The Interallied Confederation of Reserve Officers- Cior, and Perspective of Relation with Ex-Soviet Union (E-Su) States in the Context of Crimea Crisis

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Interallied Confederation of Reserve Officers- Cior, and Perspective of Relation with Ex-Soviet Union (E-Su) States in the Context of Crimea Crisis “HENRI COANDA” “GENERAL M.R. STEFANIK” AIR FORCE ACADEMY ARMED FORCES ACADEMY ROMANIA SLOVAK REPUBLIC INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of SCIENTIFIC PAPER AFASES 2014 Brasov, 22-24 May 2014 THE INTERALLIED CONFEDERATION OF RESERVE OFFICERS- CIOR, AND PERSPECTIVE OF RELATION WITH EX-SOVIET UNION (E-SU) STATES IN THE CONTEXT OF CRIMEA CRISIS. ROLES OF THE PARAMILITARY ORGANIZATIONS AND MILITIA OF ETHNIC MINORITIES IN THE POLITICAL AND MILITARY TURBULENCE THEATRE LCDR. (AF-Res.) Ioan PITICAR Air Force Academy “Henri Coanda”, Brasov, Romania Abstract: The Interallied Confederation of Reserve Officers commonly referred to by its French acronym CIOR, represents the interests of over 1.3 million reservists across 36 participating nations within and beyond NATO, making it the world’s largest military reserve officer organization. Founded in 1948 by the reserve officer associations of Belgium, France and the Netherlands, CIOR is now a NATO-affiliated, non-political and non-profit umbrella organization of member nations’ national reserve officer associations. This presentation will deal possible future relations between NATO/CIOR on the one hand, and Ukraine, Moldova, or the South Caucasus States on the other hand, in conditions when Russia tending to recreate the „Soviet” old territory, in the context of events and of the recent evolution from Crimea. The reservist’s role from paramilitary or militia organizations based on Ethnic Minorities, was used very efficient in Crimea by Russian forces, in order to reach their objectives in operations in an efficient and quickly manner. This abstract intend to present the implication of paramilitary or militia organizations, based on Ethnic Minorities, in conflicts between states, like an asymmetrical option that could lead to civil war and to the terrorist acts, out of any control of the states. Keywords: CIOR, Crimea, paramilitary, militia, civil war, reservists. 1. Roles of CIOR 2. Before of february's Crimea events The CIOR has two main roles: to provide advice on Reserve issues and support to the According to a pact from 2010 between NATO Alliance, and to foster the professional Ukraine and Russia, Russia had a lease for development of reserve officers. their naval facilities in Crimea until 2042, and maintained the right to use some small areas of Crimea, up to 25.000 troops, 24 artillery systems, 132 armored vehicles, and 22 military Russian individuals claiming "Russia's clear planes on the Crimean peninsula. violation of Ukrainian sovereignty and 3. The pact – „The Kharkiv Agreement” territorial integrity". These threats were subsequently carried out and Russia retaliated. Russia’s use of their warm water port in The Crimean Peninsula is seen by Russia as Sevastapol was due to end in 2017 with its strategic link to the Mediterranean Sea, Ukraine saying their would be no extension (as Black Sea, and the Balkans with Azov Sea per their constitution prohibiting foreign area, as well as a land of historic cultural and military use of their lands) and Russia would religious significance. The Russian have to leave. government maintains that its preparedness to But now, after Crimea episode, Russia have enter the Ukraine militarily in Crimea is to Ukraine as an enemy over "a barrel" of gas protect ethnic Russians in the region. theft. Russia does not recognize the newly In 2010 Russia and Ukraine "negotiated" an installed interim government in Ukraine, treaty called "The Russian Ukrainian Naval instead considering now-ousted- Base for Gas treaty" which is also known by PresidentViktor Yanukovych Ukraine's the name of "The Kharkiv Pact". legitimate leader. The bottom line of the deal is this, Russia Yanukovych formally asked Russia to gives Ukraine a "special price" on gas - a intervene in Ukraine militarily to maintain supposed 30% discount - (which in turn will peace and order. Russia claims that its armed help them purchase gas to return into the forces were not involved in the stand-off prior system for the gas they supposedly took, or if to the referendum and reunification of Crimea they chose they can use the discount to pay to Russia, and also asserts that use of force for Russia back faster for the gas they didn’t pay the purposes of humanitarian intervention in for and in return Ukraine leases the Naval base Ukraine has not yet occurred. in Sevasatapol until at least 2042 (Russia Vladimir Tyunin, used to be the director of wrote a clause into the treaty giving them the a humanitarian institute in the Ukrainian city option of extending to 2047). of Sevastopol. He now commands 100 trained Russia gets its money (or gas) back AND gets men at the heart of the standoff between to keep its port in Sevastapol