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Theodore Draper Papers, 1912-1966
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf0z09n45f No online items Preliminary Inventory to the Theodore Draper Papers, 1912-1966 Processed by ; machine-readable finding aid created by Xiuzhi Zhou Hoover Institution Archives Stanford University Stanford, California 94305-6010 Phone: (650) 723-3563 Fax: (650) 725-3445 Email: [email protected] © 1998 Hoover Institution Archives. All rights reserved. Preliminary Inventory to the 67001 1 Theodore Draper Papers, 1912-1966 Preliminary Inventory to the Theodore Draper Papers, 1912-1966 Hoover Institution Archives Stanford University Stanford, California Contact Information Hoover Institution Archives Stanford University Stanford, California 94305-6010 Phone: (650) 723-3563 Fax: (650) 725-3445 Email: [email protected] Encoded by: Xiuzhi Zhou © 1998 Hoover Institution Archives. All rights reserved. Descriptive Summary Title: Theodore Draper Papers, Date (inclusive): 1912-1966 Collection number: 67001 Creator: Draper, Theodore, 1912- Collection Size: 37 manuscript boxes, 1 phonotape reel(15.5 linear feet) Repository: Hoover Institution Archives Stanford, California 94305-6010 Abstract: Correspondence, clippings, pamphlets, newspaper issues, and congressional hearings, relating to the revolution led by Fidel Castro in Cuba, political, social, and economic conditions in Cuba, the 1965 crisis and American intervention in the Dominican Republic, and the Communist Party of the United States. Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Language: English. Access Collection open for research. The Hoover Institution Archives only allows access to copies of audiovisual items. To listen to sound recordings or to view videos or films during your visit, please contact the Archives at least two working days before your arrival. We will then advise you of the accessibility of the material you wish to see or hear. -
The Beginning of the End: the Political Theory of the Gernian Conmunist Party to the Third Period
THE BEGINNING OF THE END: THE POLITICAL THEORY OF THE GERNIAN CONMUNIST PARTY TO THE THIRD PERIOD By Lea Haro Thesis submitted for degree of PhD Centre for Socialist Theory and Movements Faculty of Law, Business, and Social Science January 2007 Table of Contents Abstract I Acknowledgments iv Methodology i. Why Bother with Marxist Theory? I ii. Outline 5 iii. Sources 9 1. Introduction - The Origins of German Communism: A 14 Historical Narrative of the German Social Democratic Party a. The Gotha Unity 15 b. From the Erjlurt Programme to Bureaucracy 23 c. From War Credits to Republic 30 II. The Theoretical Foundations of German Communism - The 39 Theories of Rosa Luxemburg a. Luxemburg as a Theorist 41 b. Rosa Luxemburg's Contribution to the Debates within the 47 SPD i. Revisionism 48 ii. Mass Strike and the Russian Revolution of 1905 58 c. Polemics with Lenin 66 i. National Question 69 ii. Imperialism 75 iii. Political Organisation 80 Summary 84 Ill. Crisis of Theory in the Comintern 87 a. Creating Uniformity in the Comintern 91 i. Role of Correct Theory 93 ii. Centralism and Strict Discipline 99 iii. Consequencesof the Policy of Uniformity for the 108 KPD b. Comintern's Policy of "Bolshevisation" 116 i. Power Struggle in the CPSU 120 ii. Comintern After Lenin 123 iii. Consequencesof Bolshevisation for KPD 130 iv. Legacy of Luxemburgism 140 c. Consequencesof a New Doctrine 143 i. Socialism in One Country 145 ii. Sixth Congress of the Comintern and the 150 Emergence of the Third Period Summary 159 IV. The Third Period and the Development of the Theory of Social 162 Fascism in Germany a. -
The Trade Union Unity League: American Communists and The
LaborHistory, Vol. 42, No. 2, 2001 TheTrade Union Unity League: American Communists and the Transitionto Industrial Unionism:1928± 1934* EDWARDP. JOHANNINGSMEIER The organization knownas the Trade UnionUnity League(TUUL) came intoformal existenceat anAugust 1929 conferenceof Communists and radical unionistsin Cleveland.The TUUL’s purposewas to create and nourish openly Communist-led unionsthat wereto be independent of the American Federation ofLabor in industries suchas mining, textile, steeland auto. When the TUUL was created, a numberof the CommunistParty’ s mostexperienced activists weresuspicious of the sectarian logic inherentin theTUUL’ s program. In Moscow,where