TABLE of CONTENTS 1. Prologue
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Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance Ergodan Kurt Old Dominion University
Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Graduate Program in International Studies Theses & Graduate Program in International Studies Dissertations Spring 2010 Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance Ergodan Kurt Old Dominion University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/gpis_etds Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Kurt, Ergodan. "Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance" (2010). Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), dissertation, International Studies, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/4bgn-h798 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/gpis_etds/75 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Program in International Studies at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Program in International Studies Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DOUBLING NATO: FUNCTIONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL ENLARGEMENT OF THE ALLIANCE by Erdogan Kurt B.A. August 1996, Turkish Military Academy M.A. July 2001, Naval Postgraduate School A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY May 2010 Approved by: ©2010 Erdogan Kurt. All rights reserved. ABSTRACT DOUBLING NATO: FUNCTIONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL ENLARGEMENT OF THE ALLIANCE Erdogan Kurt Old Dominion University, 2010 Director: Dr. Regina Karp This dissertation studies NATO expansion as institutional adaptation. More specifically, it examines the interaction between NATO's functional and geographical enlargement. This study asserts that there is a close relationship between NATO's new functions and its enlargement. -
Explaining Foreign Policy Change in Transitional States
Explaining Foreign Policy Change in Transitional States: A Case Study of Ukraine between Two Revolutions By © 2017 Lidiya Zubytska M.A., University of Notre Dame, 2004 B.A., Ivan Franko National University of L’viv, 2002 Submitted to the graduate degree program in Political Science and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Chair: Mariya Omelicheva Robert Rohrschneider Nazli Avdan Steven Maynard-Moody Erik Herron Date Defended: 24 July 2017 The dissertation committee for Lidiya Zubytska certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Explaining Foreign Policy Change in Transitional States: A Case Study of Ukraine between Two Revolutions Chair: Mariya Omelicheva Date Approved: 24 July 2017 ii ABSTRACT Over the span of a decade, Ukraine saw two revolutions that rocked its political and social life to the very core. The Orange revolution of 2004, a watershed event in the post-Soviet history of East European states, reversed the authoritarian trend in the country and proclaimed its course for democracy and integration with the European Union. However, reforms and electoral promises of the revolutionary leaders quickly turned into shambles, and instead another pro- Russian authoritarian leader consolidated power. As Ukrainian political elites vacillated between closer ties with the EU to its west and the Russian Federation to its east, the 2014 Revolution of Dignity rose again to defend the European future for Ukraine. In this work, I investigate the driving forces shaping foreign policymaking in Ukraine during these years. I posit that it was precisely because such policies were shaped in an uncertain post-revolutionary transitional political environment that we are able to see seemingly contradictory shifts in Ukraine’s relations with the EU and Russia. -
A New Imperialism? Evaluating Russia’S Acquisition of Crimea in the Context of National and International Law Trevor Mcdougal
BYU Law Review Volume 2015 | Issue 6 Article 15 December 2015 A New Imperialism? Evaluating Russia’s Acquisition of Crimea in the Context of National and International Law Trevor McDougal Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/lawreview Part of the International Law Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Trevor McDougal, A New Imperialism? Evaluating Russia’s Acquisition of Crimea in the Context of National and International Law, 2015 BYU L. Rev. 1847 (2016). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/lawreview/vol2015/iss6/15 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Brigham Young University Law Review at BYU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in BYU Law Review by an authorized editor of BYU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 12.MCDOUGAL.AA-2 (DO NOT DELETE) 4/4/2016 12:26 PM A New Imperialism? Evaluating Russia’s Acquisition of Crimea in the Context of National and International Law I. INTRODUCTION In November 2013, after some progress toward greater economic union between Ukraine and the European Union, then- current President Yanukovych suspended Ukraine’s preparations for a trade deal with the European Union, instead choosing closer ties with Russia.1 During the following three months, a variety of protests took place with some physical confrontations also occurring.2 On February 18, 2014, the confrontations between protestors and police officers reached their bloodiest day yet, leading to the deaths of at least eighteen people, with casualties on both sides.3 In the aftermath of the violence, President Yanukovych fled from the country and was replaced by an interim leader, Oleksandr Turchynov, who acted as president until elections were held in May.4 Hours after Yanukovych fled, he was impeached by Ukraine’s parliament for abusing his powers.5 Russia sent forces to the Crimea region of Ukraine, despite repeated claims by Putin that there were “no Russian units in eastern Ukraine . -
