Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 4 • 2018 Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies

SCANDINAVIAN JOURNAL OF SCANDINAVIAN JOURNAL OF BYZANTINE AND MODERN GREEK STUDIES 4 • 2018 JOURNAL OF BYZANTINE SCANDINAVIAN BYZANTINE AND MODERN GREEK STUDIES Barbara Crostini 9 Greek Astronomical Manuscripts: New Perspectives from Swedish Collections Filippo Ronconi 19 Manuscripts as Stratified Social Objects Anne Weddigen 41 Cataloguing Scientific Miscellanies: the Case of Parisinus Graecus 2494 Alberto Bardi 65 Persian Astronomy in the Greek Manuscript Linköping kl. f. 10 Dmitry Afinogenov 89 Hellenistic Jewish texts in George the Monk: Slavonic Testimonies Alexandra Fiotaki & Marika Lekakou 99 The perfective non-past in Modern Greek: a corpus study Yannis Smarnakis 119 Thessaloniki during the Zealots’ Revolt (1342-1350): Power, Political Violence and the Transformation of the Urban Space David Wills 149 “The nobility of the sea and landscape”: John Craxton and Greece 175 Book Reviews ISSN 2002-0007 No 4 • 2018 Thessaloniki during the Zealots’ Revolt (1342-1350): Power, Political Violence and the Transformation of the Urban Space Yannis Smarnakis uring the first half of the fourteenth century a series of urban riots took place in many Byzantine cities. Most of them were Dassociated with the so-called Second Civil War (1341-1347) when rival factions of the ruling elite, formed around John V Palaiolo- gos’ regency and the megas domestikos John Kantakouzenos respective- ly, struggled for power.1 Among these urban riots, the most famous was the revolt that took place in Thessaloniki in 1342 resulting in the seizure of power by the Zealots’ faction and the creation of a semi-independent local regime that survived until 1350. Despite the scarce and rather vague evidence provided by the avail- able sources, contemporary scholars who have studied the Zealot revolt have proposed several interpretations of the movement. Older, traditional Marxist approaches supported the view that the Zealots had a political program of social reform and studied the revolt within the context of a class struggle between the local landowning aristocracy and the bour- geois elements or proletariat of the city.2 On the other hand, the recent 1 For the political context see in general Nicol 1993: 185-208. On the urban riots of the era see Kyritses 2012. For a reappraisal of the social aspects of the Second Civil War where the author emphasizes the divisions within the aristocracy see Malatras 2014. 2 Zealots were already viewed as social reformers by Tafrali 1913. Kordatos 1928 soon followed in the same interpretative current by using the analytical tool of the class struggle to explore the revolt. Several studies in the 1950s and 1960s by East European Marxist scholars supported similar views. For an overview of these works see Barker 2003: 30-32. Most of the relevant Marxist literature regarded Zealots as social revolu- tionaries with a program of property redistribution, mainly on the basis of an alleged 119 literature on the subject attributes the civil unrest to diverse causes and associates it with various political, social or even religious contexts. The malfunctioning of the local communal institutions prior to the rise of the faction, the importance of the personal strategies of the Zealots’ leaders in formulating a political agenda for a diverse group of people coming from all social strata, the religious differences associated with the Hesychast controversy, a local separatist tradition or even conjectural economic factors like the high cost of bread have been proposed in the relevant studies as the main initial causes of the uprising and the reasons for its continuation.3 The aim of this paper is to explore the transformations that occurred in the urban space of Thessaloniki during the revolt by focusing mainly on the tactics that the Zealots employed to alter both the social and political functions and the symbolical meanings of certain zones of the city. In my view, a study of the Zealots’ policies regarding the urban space can also shed some light on the Zealots’ broader political program and eventually leads to a reappraisal of their uprising. The first part of the paper is devoted to some brief considerations on the interrelation- ship between political power, ritualized violence and space. It sets up a anti-Zealot discourse against the confiscation of Church properties written by Nicholas Kabasilas. However, Ševčenko 1957 and 1962 persuasively argued that the discourse was unrelated to the revolt. 