the creation ofnew unions had beendebated by theCommunists the previous year, someAmericans— working within their establishedAFL unions—had argued furiously against its creation,loudly ac- cusingits promoters ofneedless schism. The controversyeven emerged openly for a time in theCommunist press in theUnited States. In 1934, after ve years ofaggressive butmostly unproductiveorganizing, theTUUL was formally dissolved.After the Comintern’s formal inauguration ofthe Popular Front in 1935 many ofthe same organizers whohad workedin theobscure and ephemeral TUULunions aided in the organization ofthe enduring industrial unionsof the CIO. 1 Historiansof American labor andradicalism have had difculty detectingany legitimate rationale for thefounding of theTUUL. Its ve years ofexistence during the rst years ofthe Depression have oftenbeen dismissed as an interlude of hopeless sectarianism, -
Rethinking the Historiography of United States Communism
American Communist History, Vol. 2, No. 2, 2003 Rethinking the Historiography of United States Communism BRYAN D. PALMER Questioning American Radicalism We ask questions of radicalism in the United States. Many are driven by high expectations and preconceived notions of what such radicalism should look like. Our queries reflect this: Why is there no socialism in America? Why are workers in the world’s most advanced capitalist nation not “class conscious”? Why has no “third party” of laboring people emerged to challenge the estab- lished political formations of money, privilege, and business power? Such interrogation is by no means altogether wrongheaded, although some would prefer to jettison it entirely. Yet these and other related questions continue to exercise considerable interest, and periodically spark debate and efforts to reformulate and redefine analytic agendas for the study of American labor radicals, their diversity, ideas, and practical activities.1 Socialism, syndicalism, anarchism, and communism have been minority traditions in US life, just as they often are in other national cultures and political economies. The revol- utionary left is, and always has been, a vanguard of minorities. But minorities often make history, if seldom in ways that prove to be exactly as they pleased. Life in a minority is not, however, an isolated, or inevitably an isolating, experience. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the US gave rise to a significant left, rooted in what many felt was a transition from the Old World to a New Order. Populists, -
The History of American Communism and Our Understanding of Stalinism
American Communist History, Vol. 2, No. 2, 2003 The History of American Communism and Our Understanding of Stalinism JAMES R. BARRETT Bryan Palmer’s discussion of US Communist historiography is certainly our most probing and ambitious to date.1 Its value derives from Palmer’s focus on the critical problem of Stalinism as a kind of Occam’s razor with which to delineate and analyze the literature’s various strands. This tool works better in some instances than in others, highlighting some neglected aspects of the research, while drawing our attention back to what is at stake politically in our debates over the broader meaning of this history in our world. My quick reaction to Palmer’s useful juxtaposition of New Left and, for want of a better terminology, New Anti-Communist historiography is that one of our most prominent Marxist historians has been rather hard on the former and rather easy on the latter. The key to understanding this, as with most of the essay, is the organizing principle of anti-Stalinism. Palmer is certainly correct in his assertion that the New Left scholarship, with which I am still happy to identify myself, has not sufficiently engaged the problem of Stalinism, and, given his own focus here, this helps to explain the depth of his criticism of it. But in the process of framing his discussion solely in these terms, he has missed some key elements in our current situation. Palmer acknowledges that Communists “fought for much that was honor- able and achieved not a little that was necessary and humane,” and he notes numerous realms of life—labor and unemployment, racial and gender op- pression, peace and anti-war campaigns, agrarian reforms, and cultural work— where Communists made such contributions. -
1 "Commitment and Crisis: Jews and American Communism" Tony Michels
