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Writing Iranian Culture Ragionare anno XVII (2014), n. 16 (2) ARCHIVIO ISSN 2038-3215 ANTROPOLOGICO MEDITERRANEO ARCHIVIO ANTROPOLOGICO MEDITERRANEO on line anno XVII (2014), n. 16 (2) SEMESTRALE DI SCIENZE UMANE ISSN 2038-3215 Università degli Studi di Palermo Dipartimento ‘Culture e Società’ Sezione di Scienze umane, sociali e politiche Direttore responsabile GABRIELLA D’AGOSTINO Comitato di redazione SERGIO BONANZINGA, IGNAZIO E. BUTTITTA, GABRIELLA D’AGOSTINO, FERDINANDO FAVA, VINCENZO MATERA, MATTEO MESCHIARI Segreteria di redazione DANIELA BONANNO, ALESSANDRO MANCUSO, ROSARIO PERRICONE, DAVIDE PORPORATO (website) Impaginazione ALBERTO MUSCO Comitato scientifico MARLÈNE ALBERT-LLORCA Département de sociologie-ethnologie, Université de Toulouse 2-Le Mirail, France ANTONIO ARIÑO VILLARROYA Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology, University of Valencia, Spain ANTONINO BUTTITTA Università degli Studi di Palermo, Italy IAIN CHAMBERS Dipartimento di Studi Umani e Sociali, Università degli Studi di Napoli «L’Orientale», Italy ALBERTO M. CIRESE (†) Università degli Studi di Roma “La Sapienza”, Italy JEFFREY E. COLE Department of Anthropology, Connecticut College, USA JOÃO DE PINA-CABRAL Institute of Social Sciences, University of Lisbon, Portugal ALESSANDRO DURANTI UCLA, Los Angeles, USA KEVIN DWYER Columbia University, New York, USA DAVID D. GILMORE Department of Anthropology, Stony Brook University, NY, USA JOSÉ ANTONIO GONZÁLEZ ALCANTUD University of Granada, Spain ULF HANNERZ Department of Social Anthropology, Stockholm University, Sweden MOHAMED KERROU Département des Sciences Politiques, Université de Tunis El Manar, Tunisia MONDHER KILANI Laboratoire d’Anthropologie Culturelle et Sociale, Université de Lausanne, Suisse PETER LOIZOS (†) London School of Economics & Political Science, UK ABDERRAHMANE MOUSSAOUI Université de Provence, IDEMEC-CNRS, France HASSAN RACHIK University of Hassan II, Casablanca, Morocco JANE SCHNEIDER Ph. D. Program in Anthropology, Graduate Center, City University of New York, USA PETER SCHNEIDER Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Fordham University, USA PAUL STOLLER West Chester University, USA UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI PALERMO Dipartimento di Beni Culturali Studi Culturali Sezione di Scienze umane, sociali e politiche Dossier Anthropen 5 Anthropen, un projet de dictionnaire en ligne Indice Ragionare 25 Shahram Khosravi, Writing Iranian Culture 33 Paolo Favero, Liquid Visions. Digital images between anthropology, consumer technologies and contemporary art 49 Donatella Schmidt, Femen e la sua protesta. Alla ricerca di chiavi interpretative Divagare 57 Bernd Jürgen Warneken, Impegno politico e civile di Edgar Kurz: da Tubinga a Firenze Documentare 69 Giuseppe Giordano, Apparatura. Una forma di artigianato “festivo” a Palermo 89 Abstracts In copertina: foto di Davide Porporato Shahram Khosravi Writing Iranian Culture Ragionare Throughout the twentieth century European shenasi but the most common and official one has and American anthropologists traveled to different been mardomshenasi. parts of the world in order to map out, analyze and ‘understand’ the others. However, as part of the modern education system, the discipline of anthro- Knowing the People pology emerged also in other parts of the world. Unlike the traditional pattern of a triangular rela- Mardomshenasi literally means ‘knowing the tionship between the Western anthropologist, people’. The term ‘knowing the people’ contains an non-Western field, and ‘native informant’, there are implicit power. During my fieldwork in Iran I fre- now increasing numbers of so called native anthro- quently heard both seriously and jokingly: «you are pologists doing anthropology ‘at home’. In many a mardomshenas [anthropologist]. So you know cases non-Western anthropologists’ criticism of an- people. Tell us who we are. Tell us how we are». thropology as a Western-dominated discipline Authorized by a ‘scientific’ (elmi) designation (Asad 1973) has led to the emergence of what has (‘knowing the people’), the mardomshenas (the an- been called an ‘indigenous anthropology’ (Fahim thropologist) is conventionally seen to posses the 1982). This is a backlash against forms of anthropo- power to describe, to define, and to categorize peo- logical representation of non-Western societies. ple. This is the authority of anthropology and its In Iran too Anthropology has localized and power of representation. Anthropology shapes the gained a national characteristic. The history of an- notion of a specific people discursively. It generates thropology in the country goes back to the 1930s a knowledge/power in relation to authorizing views and to the rise of a modern nation-state. This essay, of them, to describing them, to representing them