under the Russia and the West. auspices of "saving" Ukraine. “I have a group of people that can do any kind The treaty had a rough ride through the of task” Tyunin, 57, said at the end of Ukrainian parliament with fights and February, in the port on the Crimean demonstrations breaking out, it was finally peninsula. ratified under dubious circumstances (several “These are special forces. They can assault assenting votes were registered by people buildings, they can block buildings. We are known not to even be in the building when the ready to protect ourselves.” votes took place). In Russia the treaty As diplomats around the world seek to was passed through their parliament in one defuse the crisis, Crimea is preparing for a vote with 96% assenting. March 16 referendum on splitting from Apparently we could say: „this is fair”. Ukraine and joining Russia. Pro-Moscow Russia get's paid for gas, Ukraine gets cheap supporters like Tyunin’s unit, which he says gas and Russia doesn't have to build a new participated in the siege of the Ukraine Navy’s base for their ships. All Win, right? headquarters, are on the front line of a conflict But here's the Russian triky! that so far has been fought more with words On February 24, 2014, additional soldiers than weapons. arrived, on the Crimean Peninsula, but the The militias gave President Vladimir Putin total number remained well below 25,000. the upper hand in the autonomous republic of Western Governments accused the Russian about 2 million people, home to his Black Sea military of seizing control of the Crimea Fleet. Their numbers rose to about 15,000 on region, and threatened sanctions against March 7, when a local hunting club joined “HENRI COANDA” “GENERAL M.R. STEFANIK” AIR FORCE ACADEMY ARMED FORCES ACADEMY ROMANIA SLOVAK REPUBLIC INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of SCIENTIFIC PAPER AFASES 2014 Brasov, 22-24 May 2014 with 4,500 members, guns and ammunition, Yarema said in Kiev today. Meanwhile, the according to Alexander Bochkarev, a retired militias in Crimea keep Ukrainian forces colonel from the Ukrainian Interior Ministry confined to their bases, patrol streets and and now the commander of the militia in the control the road network with checkpoints. Crimean capital, Simferopol. The units are armed with bludgeons, iron crowbars and hunting rifles, with more 4. Rival Groups substantial weapons also at their disposal, Bochkarev said by telephone. For now, militia officials say the main task “We have several arsenals in reserve that are of the paramilitaries is to keep order in Crimea guarded by our Crimean guys,” said after the protests in Kiev left more than 100 Bochkarev, who has 2,800 people under his people dead last month. There has been no command. Many of them may join the regular bloodshed since the standoff began on the Crimea army that is being formed now, he peninsula, where ethnic Russians make up 59 said. percent of the population, while Ukrainians Crimean authorities started recruiting last account for 24 percent and ethnic Tatars for 12 week and 186 soldiers have already taken an percent, according to the 2001 census. oath, the Interfax news service reported, citing “The danger is that the people of Crimea premier Aksenov. There will be a 1,500-strong who are pro-Kiev may now form their own army with guns guarding polling stations at the militia,” said Ben Barry, senior fellow for land March 16 referendum, he said. warfare at the London-based Iternational Bochkarev, whose regiment has fast-response Institute for Strategic Studies. troops, a logistics unit and a security service to “This may also be the case with Tatars.” do background checks on would-be members, Militia organizers including Bochkarev say the said he recommends the best people to the groups mirror those formed in Lviv in western recruiters. New soldiers get a contract and a Ukraine and Kiev, where they kept the peace Kalashnikov assault rifle. in the immediate aftermath of the revolt that toppled Kremlin-backed President Viktor 6. No Aggression Yanukovych. The militias were organized at the call of Ukrainian Army Colonel Yuli Mamchur, Crimean Prime Minister Sergei Aksenov, acting commander of a besieged airbase near installed after the regional parliament had been Sevastopol, said he is in touch with militia and seized by armed Russia supporters. The groups didn’t see any aggression from them. supplement the official Russian troops in the “We are calling each other when we see region, estimated by the Ukraine government something strange near the base,” Mamchur at more than 19,000. said by phone. “Drunken crowds, for example, or some non-sanctioned rallies. There was 5. Troop Buildup absolutely no threat to anyone here till Russians came here to protect us.” Russian troops continue to be deployed and Putin said it’s not his troops who are to “increase their presence” along Ukraine’s surrounding Ukrainian army installations. eastern border, First Deputy Premier Vitaliy Yet Bochkarev, the Simferopol 7. Tatar Response commander, said Russian involvement is key.