"Commitment and Crisis: Jews and American Communism" Tony Michels (Univ. of Wisconsin, Madison) Introduction During the 1920s, Jews formed the American Communist Party’s most important base of support. The party’s Jewish Federation, its Yiddish-speaking section, claimed around 2,000 members or 10% of the party’s overall membership in mid-decade. Yet that figure hardly conveys the extent of Jewish involvement with Communism during the 1920s. To begin with, a significant number of Jews were members of the party’s English-, Russian-, Polish-, and Hungarian-speaking units. Moreover, Communism’s influence among Jews extended far beyond the narrow precincts of party membership. The Communist Yiddish daily, Di frayhayt, enjoyed a reputation for literary excellence and reached a readership of 20,000-30,000, a higher circulation than any Communist newspaper, including the English-language Daily Worker. Jewish Communists built a network of summer camps, schools for adults and children, cultural societies, theater groups, choirs, orchestras, and even a housing cooperative in the Bronx that encompassed tens of thousands of Communist Party members, sympathizers, and their families. Finally, Communists won a strong following among Jewish workers in the needle trades and even came close to capturing control of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union between 1923 and 1926. (A remarkable seventy percent of ILGWU members belonged to Communist-led locals during those years.) Viewed through the lens of immigrant Jewry, then, Communism's golden age was not the Great Depression but rather the preceding decade. To be sure, Jewish Communists were in the minority, but 1 they were far from isolated. -
The Many Worlds of American Communism
Wayne State University Wayne State University Dissertations January 2019 The Many Worlds Of American Communism Joshua James Morris Wayne State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/oa_dissertations Recommended Citation Morris, Joshua James, "The Many Worlds Of American Communism" (2019). Wayne State University Dissertations. 2178. https://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/oa_dissertations/2178 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@WayneState. It has been accepted for inclusion in Wayne State University Dissertations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@WayneState. THE MANY WORLDS OF AMERICAN COMMUNISM by JOSHUA JAMES MORRIS DISSERTATION Submitted to the Graduate School of Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 2019 MAJOR: HISTORY (American) Approved By: _________________________________________ Advisor Date _________________________________________ _________________________________________ _________________________________________ _________________________________________ © COPYRIGHT BY JOSHUA JAMES MORRIS 2019 All Rights Reserved ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I have so many to thank for this project, starting with my mom and my dad for always believing in me. I also want to thank my committee, Elizabeth Faue, Fran Shor, Aaron Retish, Vicki Ruiz, and Louis Jones, without which I would not have been able to fully develop my research. My inspiration to continue studies in history I owe to Harold Marcuse and John Lloyd; they always made history something to embrace as both a passion and a challenge. I want to give a special thanks to Ronald Aronson for helping me with some of my research here in Detroit. I also want to give a tremendous thank you to all those whom I interviewed and took part in this project: Armando Ramirez, Beatrice Lumpkin, Danny Rubin, Marc Brodine, Rossana Cambron, Arturo Cambron, Luis Rivas, Rita Verner, Michele Artt, Scott Marshall, and Betty Smith. -
Dogma, Romance and Double Consciousness