based on my own observation of the discipline and to ruling over them (cf. Said 1979: 2-3). The through a limited literature review and through a Mardomshenasi has, deliberately or unwittingly, series of personal communications with anthropol- been involved in the power relations in Iran and ogists in Iran, is a reflection on the role and posi- played a role in the construction of a national imag- tion of the discipline in the Iranian society. This ination. As I mentioned above, the rise of anthro- essay is not a historical review of anthropology in pology in Iran is linked to the establishment of a Iran. Neither is it a systematic study of the works of modern nation-state in the country in the 1920s. Iranian anthropologists (for a comprehensive study Reza Shah Pahlavi (reigned 1925-1941), a national- of Iranian anthropology see Shahshahani 1986; Fa- ist army officer, and later his son, Muhammad Reza zeli 2006; Nadjmabadi 2010). The aim is to explore Shah (reigned 1941-1979) launched the transfor- the context in which anthropology has been devel- mation of Iran into a westernized and modern na- oped and practiced in the country. I will examine tion-state. the approach of a Tehran-centric anthropology to- The Pahlavis attempted to construct an Iranian wards the Iranian other. I will also look at the role secular national identity based on the pre-Islamic of anthropology in the emergence of the modern cultural heritage. Mardomshenasi was regarded to Iranian nation-state and how the construction of a have potentialities for popularizing this construct- domestic ‘primitive’ people contributed to the ed identity based on a fictive linkage between the building of a Tehran-centric national culture. How- present Iran and the pre-Islamic Persian civiliza- ever, Iranian anthropologists do not make a ho- tion. This romantic nationalism showed an interest mogenous group. In this essay, the focus is on one in folklore, customs and cultural heritage. The role direction namely, mardomshenasi (see below). of mardomshenasi in the (re)construction of ‘the There are various translations of the term anthro- people’ fitted in the Pahlavis’ nationalist social en- pology in Persian such as qoumshenasi and ensan- gineering. Like in the other nation-state buildings, 25 ARCHIVIO ANTROPOLOGICO MEDITERRANEO on line, anno XVII (2014), n. 16 (2) the Iranian state embarked on the project of con- tributed to the emergence of nation-states. This is structing its own ‘modern people’ (mardom). The true for many different parts of the world. Anthro- new people would have different characteristics pological works (mapping out, categorizing, objec- from the ‘traditional’ people prior to the emergence tifying cultures in books and museums) have played of the nation-state. Reza Shah’s interest in mardom- a significant role in the formation of nation-states shenasi came from a new ruler’s need of ‘inventing and nationalism. This procedure is particularly evi- the people’ rather than ‘knowing the people’. The dent in anthropological museums where cultures nation-building project was started with the renam- are selectively chosen and objectified, fixed in time ing of the country from Persia to Iran: and space (Handler 1988). The discipline has been used as a ‘scientific’ means to legitimize the official Persia evoked negative associations in interna- representation of Iran and Iranians. Anthropolo- tional circles. Whenever the word Pars is uttered or gists use more or less the same metaphors and jar- written, foreigners immediately remember the weak- gon of the state bureaucracy. Like the bureaucratic ness, ignorance, misfortune, the dwindling inde- apparatus of culture-making, the mardomshenasi pendence [...]. On the other hand, the new title elic- scholars use a common conceptualization of cul- ited images of a new, progressive nation that could ture (farhang) as static and essentialized. The offi- hold its head up high in the company of other ‘civi- cial cultural policy has used this notion of culture in lized’ world powers. Iran embodied the flourishing order to glorify an Iranian national identity, which present while Persia recalled the country’s past cir- many anthropologists have then reproduced un- cumstances (Kashani-Sabet 2000: 218). critically. The state’s economic and political interest in Paradoxically the pre-Islamic Persian cultural keeping people fixed in their place, fitted with mar- heritage became a source for the creation of a na- domshenasi’s mission to fix people and cultures in tional identity for the new ‘civilized’ nation of Iran. time and space through the act of ‘writing culture’. A selective interest in folklore, customs and cultur- Mardomshenasi has contributed to the nation-build- al heritage was included in the plan of the Pahlavis’ ing through the objectification
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