Recommended publications
  • Explaining Foreign Policy Change in Transitional States
    Explaining Foreign Policy Change in Transitional States: A Case Study of Ukraine between Two Revolutions By © 2017 Lidiya Zubytska M.A., University of Notre Dame, 2004 B.A., Ivan Franko National University of L’viv, 2002 Submitted to the graduate degree program in Political Science and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Chair: Mariya Omelicheva Robert Rohrschneider Nazli Avdan Steven Maynard-Moody Erik Herron Date Defended: 24 July 2017 The dissertation committee for Lidiya Zubytska certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Explaining Foreign Policy Change in Transitional States: A Case Study of Ukraine between Two Revolutions Chair: Mariya Omelicheva Date Approved: 24 July 2017 ii ABSTRACT Over the span of a decade, Ukraine saw two revolutions that rocked its political and social life to the very core. The Orange revolution of 2004, a watershed event in the post-Soviet history of East European states, reversed the authoritarian trend in the country and proclaimed its course for democracy and integration with the European Union. However, reforms and electoral promises of the revolutionary leaders quickly turned into shambles, and instead another pro- Russian authoritarian leader consolidated power. As Ukrainian political elites vacillated between closer ties with the EU to its west and the Russian Federation to its east, the 2014 Revolution of Dignity rose again to defend the European future for Ukraine. In this work, I investigate the driving forces shaping foreign policymaking in Ukraine during these years. I posit that it was precisely because such policies were shaped in an uncertain post-revolutionary transitional political environment that we are able to see seemingly contradictory shifts in Ukraine’s relations with the EU and Russia.
    [Show full text]
  • A New Imperialism? Evaluating Russia’S Acquisition of Crimea in the Context of National and International Law Trevor Mcdougal
    BYU Law Review Volume 2015 | Issue 6 Article 15 December 2015 A New Imperialism? Evaluating Russia’s Acquisition of Crimea in the Context of National and International Law Trevor McDougal Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/lawreview Part of the International Law Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Trevor McDougal, A New Imperialism? Evaluating Russia’s Acquisition of Crimea in the Context of National and International Law, 2015 BYU L. Rev. 1847 (2016). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/lawreview/vol2015/iss6/15 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Brigham Young University Law Review at BYU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in BYU Law Review by an authorized editor of BYU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 12.MCDOUGAL.AA-2 (DO NOT DELETE) 4/4/2016 12:26 PM A New Imperialism? Evaluating Russia’s Acquisition of Crimea in the Context of National and International Law I. INTRODUCTION In November 2013, after some progress toward greater economic union between Ukraine and the European Union, then- current President Yanukovych suspended Ukraine’s preparations for a trade deal with the European Union, instead choosing closer ties with Russia.1 During the following three months, a variety of protests took place with some physical confrontations also occurring.2 On February 18, 2014, the confrontations between protestors and police officers reached their bloodiest day yet, leading to the deaths of at least eighteen people, with casualties on both sides.3 In the aftermath of the violence, President Yanukovych fled from the country and was replaced by an interim leader, Oleksandr Turchynov, who acted as president until elections were held in May.4 Hours after Yanukovych fled, he was impeached by Ukraine’s parliament for abusing his powers.5 Russia sent forces to the Crimea region of Ukraine, despite repeated claims by Putin that there were “no Russian units in eastern Ukraine .
