Whither Aceh?
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50 Years Since 30 September, 1965: the Gradual Erosion of a Political Taboo
ISSUE: 2015 NO.66 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE SHARE THEIR UNDERSTANDING OF CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 26 November 2015 50 Years since 30 September, 1965: The Gradual Erosion of a Political Taboo. By Max Lane* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This year marks the 50th anniversary of the events of 30 September, 1965 and its aftermath. Amidst heightened discussion of the matter, President Widodo, on behalf of his government, stated that there would be no state expression of being sorry for the large scale massacres of 1965. He attended conventional activities on the anniversary consistent with the long-term narrative originating from the period of Suharto’s New Order. At the same time, there are signs of a gradual but steady erosion of the hegemony of the old narrative and an opening up of discussion. This is not driven by deliberate government policy, although some government decisions have facilitated the emergence of a generation for whom the hegemonic narrative holds less weight. The processes weakening the old hegemony have also been fostered by: a) Increased academic openness on the history of the period, both in and outside of Indonesia. b) More activity by lawyers, activists, researchers as well as former political prisoners demanding state recognition of human rights violations in 1965 and afterwards. c) A general attitude to educational processes no longer dominated by indoctrination concerns. 1 ISSUE: 2015 NO.66 ISSN 2335-6677 Hegemony may be slowly ending, but it is not clear what will replace it. *Max Lane is Visiting Senior Fellow with the Indonesia Studies Programme at ISEAS- Yusof Ishak Institute, and has written hundreds of articles on Indonesia for magazines and newspapers. -
Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
Staggering Political Career of Jokowi's Running Mate Cleric Ma'ruf Amin
Staggering Political Career of Jokowi’s Running Mate Cleric Ma’ruf Amin [Antonius Herujiyanto AH0908_090818] Wondering about Jokowi’s decision to choose cleric Ma’ruf Amin as his running mate in the coming Presidential race, many people start to be curious, questioning who the cleric is. Not only is the 75-year-old cleric [he was born on 11 March 1943 in Tangerang, Banten province, Java] the general chairman of the Indonesian Ulema Council [MUI], but he is also the spiritual adviser or Rais Amm to NU [the largest Islamic community organization in the country]. Jokowi seems to expect the cleric to protect him against the criticism that he lacks sufficient Islamic credentials. Having chosen cleric Ma’ruf as his running mate, Jokowi must have thought that he would attract and provide Indonesian voters with his nationalism and cleric Ma’ruf Amin’s Islamism. [It is beside the many “radical” actions conducted by the cleric such as, among others, playing his influential adversary, backing the 2016 massive street protests by conservative Muslims and fuelling a campaign that led to Jokowi’s ally and successor as Jakarta’s governor, Ahok, to be jailed for blaspheming Islam; having pushed behind the scenes for restrictions on homosexuals and minority religious sects while seeking a greater role for Islam in politics.] The cleric was graduated from Tebuireng pesantren [Islamic boarding school] in Jombang, East Java. He earned his bachelor's degree in Islamic philosophy from Ibnu Khaldun University, Bogor, West Java. He was elected as a member of the House of Representatives [DPR], representing the (conservative Islamic) United Development Party or PPP and served as leader of the PPP caucus from 1977 to 1982. -
Vice President's Power and Role in Indonesian Government Post Amendment 1945 Constitution
Al WASATH Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Volume 1 No. 2 Oktober 2020: 61-78 VICE PRESIDENT'S POWER AND ROLE IN INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT POST AMENDMENT 1945 CONSTITUTION Roziqin Guanghua Law School, Zhejiang University, China Email: [email protected] Abstract Politicians are fighting over the position of Vice President. However, after becoming Vice President, they could not be active. The Vice President's role is only as a spare tire. Usually, he would only perform ceremonial acts. The exception was different when the Vice President was Mohammad Hata and Muhammad Jusuf Kalla. Therefore, this paper will question: What is the position of the President in the constitutional system? What is the position of the Vice President of Indonesia after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution? Furthermore, how is the role sharing between the President and Vice