Nato Enlargement: Qualifications and Contributions—Parts I–Iv Hearings
S. HRG. 108–180 NATO ENLARGEMENT: QUALIFICATIONS AND CONTRIBUTIONS—PARTS I–IV HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED EIGHTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION MARCH 27, AND APRIL 1, 3 AND 8, 2003 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.access.gpo.gov/congress/senate U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 90–325 PDF WASHINGTON : 2003 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 11-MAY-2000 17:42 Nov 12, 2003 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 90325 SFORELA1 PsN: SFORELA1 COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana, Chairman CHUCK HAGEL, Nebraska JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware LINCOLN CHAFEE, Rhode Island PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland GEORGE ALLEN, Virginia CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts MICHAEL B. ENZI, Wyoming RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin GEORGE V. VOINOVICH, Ohio BARBARA BOXER, California LAMAR ALEXANDER, Tennessee BILL NELSON, Florida NORM COLEMAN, Minnesota JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER IV, West Virginia JOHN E. SUNUNU, New Hampshire JON S. CORZINE, New Jersey KENNETH A. MYERS, JR., Staff Director ANTONY J. BLINKEN, Democratic Staff Director (II) VerDate 11-MAY-2000 17:42 Nov 12, 2003 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 90325 SFORELA1 PsN: SFORELA1 CONTENTS Thursday, March 27, 2003—Part I Page Allen, Hon. George, U.S. Senator from Virginia, opening statement ................. -
NATO Enlargement & Open Door
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Fact Sheet July 2016 NATO Enlargement & Open Door NATO’s “open door policy” is based on Article 10 of the Alliance’s founding document, the North Atlantic Treaty (1949). The Treaty states that NATO membership is open to any “European state in a position to further the principles of this Treaty and to contribute to the security of the North Atlantic area”. It states that any decision on enlargement must be made “by unanimous agreement”. NATO enlargement has helped increase stability and prosperity in Europe. It is aimed at promoting stability and cooperation, and at building a Europe united in peace, democracy and common values. Free choice NATO respects the right of every country to choose its own security arrangements. Each sovereign country has the right to choose for itself whether it joins any treaty or alliance. This fundamental principle is enshrined in international agreements, including the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris for a New Europe. NATO membership is not imposed on countries. Article 13 of the Washington Treaty specifically gives Allies the right to leave should they wish to. Process of Accession European countries that wish to join NATO are initially invited to begin an Intensified Dialogue with the Alliance about their aspirations and related reforms. Aspirants may then be invited to join the Membership Action Plan, a programme which helps nations prepare for possible future membership. Participation does not guarantee membership, but is a key preparation mechanism. To join the Alliance, nations are expected to respect the values of the North Atlantic Treaty, and to meet certain political, economic and military criteria, set out in the Alliance’s 1995 Study on Enlargement. -
NATO Summit Guide Brussels, 11-12 July 2018
NATO Summit Guide Brussels, 11-12 July 2018 A stronger and more agile Alliance The Brussels Summit comes at a crucial moment for the security of the North Atlantic Alliance. It will be an important opportunity to chart NATO’s path for the years ahead. In a changing world, NATO is adapting to be a more agile, responsive and innovative Alliance, while defending all of its members against any threat. NATO remains committed to fulfilling its three core tasks: collective defence, crisis management and cooperative security. At the Brussels Summit, the Alliance will make important decisions to further boost security in and around Europe, including through strengthened deterrence and defence, projecting stability and fighting terrorism, enhancing its partnership with the European Union, modernising the Alliance and achieving fairer burden-sharing. This Summit will be held in the new NATO Headquarters, a modern and sustainable home for a forward-looking Alliance. It will be the third meeting of Allied Heads of State and Government chaired by NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg. + Summit meetings + Member countries + Partners + NATO Secretary General Archived material – Information valid up to 10 July 2018 1 NATO Summit Guide, Brussels 2018 I. Strengthening deterrence and defence NATO’s primary purpose is to protect its almost one billion citizens and to preserve peace and freedom. NATO must also be vigilant against a wide range of new threats, be they in the form of computer code, disinformation or foreign fighters. The Alliance has taken important steps to strengthen its collective defence and deterrence, so that it can respond to threats from any direction. -