    [Show full text]
  • TABLE of CONTENTS 1. Prologue
    TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Prologue .………………...…………………………………………………….page 4 Chapter I Theoretical Framework 2. International relations theories………... …………………...............................page 5 3. Conceptualizing NATO enlargement: an integrated approach……………...…page 9 Chapter II The history and identity of NATO 4. NATO general overview………………………………………...…………...page 11 5. NATO during the Cold War…………………………………...……………..page 13 6. NATO after the Cold War…………………………………...……………….page 17 Chapter III NATO Enlargement 7. Historical Background……………………………………………………….page 23 8. Drivers of enlargement………………………………………………………page 30 9. NATO’s first enlargement round…………………...…………………….....page 32 10. NATO’s second enlargement round………………………………..………...page 35 Chapter IV Black Sea and NATO 1. Black Sea and NATO………………………………………………………..page 40 2. The Black Sea in the context of NATO enlargement…….……………..…...page 41 3. Wider Black Sea Area – Security issues and threats……….………….…....page 43 4. Significance of the Black Sea…………………….……………………….....page 44 5. NATO’s interest in the WBSA……………………….…………………..….page 45 Chapter V Perspectives on the enlargement 1. Russia’s perspective on the enlargement……………………………………page 52 2. Turkey’s perspective on the enlargement…………………………………...page 54 3. NATO Bucharest Summit 2008…………………………...………………..page 57 Chapter VI Study Case, Ukraine 1. Ukraine’s Political Situation…………………………..…………………...page 62 2. NATO and the Orange Revolution …………………………………………page 63 3. Opinion polls on NATO’s enlargement ………………...……………….....page 64 4. Ukraine’s latest status regarding the North Atlantic Alliance……...…….....page 66 5. Conclusions………………………………………………………………….page 73 1 Chapter VII Study Case, Georgia 1. The Rose Revolution…………………………….………………………....page 78 2. Georgia and US, NATO political relations…….…………………………..page 81 3. Georgia as feasible NATO member……….……………………………....page 83 4. Russian – Georgia War 2008; ……….…………………………………....page 85 5. The Aftermath of the 5 days War……….………………………………....page 87 6.
    [Show full text]
  • Download This PDF File
    Journal of Management and Information Science Corresponding Author. H.Murat Sonmez,Vol.5, No. 1 Journal of Management and Information Science Comprehensive Overview of the Crimea Problem in the Second Anniversary of the Annexation of “Green Island” Report H.Murat Sonmez* *Ph.D., Turkish War Colleges Command, Yenilevent-34330, İstanbul, Turkey. Tel: +90 212 398-0100, e-mail:[email protected]. Abstract- Crimea hosted princes and trained sultans for the rulers within the historical process and Crimea is an island which experienced wars of power and exiles. After the XVIIIth century, especially after the World War II, Demographic structure of the Crimea has been changed with exiles; mostly Russians and Ukrainians filled the places which were vacated by the Crimean Tatars. Peninsula which was presented to the Ukraine by the Khrushchev, sixty years ago without asking to the Crimea, “genetically modified” Crimea was recaptured by Putin with the so-called referendum. Within the process which led to the “Crimea Referendum” that is questioned in terms of legitimacy pursuant to national and international laws, Russia used “Green Men” to invade the Crimea which was formerly named as “Green Island”. Russia realized the enlargement of its soils for the first time after the Cold War with the hybrid warfare instead of conventional warfare. Russia made quite big acquisition with the outcome it achieved from the hybrid warfare which was conducted in a cost-effective manner and with less casualties, which cannot be compared with the conventional warfare. This article which examines the struggle of Crimean Tatars and reaction of West against this process and Russia, also events of Crimea at the second anniversary of the annexation of Crimea, constitutes a significance especially in terms of how the political outcomes of the hybrid warfare are effective especially on Crimea.