President of Indonesia? This research uses the library research method, using secondary data. This study uses qualitative data analysis methods in a prescriptive-analytical form. From the research, the writer found that the President is assisted by the Vice President and ministers in carrying out his duties. The President and the Vice President work in a team of a presidential institution. From time to time, the Indonesian Vice President's position has always been the same to assist the President. The Vice President will replace the President if the President is permanently unavailable or temporarily absent. With the Vice President's position who is directly elected by the people in a pair with the President, he/she is a partner, not subordinate to the President. -
Reconceptualising Ethnic Chinese Identity in Post-Suharto Indonesia
Reconceptualising Ethnic Chinese Identity in Post-Suharto Indonesia Chang-Yau Hoon BA (Hons), BCom This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The University of Western Australia School of Social and Cultural Studies Discipline of Asian Studies 2006 DECLARATION FOR THESES CONTAINING PUBLISHED WORK AND/OR WORK PREPARED FOR PUBLICATION This thesis contains sole-authored published work and/or work prepared for publication. The bibliographic details of the work and where it appears in the thesis is outlined below: Hoon, Chang-Yau. 2004, “Multiculturalism and Hybridity in Accommodating ‘Chineseness’ in Post-Soeharto Indonesia”, in Alchemies: Community exChanges, Glenn Pass and Denise Woods (eds), Black Swan Press, Perth, pp. 17-37. (A revised version of this paper appears in Chapter One of the thesis). ---. 2006, “Assimilation, Multiculturalism, Hybridity: The Dilemma of the Ethnic Chinese in Post-Suharto Indonesia”, Asian Ethnicity, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 149-166. (A revised version of this paper appears in Chapter One of the thesis). ---. 2006, “Defining (Multiple) Selves: Reflections on Fieldwork in Jakarta”, Life Writing, Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 79-100. (A revised version of this paper appears in a few sections of Chapter Two of the thesis). ---. 2006, “‘A Hundred Flowers Bloom’: The Re-emergence of the Chinese Press in post-Suharto Indonesia”, in Media and the Chinese Diaspora: Community, Communications and Commerce, Wanning Sun (ed.), Routledge, London and New York, pp. 91-118. (A revised version of this paper appears in Chapter Six of the thesis). This thesis is the original work of the author except where otherwise acknowledged. -
What Is Indonesian Islam?
M. Laffan, draft paper prepared for discussion at the UCLA symposium ‘Islam and Southeast Asia’, May 15 2006 What is Indonesian Islam? Michael Laffan, History Department, Princeton University* Abstract This paper is a preliminary essay thinking about the concept of an Indonesian Islam. After considering the impact of the ideas of Geertz and Benda in shaping the current contours of what is assumed to fit within this category, and how their notions were built on the principle that the region was far more multivocal in the past than the present, it turns to consider whether, prior to the existance of Indonesia, there was ever such a notion as Jawi Islam and questions what modern Indonesians make of their own Islamic history and its impact on the making of their religious subjectivities. What about Indonesian Islam? Before I begin I would like to present you with three recent statements reflecting either directly or indirectly on assumptions about Indonesian Islam. The first is the response of an Australian academic to the situation in Aceh after the 2004 tsunami, the second and third have been made of late by Indonesian scholars The traditionalist Muslims of Aceh, with their mystical, Sufistic approach to life and faith, are a world away from the fundamentalist Islamists of Saudi Arabia and some other Arab states. The Acehnese have never been particularly open to the bigoted "reformism" of radical Islamist groups linked to Saudi Arabia. … Perhaps it is for this reason that aid for Aceh has been so slow coming from wealthy Arab nations such as Saudi Arabia.1 * This, admittedly in-house, piece presented at the UCLA Colloquium on Islam and Southeast Asia: Local, National and Transnational Studies on May 15, 2006, is very much a tentative first stab in the direction I am taking in my current project on the Making of Indonesian Islam. -
Feminist Exegesis in Hamka's Tafsir Al-Azhar
Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu al-Qur’an dan Hadis – ISSN: 1411-6855 (p); 2548-4737 (e) Vol. 22, No. 2 (Juli 2021), hlm. 403-426, doi: 10.14421/qh.2021.2202-07 https://ejournal.uin-suka.ac.id/ushuluddin/qurdis/index Article History: Submitted: 30-04-2021 Revised: 02-07-2021 Accepted: 05-07-2021 Feminist Exegesis in Hamka’s Tafsir Al-Azhar Penafsiran Feminis dalam Tafsir Al-Azhar Karya Hamka Zulfikri Zulkarnaini * (a) * Corrsponding Author, email, [email protected] (a) Uludag University Bursa-Turkey Abstract This research aims to understand the typology of contemporary interpretation in Indonesia, especially concerning the issue of women based on the interpretation narrative in Hamka's Tafsir Al-Azhar. This interpretation arose in modern thought and was born from Indonesian society that the Dutch were colonizing. Therefore, this interpretation represents an idea with a modern background and colonial issues. One of the interesting issues in Al-Azhar's notion is the interpretation of verses related to women. This study uses a qualitative approach by collecting interpretations related to women in Tafsir Al-Azhar. This research used Hans-George Gadamer's philosophical hermeneutic method. The study results prove that the context of the colonial era made Hamka choose to reinterpret the verses of the Qur'an related to women's creation. The purpose of the interpretation is to harmonize between religious values and social conditions. According to Hamka, he interpreted the female verse that said women created from Adam’s ribs. Also, he explained controversially that the interpretation of women's creation from Adam’s ribs is merely a metaphor. -
"Symbolic Politics", Democratization and Indonesian Foreign Policy
Centro Argentino de Estudios Internacionales www.caei.com.ar Islam “Symbolic Politics”1, Democratization and Indonesian Foreign Policy By Anak Agung Banyu Perwita “If someone is able to separate sugar from its sweetness, he will be able to separate Islam religion from politics” (Wahab Chasbullah)2 “The Islamic movement should detach itself from involvement in politics. Islam is a moral force, a way to promote morality” (Abdurrahman Wahid)3. Introduction. The two quotations, above, clearly suggest an endlessly debate about the political role of Islam in Indonesia’s politics. This article discusses the role of political Islam4 in Indonesian politics and the dynamics of the interaction between the Muslim society and the State in the Indonesian political system. It provides the domestic context of the role Islam in Indonesia’s politics, which serves as the platform of the position of political Islam in Indonesia’s foreign policy in the post- Soeharto era. It will also briefly elaborate the development of Indonesia’s external environment (globalization) as an integral element of foreign policy. However, the extent to which the Islamic—as a “religio-politics”5-- factor played a significant role in Indonesian foreign policy has been subject to debate. Therefore, this article will assess the hypothesis that “foreign policies are also influenced by the religious views and beliefs of policymakers and their constituents”.6 1 Symbolic politics can be defined as “collective process of construction, distribution and internalization of political symbols (Phrases, images, norms, rules etc) which present a significant influence on foreign policy during the democratization process”. See Corneliu Bjola (2000). -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
TEUNGKU MUHAMMAD DAUD BEUREUEH DAN REVOLUSI DI ACEH (1945-1950) Bambang Satriya, Suwirta, Ayi Budi Santosa Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia
FACTUM: JURNAL SEJARAH DAN PENDIDIKAN SEJARAH, VOL. 7 NO. 1, 2018 ISSN: 2302-9889, E.ISSN: 2615-515X TEUNGKU MUHAMMAD DAUD BEUREUEH DAN REVOLUSI DI ACEH (1945-1950) Bambang Satriya, Suwirta, Ayi Budi Santosa Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia ABSTRACT ABSTRAK This research was distributed by attractions of Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh ketertarikan authors to Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh penulis kepada sosok Teungku Muhammad the leader with big influence when the revolution Daud Beureueh yang memiliki pengaruh besar happened in Aceh. The main issues studied in this ketika berlangsungnya masa revolusi di Aceh. research is “How was Teungku Muhammad Daud Permasalahan utama yang dibahas adalah adalah Beureueh’s role in defending the independence of “Bagaimana peran Teungku Muhammad Daud Indonesian Republic in Aceh 1945-1950?”. This Beureueh dalam mempertahankan kemerdekaan study uses historical method which includes four Republik Indonesia di Aceh tahun 1945-1950?”. steps: 1) Heuristics, 2) Criticism, 3) Interpretation, Penelitian ini menggunakan metode historis 4) Historiography. Based on the result, the political dengan empat tahapan, yaitu: 1) Heuristik, 2) and socio-economic conditions in Aceh after the Kritik, 3) Interpretasi, dan 4) Historiografi. independence of Indonesian Republic was unstable. Adapun hasil penelitian yang diperoleh bahwa The role of Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh kondisi politik dan sosial ekonomi di Aceh pasca in Peristiwa Cumbok gave the awareness to local kemerdekaan tidak stabil. Kemudian, Teungku government to give more attention in this horizontal Muhammad Daud Beureueh berperan penting conflict and he instructing to mobilize the troops dalam Peristiwa Cumbok dengan memberikan to attack the uleebalang clan in Pidie. He also penyadaran terhadap pemerintah daerah agar stopped the Tentara Perjuangan Rakyat (TPR) memerhatikan konflik horizontal yang sedang movement who headed by Husin Al Mujahid. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles the Geopolitical-Economy