SECURITY COOPERATION with the Mediterranean Region and the Broader Middle East © JFC Naples
© JFC Naples SECURITY COOPERATION with the Mediterranean region and the broader Middle East © JFC Naples A Jordanian Navy patrol boat passes ships from NATO’s mine countermeasure force, during an exercise organised under the Mediterranean Dialogue in the Gulf of Aqaba in March 2005 NATO is developing closer security partnerships with countries in the Mediterranean region and the broader Middle East. This marks a shift in Alliance priorities towards greater involvement in these strategically important regions of the world, whose security and stability is closely linked to Euro-Atlantic security. The current drive towards increasing dialogue and cooperation with countries in these regions builds on two key decisions taken at NATO’s summit meeting in Istanbul in June 2004. Allied leaders decided – ten years after the achieve better mutual understanding between launch of NATO’s Mediterranean Dialogue – NATO and its Mediterranean partners and to to invite countries participating in the dispel misperceptions about the Alliance. Dialogue to establish a more ambitious and expanded partnership. The Dialogue fosters In parallel, a new, distinct but complemen- links with seven countries stretching from tary initiative was launched at the Istanbul western North Africa around the south- Summit to reach out to interested countries in ern Mediterranean rim to the Middle East: the broader Middle East region. The Istanbul Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Mauritania, Cooperation Initiative aims to enhance Morocco and Tunisia. Through political dia- security and stability by fostering mutually logue and practical cooperation, the Dialogue beneficial bilateral relationships, particularly aims to contribute to regional security and in the context of the fight against terrorism stability, and to promote good and friendly and countering the proliferation of weapons of relations across the region. -
MICROCOMP Output File
III 106TH CONGRESS 1ST SESSION S. RES. 208 Expressing the sense of the Senate regarding United States policy toward the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union, in light of the Alliance's April 1999 Washington Summit and the European Union's June 1999 Cologne Summit. IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES OCTOBER 28, 1999 Mr. ROTH (for himself, Mr. LUGAR, Mr. BIDEN, Mr. KYL, Mr. HAGEL, Mr. SMITH of Oregon, Mr. LIEBERMAN, and Mr. HELMS) submitted the fol- lowing resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Rela- tions NOVEMBER 3, 1999 Reported by Mr. HELMS, without amendment NOVEMBER 8, 1999 Considered, amended, and agreed to RESOLUTION Expressing the sense of the Senate regarding United States policy toward the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union, in light of the Alliance's April 1999 Washington Summit and the European Union's June 1999 Cologne Summit. Whereas NATO is the only military alliance with both real defense capabilities and a transatlantic membership; 2 Whereas NATO is the only institution that promotes a uniquely transatlantic perspective and approach to issues concerning the security of North America and Europe; Whereas NATO's military force structure, defense planning, command structures, and force goals must be sufficient for the collective self-defense of its members, capable of projecting power when the security of a NATO member is threatened, and provide a basis for ad hoc coalitions of willing partners among NATO members to defend common values and interests; Whereas -
The European Security and Defense Policy: NATO's Companion
The European Security and Defense Policy NATO’s Companion —or Competitor? NATIONAL DEFENSE RESEARCH INSTITUTE Robert E. Hunter The research described in this report was conducted jointly by RAND Europe and the International Security and Defense Policy Center of RAND’s National Defense Research Institute, a federally funded research and development center supported by the Office of the Secretary of Defense, the Joint Staff, the unified commands, and the defense agencies under Contract DASW01-01-C-0004. ISBN: 0-8330-3117-1 RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND® is a registered trademark. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. Cover designed by Stephen Bloodsworth © Copyright 2002 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from RAND. Published 2002 by RAND 1700 Main Street, P.O. Box 2138, Santa Monica, CA 90407-2138 1200 South Hayes Street, Arlington, VA 22202-5050 201 North Craig Street, Suite 102, Pittsburgh, PA 15213 RAND URL: http://www.rand.org/ To order RAND documents or to obtain additional information, contact Distribution Services: Telephone: (310) 451-7002; Fax: (310) 451-6915; Email: [email protected] FOREWORD Few issues have been more vexing to American policy analysts and political leaders than the emergence of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) in the last two-thirds of the 1990s and con- tinuing into the new century. -