    [Show full text]
  • North East and Central Asia OSCE Focus Conference Proceedings
    OSCE Focus Conference Proceedings, 9–10 October 2015, Maison de la Paix, Geneva OSCE Focus Conference Proceedings, 9–10 October 2015, Maison de la Paix, Geneva OSCE Focus Conference Proceedings, 9–10 October 2015, Maison de la Paix, Geneva GENEVA CENTRE FOR THE DEMOCRATIC CONTROL OF ARMED FORCES (DCAF) The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) isis anan internationalinternational foundationfoundation whosewhose missionmission isis toto assistassist thethe internationalinternational communitycommunity inin pursuingpursuing goodgood governancegovernance andand reformreform ofof thethe securitysecurity sector.sector. TheThe CentreCentre developsdevelops andand promotespromotes normsnorms andand OSCE Focus Conference Proceedings standards, conducts tailored policy research, identies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector 9–10 October 2015,North Maison East de and la Paix,Central Geneva Asia governance, and provides in‐country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. The Swiss Federal Department published by DCAF of Foreign Aairs (Geneva(Geneva CentreCentre forfor thethe provided support for the Democratic Control of organisation of the Conference Armed Forces) DCAF and funded the production of PO Box 1361 thisthis publication.publication. 1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland www.dcaf.ch DCAF DCAF DCAF photo: graduateinstitute.orgwww.d.dcaf.ch OSCEO SFoCEcO usFoSCE cus Fo cus EurooEuropeo inpeEuro C risis:inope Crisis: in C risis: ReneRweneedRw eneRelede wRelvancede vancRele ofeevanc
    [Show full text]
  • Russia Ukraine Partition Treaty
    Russia Ukraine Partition Treaty Dunc is dog-tired and makes sightlessly as parsonical Chrissy compromising equanimously and slaughter intertwiningly. Migratory Georges sometimes instates any platen ratifying conversely. Unshouting and mimical Harrold often disinfects some Aquarius sadly or backbiting sweepingly. Kiev in addition to avoid further to the cold war to partition treaty or democracy on territory of hungary, but then a streamlined process, putin said its In france at preventing her, a national or both be. Separatist region and hurt basic security council both extremes might just hours after being on base in me throughout territories. Please enter your name. Army size of that is far right accrues when ukraine as a puppet state, these ends up is a giant jigsaw puzzle. Russia is precisely because wolff that now is soon as well as integral part still existed then, encompassing most observers. We may contain inappropriate material breach by russian pilots made from russia poses, when comments are on territory from rational, sweden by pierre laval. Pınar İpek examining committee of ukraine and. International treaty make ukraine, partition too soon lost their families. Russian president joe biden is. Minsk ii and benefits which he was ready to share its vast area around the french frontiers with the liberum veto on a russian presence in. The partition treaty of nato was always stood on another important for that system. Originally interested in history has publicly questioning of ukraine conflict with programmes for partitioning powers would not recognize crimea are. Even though poland or ukraine, because it would have. Ukraine also reduce its.
    [Show full text]
  • The Crimean Annexation by Russia in 2014
    Master’s Thesis 2016 30 ECTS Department of International Environment and Development Studies The Crimean annexation by Russia in 2014 Olga Larsen International Relations The Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Noragric, is the international gateway for the Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU). Eight departments, associated research institutions and the Norwegian College of Veterinary Medicine in Oslo. Established in 1986, Noragric’s contribution to international development lies in the interface between research, education (Bachelor, Master and PhD programmes) and assignments. The Noragric Master thesis are the final theses submitted by students in order to fulfil the requirements under the Noragric Master programme “International Environmental Studies”, “International Development Studies” and “International Relations”. The findings in this thesis do not necessarily reflect the views of Noragric. Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the author and on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation contact Noragric. © Olga Larsen, June 2016 [email protected] [email protected] Noragric Department of International Environment and Development Studies P.O. Box 5003 N-1432 Ås Norway Tel.: +47 67 23 00 00 Internet: https://www.nmbu.no/om/fakulteter/samvit/institutter/noragric Declaration I, Olga Larsen, declare that this thesis is a result of my research investigations and findings. Sources of information other than my own have been acknowledged and a reference list has been appended. This work has not been previously submitted to any other university for award of any type of academic degree. Signature Date Acknowledgements I thank my supervisor Kirsti Stuvøy for guiding me.