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Geopolitical-economy of Infrastructure Development and Financing: Contesting Developmental Futures in Indonesia A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Geography by Dimitar Anguelov 2021 © Copyright by Dimitar Anguelov 2021 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Geopolitical-economy of Infrastructure Development and Financing: Contesting Developmental Futures in Indonesia by Dimitar Anguelov Doctor of Philosophy in Geography University of California, Los Angeles, 2021 Professor Helga Leitner, Co-Chair Professor Eric Sheppard, Co-Chair In the post-2008 global economy infrastructure development and financing have risen to the top of the development agenda, emerging as a contested field for global investments involving seemingly divergent interests, objectives, rationalities and practices. Whereas multilateral development banks such as the World Bank advocate the market-based Public-Private Partnership (PPP) aimed at attracting private finance and deepening marketized governance, China is forging a state-capitalist alternative through its Belt and Road Initiative. These models are far from mutually exclusive. Through a conjunctural approach, this research examines the broader trade and financial interdependencies in which these models are entangled, and the geopolitical and geoeconomic objectives enframing the emergent infrastructure regime. Developing nations caught in the crosscurrents of these approaches and interests face uncertain risks and possibilities. In Indonesia I show how these approaches are grounded in ii infrastructure projects, framed by competition between China and Japan. Specifically, in Jakarta, I examine the coming together of these models, visions and practices as they articulate with the political-economies of city and state, and their path-dependent restructuring precipitated by the speculative 1997 Asian Financial Crisis. -
IN SEARH for a NEW NOMENCLATURE of POLITICAL ROLE of PESANTREN in an ERA of DEMOCRACY1 Masdar Hilmy IAIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya Email: Masdar [email protected]
Towards a “Wider Mandate” of Pesantren: IN SEARH FOR A NEW NOMENCLATURE OF POLITICAL ROLE OF PESANTREN IN AN ERA OF DEMOCRACY1 Masdar Hilmy IAIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya Email: [email protected] A bstrak Makalah ini berusaha menganalisis tren kontemporer sebagian besar pesantren Indonesia dalam konteks pasca pemilihan presiden. Bahwa keberadaan pesantren tidak bisa memisahkan diri dari konfigurasi politik Indonesia. Politik dalam pesantren dapat dilihat sebagaimodalitaspesantren untukmencapaikehidupanpublik lebih baik. Namun demikian, sebagian besar pesantren menyadari bahwa melibatkan diri dalam politik praktis dapat merusak citra dan kemandirian sebagai agen transformasi sosial. Oleh karena itu, pesantren perlu mempertimbangkan beberapa nomenklatur peran politik dalam rangka bertahan dalam konstelasi politik yang berubah. Untuk tantangan ini, makalah ini berpendapat bahwa pesantren perlu mendefinisikan dan memperluas mandat dewasa ini sebagai “broker politik” menjadi salah satu dari tiga nomenklatur berikut: (1) perumusan non-pemilihan politik; (2) redefinisi dari mandat ekonomi, dan (3) mengembangkan sistem teologi-politik. 1 Translated and revised version of this paper was delivered in the seminar entitled “Peran Pesantren Pasca-Pilpres” (The Role of Pesantren in post-Presidential Elections” at Hotel Jayakarta, Jogjakarta, 10 August 2009 held by Ministry of Communication and Information o f the Republic of Indonesia. 4& J jj..^\\ ^ j aJj 4- J^ j l II *Lw^'Lww^J^ ^5 J j j J J2_*j 3 ^1 4j>rbLl V ^ V ’ W'LC"*“^ J C^JJJlSj . ^pLoJ^r-*^ a^jiii j i iiLail aJUfcj <, l-Li .Cj J ca a- ^ L ^ a«5”" ^ J5 aULJl A^L^Jl oJ l>-Ij > * a»~^L»»J| a^wuL?- L iL aJLA-( aj*VJUAJTj ^1 ^ \ s ^ ~ Aj 'Vj «Aj «X>- ajLf-Jj (2) a~*Lw*-J1 A;jb>wj*yi a pLm ? (1) ! 4-j LlI' Aj*)li]l ^jA < L J ^ U i S ji Jhj (3) _J i ilv«aa*>U Keywords: Pesantren, Nomenclature, Non-electoral Politics, Economic Mandate, Theology of Politics A.