NATO Summit Guide Warsaw, 8-9 July 2016
NATO Summit Guide Warsaw, 8-9 July 2016 An essential Alliance in a more dangerous world The Warsaw Summit comes at a defining moment for the security of the North Atlantic Alliance. In recent years, the world has become more volatile and dangerous with Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea and destabilisation of eastern Ukraine, as well as its military build-up from the Barents Sea to the Baltic, and from the Black Sea to the eastern Mediterranean; turmoil across the Middle East and North Africa, fuelling the biggest migrant and refugee crisis in Europe since World War Two; brutal attacks by ISIL and other terrorist groups, as well as cyber attacks, nuclear proliferation and ballistic missile threats. NATO is adapting to this changed security environment. It also remains committed to fulfilling its three core tasks: collective defence, crisis management and cooperative security. And, in the Polish capital, the Alliance will make important decisions to boost security in and around Europe, based on two key pillars: protecting its citizens through modern deterrence and defence, and projecting stability beyond its borders. NATO member states form a unique community of values, committed to the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law. In today’s dangerous world, transatlantic cooperation is needed more than ever. NATO embodies that cooperation, bringing to bear the strength and unity of North America and Europe. This Summit is the first to be hosted in Poland and the first to be chaired by NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, who took up his post in October 2014. -
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Journal of Management and Information Science Corresponding Author. H.Murat Sonmez,Vol.5, No. 1 Journal of Management and Information Science Comprehensive Overview of the Crimea Problem in the Second Anniversary of the Annexation of “Green Island” Report H.Murat Sonmez* *Ph.D., Turkish War Colleges Command, Yenilevent-34330, İstanbul, Turkey. Tel: +90 212 398-0100, e-mail:[email protected]. Abstract- Crimea hosted princes and trained sultans for the rulers within the historical process and Crimea is an island which experienced wars of power and exiles. After the XVIIIth century, especially after the World War II, Demographic structure of the Crimea has been changed with exiles; mostly Russians and Ukrainians filled the places which were vacated by the Crimean Tatars. Peninsula which was presented to the Ukraine by the Khrushchev, sixty years ago without asking to the Crimea, “genetically modified” Crimea was recaptured by Putin with the so-called referendum. Within the process which led to the “Crimea Referendum” that is questioned in terms of legitimacy pursuant to national and international laws, Russia used “Green Men” to invade the Crimea which was formerly named as “Green Island”. Russia realized the enlargement of its soils for the first time after the Cold War with the hybrid warfare instead of conventional warfare. Russia made quite big acquisition with the outcome it achieved from the hybrid warfare which was conducted in a cost-effective manner and with less casualties, which cannot be compared with the conventional warfare. This article which examines the struggle of Crimean Tatars and reaction of West against this process and Russia, also events of Crimea at the second anniversary of the annexation of Crimea, constitutes a significance especially in terms of how the political outcomes of the hybrid warfare are effective especially on Crimea. -
North East and Central Asia OSCE Focus Conference Proceedings
OSCE Focus Conference Proceedings, 9–10 October 2015, Maison de la Paix, Geneva OSCE Focus Conference Proceedings, 9–10 October 2015, Maison de la Paix, Geneva OSCE Focus Conference Proceedings, 9–10 October 2015, Maison de la Paix, Geneva GENEVA CENTRE FOR THE DEMOCRATIC CONTROL OF ARMED FORCES (DCAF) The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) isis anan internationalinternational foundationfoundation whosewhose missionmission isis toto assistassist thethe internationalinternational communitycommunity inin pursuingpursuing goodgood governancegovernance andand reformreform ofof thethe securitysecurity sector.sector. TheThe CentreCentre developsdevelops andand promotespromotes normsnorms andand OSCE Focus Conference Proceedings standards, conducts tailored policy research, identies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector 9–10 October 2015,North Maison East de and la Paix,Central Geneva Asia governance, and provides in‐country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. The Swiss Federal Department published by DCAF of Foreign Aairs (Geneva(Geneva CentreCentre forfor thethe provided support for the Democratic Control of organisation of the Conference Armed Forces) DCAF and funded the production of PO Box 1361 thisthis publication.publication. 1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland www.dcaf.ch DCAF DCAF DCAF photo: graduateinstitute.orgwww.d.dcaf.ch OSCEO SFoCEcO usFoSCE cus Fo cus EurooEuropeo inpeEuro C risis:inope Crisis: in C risis: ReneRweneedRw eneRelede wRelvancede vancRele ofeevanc