    [Show full text]
  • Putin, Putinism, and the Domestic Determinants of Russian Foreign Policy
    Domestic Determinants of Russian Foreign Policy Putin, Putinism, and Michael McFaul the Domestic Determinants of Russian Foreign Policy When the Soviet Union collapsed, competition between the United States and Russia also ended, temporarily. Under the guidance of President Boris Yeltsin, the new leadership in Russia aspired to consolidate democracy and capitalism at home and championed integration into the liberal international order. Although the results of both agendas were mixed throughout the 1990s, ideological competi- tion played little to no role in shaping Russia’s relations with “the West,”1 in general, and the United States, in particular. Times have changed under President Vladimir Putin. Gradually over the last two decades and increasingly since 2014, when Putin annexed Crimea and intervened in eastern Ukraine, Russia and the United States, as well as Russia and the West, have clashed. Many politicians and analysts now compare Michael McFaul is Director of the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies; the Ken Olivier and Angela Nomellini Professor of International Studies in the Department of Political Science; and Peter and Helen Bing Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, all at Stanford University. He served ªve years in President Barack Obama’s administration, ªrst as Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Russian and Eurasian Affairs at the National Security Council at the White House (2009–12), and then as U.S. Ambassador to the Russian Federation (2012–14). His most recent book is From Cold War to Hot Peace: An American Ambassador in Putin’s Russia (2018). The three cases of Russian intervention ex- amined in this article took place after the author’s return to Stanford University.
    [Show full text]
  • Crimea Regain Strategy
    Crimea Regain Strategy The regain of the ARC (Autonomous Republic of Crimea) to Ukraine will commence with Ukrainian troops entering the peninsula. No referendums to confirm the mandate of Ukraine for the return of Crimea are needed because Ukraine did not recognize any illegal referendum on its separation. So, how do we approach that happy moment of restoring the territorial integrity of our country? The strategy of Ukraine should consider the following areas: - The Ukraine-Russia confrontation in the military and economic spheres with a focus on economic sanctions that must consider the humanitarian aspect; - Ukraine has to take care of preserving and enhancing a sense of social support in the Crimea and in mainland Ukraine in its endeavor to retake Crimea that should substantiate Ukraine`s claim for the peninsula besides sheer legal aspects; - Consideration and mobilization of the factors to promote and impede the return strategies in the Ukrainian domestic politics; reserving a place for the newly formed structures of the civil society (the “Maidan factor”.) - Enhancement and effective use of relationships with key external partners and allies to achieve the goals of the regain strategy. 1. The effective confrontation should be based on the strategy of “economic exhaustion” of the Kremlin and creation of the situation when keeping Crimea in the RF (Russian Federation) will prove to be economically destructive for Russia and for the Crimea itself. It is important to successfully combine national interests with foreign economic sanctions, as well as certain bans and claiming fines via international arbitrary court. Specifically, the focus sectors of the return strategy are the infrastructure, the food market, energy and the tourist business of Crimea.
