naqshbandiyya and Qadiriyya. InDonate addition to Wikipedia to the spiritual teachings of Haji Bektash Veli, the Bektashi order was later significantly influenced during its formative period by the Hurufis (in the early 15th century),Wikipedia storethe Qalandariyya stream of Sufism, and to varying degrees the Shia beliefs circulating in Anatolia during the 14th to 16th centuries. The mystical practices and rituals of theInteraction Bektashi order were systematized and structured by Balım Sultan in the 16th century after which many of the order's distinct practices and beliefs took shape. A largeHelp number of academics consider Bektashism to have fused a number of Shia and Sufi concepts, although the order contains rituals and doctrines that are distinct unto itself.About Throughout Wikipedia its history Bektashis have always had wide appeal and influence among both the Ottoman intellectual elite as well as the peasantry.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey: Alevis
    Country Policy and Information Note Turkey: Alevis Version 2.0 August 2017 Preface This note provides country of origin information (COI) and policy guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the policy guidance contained with this note; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country information COI in this note has been researched in accordance with principles set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI) and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, namely taking into account its relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability. All information is carefully selected from generally reliable, publicly accessible sources or is information that can be made publicly available. Full publication details of supporting documentation are provided in footnotes. Multiple sourcing is normally used to ensure that the information is accurate, balanced and corroborated, and that a comprehensive and up-to-date picture at the time of publication is provided. Information is compared and contrasted, whenever possible, to provide a range of views and opinions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of Political Islam in Turkey: the Role of Socio-Psychological Factors
    The Rise of Political Islam in Turkey: The Role of Socio-Psychological Factors Eldar T. Hasanov Abstract The factors behind the rise of Islamism in Turkey remain the subject of intense scholarly debate. There are remarkable relationships between the rise of Islamism and preceding changes in population dynamics in Turkey. Rapid urbanization and large-scale migration of Kurds and other ethnic minorities from the east of the county to major cities in the west created a situation when Kemalist ideology, that was based on Turkish nationalism and secularism, could not continue to play its nation-building role. The increasing share of ethnic minority groups in major urban centers of the country created a need for a social transformation that can bring people with different ethnic identities together based on a shared aspect of their identity. There was a need for a bond that can link members of different ethnic groups to one another and to the country as a whole. This need found its realization in Islamism as the main shared aspect of the identity of the majority of ethnic Turks and Kurds is their religion - Sunni Islam. Islamism offered a sense of a new superseding identity that helped to restrain existing Turkish, Kurdish and other ethnic identities and helped to reconcile and stabilize social relationships by reducing ethnic antagonism, tension and potential conflict. This new consolidating mechanism helped to create a state of a strong and substantial common ground between different ethnic groups concentrated in major metropolitan areas of Turkey. The rise of political Islam in Turkey was the political consequence of changing social preferences and motivation that resulted in inventing the reason for the social and political change, without recognizing and acknowledging the real underlying motives behind it.
    [Show full text]
  • Transformation of Islamist Political Thought in Turkey from the Empire to the Early Republic (1908-1960): Necip Fazil Kisakürek’S Political Ideas
    TRANSFORMATION OF ISLAMIST POLITICAL THOUGHT IN TURKEY FROM THE EMPIRE TO THE EARLY REPUBLIC (1908-1960): NECİP FAZIL KISAKÜREK’S POLITICAL IDEAS The Institute of Economics and Social Sciences of Bilkent University by BURHANETTİN DURAN In Partial Fulfillment Of The Requirements For The Degree Of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION in THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION BILKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA January, 2001 I certify that I have read this thesis and in my opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and Public Administration. --------------------------------- I certify that I have read this thesis and in my opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and Public Administration. --------------------------------- I certify that I have read this thesis and in my opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and Public Administration. --------------------------------- I certify that I have read this thesis and in my opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and Public Administration. --------------------------------- I certify that I have read this thesis and in my opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of
    [Show full text]