How Can We Write Better Histories of Communism? Bryan D
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Selected Publications by Myroslav Shkandrij (In PDF)
Selected Publications by Myroslav Shkandrij (in PDF) The Archival Revolution and Contested Memory: Changing Views of Stalin’s Rule in the Light of New Evidence. Kyiv-Mohyla Humanities Journal (2014): 189-204. http://kmhj.ukma.edu.ua/article/view/25720/23173 (with Olga Bertelsen) The Secret Police and the Campaign Against Galicians in Soviet Ukraine, 1929-34. Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity. 42.1 (2014): 37-62. http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/7w2TW3sgItN2MEGcxKDD/full For the following articles see also Myroslav Shkandrij’s blog at http://www.ukrainianwinnipeg.ca/myroslav 2014 Shevchenko’s Relevance Today. 25 September http://www.ukrainianwinnipeg.ca/shevchenkos-relevance-today 2014 Where is Ponomarev? 3 July http://www.ukrainianwinnipeg.ca/ponomarev 2014 On the Effects of Viewing Russian TV. 30 June http://www.ukrainianwinnipeg.ca/effects-viewing-russian-television 2014 More Fakes from Russian TV, Twitter and Facebook. 29 June http://www.ukrainianwinnipeg.ca/fakes-russian-tv-twitter-facebook 2014 22 acts of disinformation. Russian media on Ukraine. 10 June http://www.ukrainianwinnipeg.ca/22-acts-disinformation-russian-media-on-ukraine 2014 The Truth about Antisemitism in Ukraine and Russia. 2 June http://www.ukrainianwinnipeg.ca/truth-antisemitism-ukraine-russia 2014 ‘Putin’s a Prick’ – What’s in a Meme. 20 May http://www.ukrainianwinnipeg.ca/putin-hyilo-putins-a-prick-whats-in-a-meme 2014 Russian Mercenaries in the Donbas: Who they are, where they came from, what they represent. 12 May http://www.ukrainianwinnipeg.ca/russian-mercenaries-donbas. Republished 17 May http://euromaidanpr.com/2014/05/17/russian-mercenaries-in-the- donbas 2014 How Russian Propaganda Works Through Social Media. -
Harvard Historical Studies • 173
HARVARD HISTORICAL STUDIES • 173 Published under the auspices of the Department of History from the income of the Paul Revere Frothingham Bequest Robert Louis Stroock Fund Henry Warren Torrey Fund Brought to you by | provisional account Unauthenticated Download Date | 4/11/15 12:32 PM Brought to you by | provisional account Unauthenticated Download Date | 4/11/15 12:32 PM WILLIAM JAY RISCH The Ukrainian West Culture and the Fate of Empire in Soviet Lviv HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, Massachusetts London, En gland 2011 Brought to you by | provisional account Unauthenticated Download Date | 4/11/15 12:32 PM Copyright © 2011 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Risch, William Jay. The Ukrainian West : culture and the fate of empire in Soviet Lviv / William Jay Risch. p. cm.—(Harvard historical studies ; 173) Includes bibliographical references and index. I S B N 9 7 8 - 0 - 6 7 4 - 0 5 0 0 1 - 3 ( a l k . p a p e r ) 1 . L ’ v i v ( U k r a i n e ) — H i s t o r y — 2 0 t h c e n t u r y . 2 . L ’ v i v ( U k r a i n e ) — P o l i t i c s a n d government— 20th century. 3. L’viv (Ukraine)— Social conditions— 20th century 4. Nationalism— Ukraine—L’viv—History—20th century. 5. Ethnicity— Ukraine—L’viv— History—20th century. -
Theodore Draper Papers, 1912-1966
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf0z09n45f No online items Preliminary Inventory to the Theodore Draper Papers, 1912-1966 Processed by ; machine-readable finding aid created by Xiuzhi Zhou Hoover Institution Archives Stanford University Stanford, California 94305-6010 Phone: (650) 723-3563 Fax: (650) 725-3445 Email: [email protected] © 1998 Hoover Institution Archives. All rights reserved. Preliminary Inventory to the 67001 1 Theodore Draper Papers, 1912-1966 Preliminary Inventory to the Theodore Draper Papers, 1912-1966 Hoover Institution Archives Stanford University Stanford, California Contact Information Hoover Institution Archives Stanford University Stanford, California 94305-6010 Phone: (650) 723-3563 Fax: (650) 725-3445 Email: [email protected] Encoded by: Xiuzhi Zhou © 1998 Hoover Institution Archives. All rights reserved. Descriptive Summary Title: Theodore Draper Papers, Date (inclusive): 1912-1966 Collection number: 67001 Creator: Draper, Theodore, 1912- Collection Size: 37 manuscript boxes, 1 phonotape reel(15.5 linear feet) Repository: Hoover Institution Archives Stanford, California 94305-6010 Abstract: Correspondence, clippings, pamphlets, newspaper issues, and congressional hearings, relating to the revolution led by Fidel Castro in Cuba, political, social, and economic conditions in Cuba, the 1965 crisis and American intervention in the Dominican Republic, and the Communist Party of the United States. Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Language: English. Access Collection open for research. The Hoover Institution Archives only allows access to copies of audiovisual items. To listen to sound recordings or to view videos or films during your visit, please contact the Archives at least two working days before your arrival. We will then advise you of the accessibility of the material you wish to see or hear. -
The Beginning of the End: the Political Theory of the Gernian Conmunist Party to the Third Period
THE BEGINNING OF THE END: THE POLITICAL THEORY OF THE GERNIAN CONMUNIST PARTY TO THE THIRD PERIOD By Lea Haro Thesis submitted for degree of PhD Centre for Socialist Theory and Movements Faculty of Law, Business, and Social Science January 2007 Table of Contents Abstract I Acknowledgments iv Methodology i. Why Bother with Marxist Theory? I ii. Outline 5 iii. Sources 9 1. Introduction - The Origins of German Communism: A 14 Historical Narrative of the German Social Democratic Party a. The Gotha Unity 15 b. From the Erjlurt Programme to Bureaucracy 23 c. From War Credits to Republic 30 II. The Theoretical Foundations of German Communism - The 39 Theories of Rosa Luxemburg a. Luxemburg as a Theorist 41 b. Rosa Luxemburg's Contribution to the Debates within the 47 SPD i. Revisionism 48 ii. Mass Strike and the Russian Revolution of 1905 58 c. Polemics with Lenin 66 i. National Question 69 ii. Imperialism 75 iii. Political Organisation 80 Summary 84 Ill. Crisis of Theory in the Comintern 87 a. Creating Uniformity in the Comintern 91 i. Role of Correct Theory 93 ii. Centralism and Strict Discipline 99 iii. Consequencesof the Policy of Uniformity for the 108 KPD b. Comintern's Policy of "Bolshevisation" 116 i. Power Struggle in the CPSU 120 ii. Comintern After Lenin 123 iii. Consequencesof Bolshevisation for KPD 130 iv. Legacy of Luxemburgism 140 c. Consequencesof a New Doctrine 143 i. Socialism in One Country 145 ii. Sixth Congress of the Comintern and the 150 Emergence of the Third Period Summary 159 IV. The Third Period and the Development of the Theory of Social 162 Fascism in Germany a. -
Becoming Soviet: Lost Cultural Alternatives In
BECOMING SOVIET: LOST CULTURAL ALTERNATIVES IN UKRAINE, 1917-1933 Olena Palko, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History December 2016© ‘This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition any quotation or extract must include full attribution.’ Abstract This doctoral thesis investigates the complex and multi-faceted process of the cultural sovietisation of Ukraine. The study argues that different political and cultural projects of a Soviet Ukraine were put to the test during the 1920s. These projects were developed and executed by representatives of two ideological factions within the Communist Party of Bolsheviks of Ukraine: one originating in the pre-war Ukrainian socialist and communist movements, and another with a clear centripetal orientation towards Moscow. The representatives of these two ideological horizons endorsed different approaches to defining Soviet culture. The unified Soviet canon in Ukraine was an amalgamation of at least two different Soviet cultural projects: Soviet Ukrainian culture and Soviet culture in the Ukrainian language. These two visions of Soviet culture are examined through a biographical study of two literary protagonists: the Ukrainian poet Pavlo Tychyna (1891-1967) and the writer Mykola Khvyl'ovyi (1893-1933). Overall, three equally important components, contributing to Ukraine’s sovietisation, are discussed: the power struggle among the Ukrainian communist elites; the manipulation of the tastes and expectations of the audience; and the ideological and aesthetic evolution of Ukraine’s writers in view of the first two components. -