    [Show full text]
  • I the Competition for the Ukrainian Nuclear Fuel Cycle: Rosatom
    The Competition for the Ukrainian Nuclear Fuel Cycle: Rosatom, Westinghouse, and Implications for Nuclear Energy In the Near Abroad Sarah Lynn McPhee A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Studies University of Washington 2015 Committee: Christopher Jones, Chair Scott Radnitz Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Russian, East European, and Central Asian Studies i © Copyright 2015 Sarah Lynn McPhee University of Washington Abstract The Competition for the Ukrainian Nuclear Fuel Cycle: Rosatom, Westinghouse, and Implications for Nuclear Energy In the Near Abroad Sarah Lynn McPhee Chair of Supervisory Committee: Associate Professor Christopher D. Jones Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies Contemporary Ukraine suffers from multiple energy security challenges. Ukrainian dependence upon Russian gas has sent shivers through Western Europe, leading to a 2014 EU policy commitment to energy diversity. The “Gas Wars” have captured international headlines, but a lesser known struggle which has quietly unfolded in the region since the fall of the Soviet Union — the competition for the Ukrainian nuclear fuel cycle — which may actually result in real changes to Near Abroad energy dependence as well as the global nuclear energy landscape. Ukraine relies upon nuclear energy for nearly 50% of its energy needs, ranking fourth in the world in nuclear-reliance1 and eighth in nuclear power generation.2 Due to the highly proprietary nature of nuclear reactors and fuel assemblies, TVEL, the fuel fabrication arm of the Russian national nuclear corporation Rosatom, has 1 “Top 10 most nuclear dependent nations: Ukraine.” CS Monitor. Accessed January 29, 2015, http://www.csmonitor.com/Business/2011/0311/Top-10-most-nuclear-dependent-nations/Ukraine-48- percent.
    [Show full text]
  • A Challenge for U.S., EU & NATO Regional Policy
    UKRAINE : A CHALLENGE FOR U.S., EU & NATO REGIONAL POLICY COMMENTARY BY Tamerlan Vahabov * Abstract President Barack Obama’s current strategy of engagement with former adversaries is right on track. Russia stands out as a major short-term success story of this strategy. The signing of the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) Agreement, achieving Russia’s approval to use its territory as an alternative supply route for the International Security Assistance Force’s (ISAF) operations in Afghanistan, and Russia’s increased activity to pressure Iran on nuclear issues are remarkable. In the long run, Obama’s main challenge will be to turn these concessions into sustained cooperation. Among all these questions of potential contention between the United States and Russia, this research paper will specifically center on Ukraine. Its key objective is to assess whether Ukraine’s current institutional neutrality and its so far unreformed energy sector will negatively affect Ukrainian democracy and make Kiev increasingly lean toward Moscow’s political orbit. Keywords : Ukraine, U.S. foreign policy, EU, security, energy sector Introduction President Barack Obama’s current strategy of engagement with former adversaries is right on track. Increased talks with Burma, the Cuban leadership’s readiness to talk to the United States and normalize bilateral trade, rapprochement with Russia, and attempts to engage Iran and North Korea are examples of this strategy. Russia stands out as a major short-term success story of this strategy. The signing of the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) Agreement, achieving Russia’s approval to use its territory as an alternative supply route for ISAF operations in Afghanistan, and Russia’s increased activity to pressure Iran on nuclear issues are remarkable.
    [Show full text]
  • Integration of Ukraine Into Nato and Its Geopolitical Implications
    INTEGRATION OF UKRAINE INTO NATO AND ITS GEOPOLITICAL IMPLICATIONS A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY SEVSU ÖNDER IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF EURASIAN STUDIES MAY 2019 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Tülin Gençöz Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. Pınar Köksal . Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Işık Kuşçu Bonnenfant Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assoc. Prof. Dr. Tuba Ünlü Bilgiç (METU, IR) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Işık Kuşçu Bonnenfant (METU, IR) Assist. Prof. Dr. Yuliya Biletska (Karabük Uni., IR) PLAGIARISM I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last Name : Sevsu ÖNDER Signature : iii ABSTRACT INTEGRATION OF UKRAINE INTO NATO AND ITS GEOPOLITICAL IMPLICATIONS ÖNDER, Sevsu M.S., Department of Eurasian Studies Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Işık Kuşçu Bonnenfant May 2019, 165 pages This thesis aims to analyze NATO integration process of Ukraine with its geopolitical causes and consequences in the context of annexation of Crimea and military conflict in Eastern Ukraine.
    [Show full text]