3 Papadatou 1987 and 1991 viewed the Zealots as a political aggregation of sailors and other people who claimed their participation in the local communal institutions. Matschke 1994 in an important contribution to the debate defined the Zealots as a group of people coming from all social strata with no well structured political program who mainly depended on the strong personalities of their leaders. Kotsiopoulos 1997 viewed the revolt within the context of the religious conflicts of the era as an effort on the Zealots’ part to establish a theocratic regime that strongly opposed the Orthodox doctrine expressed by Gregory Palamas and the Hesychasts. Barker 2003: 21 argued that the Zealots’ period should be explored within the broader context of a recurrent Thessalonian separatism. Kyritses 2012: 273-274 emphasized the importance of a grain shortage in 1345 just before the severe riots that ended with the massacre of many of the Zealots’ rivals. According to Malatras 2012/3, the revolt should be viewed as an attempt by a local faction of the aristocracy to appropriate power by exploiting the power of the people for its cause. For analytical historiographical surveys of the relevant literature see: Barker 2003: 29-33; Malatras 2012/3: 231-233; Congourdeau 2013: 27-30; Congourdeau 2014b: 13-18. 120 theoretical background that enables an exploration, in the second part, of the interaction between the Zealots’ political tactics and the urban space. The paper concludes with some brief thoughts on the Zealots’ identity, especially in terms of the faction’s composition and its political program. 1. Some Theoretical Considerations on Power, Ritual and Space. During the last few decades the concept of “space” has been extensively used in the social sciences, and particularly in history, as an analytical category. In the relevant literature space is no longer perceived as merely the product of natural procedures or human activities, a pre-determined entity that provides the background of political, social and economic life.4 My own approach relies mainly on Henri Lefebvre’s path-breaking analysis in which the social production of space is conceived through a tripartite dialectic model. According to the French philosopher, space is always in a process of transformation through social relations closely bound up with the forces of production, including technology, knowledge, social division of labour, the state and the superstructures of society.5 In particular, space is the product of the interaction between representations of space (“conceived space”, which includes theories or more generally the production of knowledge about space), spatial practices (“perceived space”, which corresponds to codes of social/spatial conduct defined by the continuous interaction between humans and 4 For space in social theory see: Zieleniec 2007; West – Pavlov 2009. For a compre- hensive account of the “spatial turn” in the humanities see Warf and Arias 2009. For history in particular see indicatively: Kingston 2010; Williamson 2014. The concept of “space” as an analytical tool has often been used in recent western medieval studies. For relevant historiographical overviews see indicatively: Cassidy – Welch 2010; Goodson, Lester and Symes 2010; Cohen, Madeline and Iogna Prat 2014. Spatial is- sues have also been explored in the context of Byzantine history and archaeology, although in most cases the relevant studies either follow traditional empirical methods of analyzing the textual and material evidence or rely upon an essentially structuralist background ignoring the recent theoretical contributions. For a critical assessment see Veikou 2016: 144-147. 5 Lefebvre 1991: 85. 121 space), and finally representational space (“lived space”, which is defined by the experiences, thoughts and feelings of the subjects that move in, inhabit, appropriate or imagine space).6 Lefebvre’s model perceives space not simply as the product of social relations but also as a means of production itself, a site that produces human activities and exchanges. Furthermore, it is also regarded as a powerful tool that regulates thought and action, thus becoming a means of control, and hence of domination and power.7 A central issue in my own research is the interaction between the Zealots’ modes of exercising power and the urban space. More spe- cifically, I argue that the construction of a new network of “sites of power” by the faction inside the city altered the local spatial practices and produced both physically and mentally a new urban political to- pography.8 Following a Foucauldian approach, I understand “power” not as a substantive entity that can only be possessed and exercised by the rulers but as a matter of techniques and discursive practices deeply embedded in the network of social relations that shapes the micropoli- tics of everyday human life. In Foucault’s analysis power is considered as a productive force that directs human activities, structures the field of possible actions and generates new knowledge.9 The implementation and articulation of power relations also lead to specific spatial con- figurations that in turn create new discourses, power techniques and knowledge.10 6 Ibid., 36-46. 7 Ibid., 26. 8 The issue of the spatial dimensions of power has been extensively debated in the relevant literature. For a useful overview of the main relevant theoretical contributions see Allen 1999. For an example of a collection of studies dealing with the interrelation of power and space in the early Middle Ages see the essays in De Jong, Theuws and Van Rhijn 2001.

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