The Trade Union Unity League: American Communists and The
LaborHistory, Vol. 42, No. 2, 2001 TheTrade Union Unity League: American Communists and the Transitionto Industrial Unionism:1928± 1934* EDWARDP. JOHANNINGSMEIER The organization knownas the Trade UnionUnity League(TUUL) came intoformal existenceat anAugust 1929 conferenceof Communists and radical unionistsin Cleveland.The TUUL’s purposewas to create and nourish openly Communist-led unionsthat wereto be independent of the American Federation ofLabor in industries suchas mining, textile, steeland auto. When the TUUL was created, a numberof the CommunistParty’ s mostexperienced activists weresuspicious of the sectarian logic inherentin theTUUL’ s program. In Moscow,where the creation ofnew unions had beendebated by theCommunists the previous year, someAmericans— working within their establishedAFL unions—had argued furiously against its creation,loudly ac- cusingits promoters ofneedless schism. The controversyeven emerged openly for a time in theCommunist press in theUnited States. In 1934, after ve years ofaggressive butmostly unproductiveorganizing, theTUUL was formally dissolved.After the Comintern’s formal inauguration ofthe Popular Front in 1935 many ofthe same organizers whohad workedin theobscure and ephemeral TUULunions aided in the organization ofthe enduring industrial unionsof the CIO. 1 Historiansof American labor andradicalism have had difculty detectingany legitimate rationale for thefounding of theTUUL. Its ve years ofexistence during the rst years ofthe Depression have oftenbeen dismissed as an interlude of hopeless sectarianism, -
The Ukrainian Canadian Left, Theatre, and Propaganda in the 1920S Kassandra Luciuk
Labour / Le Travail ISSUE 83 (2019) ISSN: 1911-4842 ARTICLE More Dangerous Than Many a Pamphlet or Propaganda Book: The Ukrainian Canadian Left, Theatre, and Propaganda in the 1920s Kassandra Luciuk On 25 November 1922, the Winnipeg branch of the Ukrainian Labour Farmer Temple Association (ulfta) performed Yak Svit Povernuvsya Dorohy Nohamy (How the world went upside down), a play based on the Bolshevik Revolution. In the crowd, a Royal Canadian Mounted Police (rcmp) agent watched closely, committing to memory both the contents of the play and the reactions of the crowd. Afterwards, in a report to R. S. Knight, command- ing officer of the Manitoba District, he conveyed his deep malaise over the night’s proceedings. The officer was concerned with the play’s final act, which displayed a post-revolutionary, Soviet society. Priests and noblemen had been demoted to drudges, ordinary citizens were giving orders, and red flag–waving children had abandoned school to sing “The Internationale” in the streets. The officer was also troubled by the play’s overwhelmingly positive recep- tion and requests from the crowd to repeat the show across the country. “The above show, although a comedy,” wrote the officer, “was a very revolutionary propaganda show. I consider [it] more dangerous than many a pamphlet or propaganda book, because the latter appeals to the mind, and the former to the eye. When the mind cannot agree quickly with the idea of a book,” he mused, “the eye appeals sooner.” Despite the officer’s unease, there was a silver lining: the play had been performed in Ukrainian. -
Rethinking the Historiography of United States Communism
American Communist History, Vol. 2, No. 2, 2003 Rethinking the Historiography of United States Communism BRYAN D. PALMER Questioning American Radicalism We ask questions of radicalism in the United States. Many are driven by high expectations and preconceived notions of what such radicalism should look like. Our queries reflect this: Why is there no socialism in America? Why are workers in the world’s most advanced capitalist nation not “class conscious”? Why has no “third party” of laboring people emerged to challenge the estab- lished political formations of money, privilege, and business power? Such interrogation is by no means altogether wrongheaded, although some would prefer to jettison it entirely. Yet these and other related questions continue to exercise considerable interest, and periodically spark debate and efforts to reformulate and redefine analytic agendas for the study of American labor radicals, their diversity, ideas, and practical activities.1 Socialism, syndicalism, anarchism, and communism have been minority traditions in US life, just as they often are in other national cultures and political economies. The revol- utionary left is, and always has been, a vanguard of minorities. But minorities often make history, if seldom in ways that prove to be exactly as they pleased. Life in a minority is not, however, an isolated, or inevitably an isolating, experience. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the US gave rise to a significant left, rooted in what many felt was a transition from the Old World to a New Order. Populists, -
The History of American Communism and Our Understanding of Stalinism
American Communist History, Vol. 2, No. 2, 2003 The History of American Communism and Our Understanding of Stalinism JAMES R. BARRETT Bryan Palmer’s discussion of US Communist historiography is certainly our most probing and ambitious to date.1 Its value derives from Palmer’s focus on the critical problem of Stalinism as a kind of Occam’s razor with which to delineate and analyze the literature’s various strands. This tool works better in some instances than in others, highlighting some neglected aspects of the research, while drawing our attention back to what is at stake politically in our debates over the broader meaning of this history in our world. My quick reaction to Palmer’s useful juxtaposition of New Left and, for want of a better terminology, New Anti-Communist historiography is that one of our most prominent Marxist historians has been rather hard on the former and rather easy on the latter. The key to understanding this, as with most of the essay, is the organizing principle of anti-Stalinism. Palmer is certainly correct in his assertion that the New Left scholarship, with which I am still happy to identify myself, has not sufficiently engaged the problem of Stalinism, and, given his own focus here, this helps to explain the depth of his criticism of it. But in the process of framing his discussion solely in these terms, he has missed some key elements in our current situation. Palmer acknowledges that Communists “fought for much that was honor- able and achieved not a little that was necessary and humane,” and he notes numerous realms of life—labor and unemployment, racial and gender op- pression, peace and anti-war campaigns, agrarian reforms, and cultural work— where Communists made such contributions. -
Journal of Ukrainian Studies
JOURNAL OF UKRAINIAN STUDIES Summer -Winter 2000 CONTRIBUTORS GUEST EDITOR WaAheieva Myroslav Shkandrij Oleh W. Gems Oleh S. Ilnytzkyj Robert Karpiak Halyna Koscharsky Larissa M. L. Zaleska Onyshkevych Marko Pavlyshyn Nelli Prystalenko Myroslav Shkandrij Walter Smymiw Maxim Tamawsky Roman Weretelnyk Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/journalofukraini2512cana Journal of UKRAINIAN STUDIES Volume 25, Numbers 1-2 Summer-Winter 2000 Creating a Modem Ukrainian Cultural Space Essays in Honour of Jaroslav Rozumnyj Contributors Guest Editor Vira Aheieva Myroslav Shkandrij Oleh W. Gems Oleh S. Ilnytzkyj Robert Karpiak Halyna Koscharsky Larissa M. L. Zaleska Onyshkevych Marko Pavlyshyn Nelli Prystalenko Myroslav Shkandrij Walter Smymiw Maxim Tamawsky Roman Weretelnyk Editor Roman Senkus Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Editorial Board James Jacuta, Zenon E. Kohut, David R. Marples, Marusia K. Petryshyn, Serhii Plokhy, Frances Swyripa, Frank E. Sysyn, Maxim Tamawsky Journal of Ukrainian Studies Advisory Board Olga Andriewsky (Trent University, Peterborough, Ont.), L'ubica Babotova (Presov University), Marko Bojcun (University of North London), Guido Hausmann (University of Cologne), laroslav Hrytsak (Institute of Historical Studies, Lviv State University), Tamara Hundorova (Institute of Literature, Kyiv), Heorhii Kasianov (Institute of the History of Ukraine, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Kyiv), Bohdan Krawchenko (Academy of Public Administration and Local Government, Kyiv), Marko Pavlyshyn (Monash University, Melbourne), lurii Shapoval (Institute of Political and Ethno-National Studies, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Kyiv), Myroslav Shkandrij (University of Manitoba, Winnipeg), Vladyslav Verstiuk (Institute of the History of Ukraine, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Kyiv) The Journal of Ukrainian Studies is a semi-annual, peer-refereed scholarly serial pub- lished by the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta, 450 Athabasca Hall, Edmonton, Alta., T6G 2E8, Canada. -