Dogma, Romance and Double Consciousness The Dilemmas of the New Negro Generation Through the Travels of Otto Huiswoud and Claude McKay Lennart Bolwijn, 10271589 Address of correspondence: [email protected] Supervisor: George Blaustein University of Amsterdam Faculty of Humanities Master Thesis in American Studies 39700 words 4 July, 2018 “Jazz is a marvel of a paradox: too fundamentally human, at least as modern humanity goes, to be typically racial, too international to be characteristically national, too much abroad in the world to have a special home. And yet jazz in spite of it all is one part American and three parts American Negro, and was originally the nobody’s child of the levee and the city slum. Transplanted exotic – a rather hardy one, we admit – of the mundane world capitals, sport of the sophisticated, it is really at home in its humble native soil wherever the modern unsophisticated Negro feels happy and sings and dances to his mood. It follows that jazz is more at home in Harlem than in Paris, though from the look and sound of certain quarters of Paris one would hardly think so. It is just the epidemic contagiousness of jazz that makes it, like the measles, sweep the block. But somebody had to have it first: that was the Negro.” -J.A. Rogers, Jazz at Home (1925) “As with the Jew, persecution is making the Negro international.” “Garveyism may be a transient, if spectacular phenomenon, but the possible role of the American Negro in the future development of Africa is one of the most constructive and universally helpful missions that any modern people can lay claim to.” -Alain Locke, The New Negro (1925) 2 Acknowledgements I would like to thank Jessica de Abreu, Mitchell Esajas and Miguel Heilbron for their work in establishing the Black Archives in Amsterdam and introducing me to Otto and Hermina Huiswoud. -
Revolution and Personal Crisis: William Z. Foster, Personal Narrative, and the Subjective in the History of American Communism1
Labor History, Vol. 43, No. 4, 2002 Revolution and Personal Crisis: William Z. Foster, Personal Narrative, and the Subjective in the History of American Communism1 JAMES R. BARRETT In early 1919, the progressive novelist Mary Heaton Vorse found William Z. Foster sitting in the tiny Pittsburgh of ce where he directed the Great Steel Strike, the largest industrial con ict in the history of the U.S. up to that time. Foster remained calm and collected, sel ess in the midst of this great social movement: He is composed, con dent, unemphatic and impenetrably unruf ed. Never for a moment does Foster hasten his tempo … He seems completely without ego … He lives completely outside the circle of self, absorbed ceaselessly in the ceaseless stream of detail which confronts him … Once in a while he gets angry over the stupidity of man; then you see his quiet is the quiet of a high tension machine moving so swiftly it barely hums. He is swallowed up in the strike’s immensity. What happens to Foster does not concern him. I do not believe that he spends ve minutes in the whole year thinking of Foster or Foster’s affairs.2 This was the image Foster projected throughout his early life and the reputation by which he was known: a brilliant strategist and organizational mind, an engineer and architect of working-class movements, a dedicated militant with no apparent personal life. Certainly for any historian looking for the links between the personal and the political, Foster does not appear to be a very promising subject. -
Minutes of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of America: New York — May 29 to June 1, 1922
Minutes of the Central Executive Committee of the CPA [May 29-June 1, 1922] 1 Minutes of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of America: New York — May 29 to June 1, 1922. From a copy in the Theodore Draper Papers, Hoover Institution Archive, Stanford University. Checked to alternate copy in Comintern Arechive, RGASPI, f. 515, op. 1, d. 94, ll. 40-45. Minutes of the CEC Full Session Motion to leave all details to the committee. May 29th [1922]. Amendment to recommend to committee to consider 6 organizations as cooperating in the Present: Raphael [Alex Bittelman], Ballister [Bob ARTIWA campaign but that actual work be left to B Minor], Lansing [Arne Swabeck], Ward [Earl Brow- [Friends of Soviet Russia], T. [=???], and Techaid [So- der], Ray [Joseph Stilson], Low [Ben Gitlow], Damon ciety for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia]. Amendment [C.E. Ruthenberg], Carr [Ludwig Katterfeld], Duffy lost, motion carried. [Alfred Wagenknecht], Marshall [Max Bedacht], Jones [Edgar Owens], Smith [Edward Lindgren?]. Motion to strike out condition 5 from proposal of sub-committee. Carried. Raphael [Bittelman] Chairman; Marshall [Be- dacht] acting secretary. Motion, that committee (Duffy [Wagenknecht], Ballister [Minor], Damon [Ruthenberg]) be confirmed. Motion by Lansing [Swabeck], that $500 be Carried. paid to Fred [Federated Press] on account due to Fred [Federated Press]. Report of Industrial Department. Motion to refer to question on finances; carried. Moved to instruct Industrial Dept. to reorga- Motion by Lansing [Swabeck], that [E.J.] Cos- nize national needle trades committee. Carried. tello be instructed to confine himself to editorial work and that [Tom] Tippet take his place as managing edi- Motion, that office of Industrial Organizer be tor Fred [Federated Press], and that [Carl] Haessler is separated from the office of party DOs in Districts 1 to eventually take manager post. -