1 "Commitment and Crisis: Jews and American Communism" Tony Michels
"Commitment and Crisis: Jews and American Communism" Tony Michels (Univ. of Wisconsin, Madison) Introduction During the 1920s, Jews formed the American Communist Party’s most important base of support. The party’s Jewish Federation, its Yiddish-speaking section, claimed around 2,000 members or 10% of the party’s overall membership in mid-decade. Yet that figure hardly conveys the extent of Jewish involvement with Communism during the 1920s. To begin with, a significant number of Jews were members of the party’s English-, Russian-, Polish-, and Hungarian-speaking units. Moreover, Communism’s influence among Jews extended far beyond the narrow precincts of party membership. The Communist Yiddish daily, Di frayhayt, enjoyed a reputation for literary excellence and reached a readership of 20,000-30,000, a higher circulation than any Communist newspaper, including the English-language Daily Worker. Jewish Communists built a network of summer camps, schools for adults and children, cultural societies, theater groups, choirs, orchestras, and even a housing cooperative in the Bronx that encompassed tens of thousands of Communist Party members, sympathizers, and their families. Finally, Communists won a strong following among Jewish workers in the needle trades and even came close to capturing control of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union between 1923 and 1926. (A remarkable seventy percent of ILGWU members belonged to Communist-led locals during those years.) Viewed through the lens of immigrant Jewry, then, Communism's golden age was not the Great Depression but rather the preceding decade. To be sure, Jewish Communists were in the minority, but 1 they were far from isolated. -
ESSAY: Ukrainian Immigrant Theatre 1904-1923
ESSAY: Ukrainian Immigrant Theatre 1904-1923 From the turn of the twentieth century immigrant theatre played a central role in the life of Winnipeg's Ukrainian community. As the historian Robert Harney pointed out many years ago, immigrant theatre, more than any other institution, served to "affirm the existence of ethnic community." By performing in or simply by attending Ukrainian plays staged by Ukrainian drama societies, immigrants acknowledged and celebrated their common cultural inheritance, and asserted their membership in the Ukrainian community. In addition to providing entertainment and quenching the immigrants' nostalgia for the homeland, immigrant theatre was also "an effective vehicle for patriotic, ideological and moral education for those who wished to influence immigrant communities." Even illiterate, uneducated and physically exhausted immigrants could be instructed and influenced through plays with simple and direct plots. In an era before radio, television and motion pictures, the theatre monopolized the immigrant imagination, helped to shape popular opinion, and was utilized by those with cultural, religious and political agendas to advance various causes and reform programs. The First Drama Societies The first Ukrainian amateur theatrical performance in Winnipeg, a production of Hryhorii Tsehlynsky's comedy Argonavty (The Argonauts), took place on 14 May 1904. Directed by Ivan Antoniuk and featuring Apolinarii Novak, Dmytro Kyrstiuk and Jacob Makohin in the lead roles, it was staged at the Taras Shevchenko Reading Club, which was located in Cyril Genik's home at 109 Euclid Avenue (formerly the Ashdown residence). Produced by young radicals who were challenging the traditional authority of the Ukrainian Catholic clergy, the play satirized the efforts of Ukrainian Catholic theology graduates in Eastern Galicia to find wealthy brides prior to their ordination into the priesthood.