American Communism and Soviet Russia 1St Edition PDF Book
AMERICAN COMMUNISM AND SOVIET RUSSIA 1ST EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Theodore Draper | 9781351532846 | | | | | American Communism and Soviet Russia 1st edition PDF Book Mar 05, FiveBooks rated it it was amazing Shelves: fivebooks-on-communism-in-america. According to Ion Marandici, a Moldovan political scientist, the Moldovan communists differ from those in other countries because they managed to appeal to the ethnic minorities and the anti- Romanian Moldovans. Harvey Klehr is a professor of politics and history at Emory University. Trivia About American Communis Refresh and try again. Politically, they were influenced by Maximilien Robespierre and several other radical figures of the French Revolution whilst economically they were influenced by David Ricardo. In Ukraine and Russia , the communists came second in the and elections, respectively. Retrieved 25 February Five Books interviews are expensive to produce. Carne Ross on The Leaderless Revolution. Anti-capitalism Class conflict Class consciousness Classless society Collective leadership Collectivism Common ownership Commune Commune model of government Communist society Free association From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs Gift economy Market abolitionism Planned economy Proletarian internationalism Labour movement Social revolution Stateless society Wage slavery Workers' self-management World communism World revolution. In the top leadership, it led to a mass purge of senior officials who were accused of taking a " capitalist road ", most notably Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping. Princeton U. Related topics. The pioneers of American communism and their endeavors, their original aspirations and later disappointments, their achievements and defeats, can only be judged by how they fit into the general perspective. They did not speak of the destruction of capitalism, but sought to win the support of the masses and by a gradual transformation of the bureaucracies. -
The Red Menace, Revisited
GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW THE RED MENACE REVISITED David E. Bernstein 06-04 Forthcoming in Northwestern University Law Review GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY LAW AND ECONOMICS RESEARCH PAPER SERIES This paper can be downloaded without charge from the Social Science Research Network at http://ssrn.com/abstract_id= 887773 The Red Menace, Revisited David E. Bernstein∗ Introduction Professor Martin Redish, a distinguished scholar of freedom of expression (among other things), wades into the debate over the legacy of the anti-Communism of the late 1940s and 1950s in The Logic of Persecution: Free Expression and the McCarthy Era.1 Redish’s unique contribution is to approach this controversy from the perspective of First Amendment theory. First, we shall review the history of the debate over Communism and anti-Communism in American history. Through the mid-1960s, most historians concluded that the American Communist Party (CPUSA) was controlled by and beholden to the Soviet Union, and its hard- core membership, at least, was disloyal to the United States. As one prominent historian summed it up, the CPUSA was “the American appendage of a Russian revolutionary power.”2 Over time, “revisionist” historians associated with the New Left painted a very different picture of the CPUSA. According to these historians, the Party was a generally benign, idealistic, homegrown progressive movement interested in economic justice and civil rights.3 Its ∗ Professor, George Mason University School of Law; Visiting Professor, 2005-06, University of Michigan School of Law. Don Herzog, Harvey Klehr, Geoffrey Stone, and Eugene Volokh provided helpful suggestions. 1 MARTIN H. REDISH, THE LOGIC OF PERSECUTION: FREE EXPRESSION AND THE MCCARTHY ERA (2005).