Briggs in Los Angeles to Draper in New York [March 17, 1958] 1

Letter to Theodore Draper in New York from Cyril Briggs in Los Angeles, March 17, 1958 [long extract]

Document in the Theodore Draper Papers, Archives, Box 31.

March 17, 1958. birthed by the October Revolution. I was at the time more interested, as you will gather, in the Mr. Theodore Draper national liberation revolution than in the social The , Inc. revolution. I joined the after 360 Riverside Drive several visits to my office by New York 25, NY [CPA] and Bob Minor [UCP], each representing what they claimed to be the official CP. I chose Dear Mr. Draper: Rose’s group. You will, I am sure, know the fac- tion she represented at the time, so there’s no ne- I am only too happy to aid in your efforts to cessity for me to look it up. dispel the myths and confusions that have risen * * * around the history of the African Blood Brother- I resigned from The Amsterdam News in 1918 hood and the question of self-determination as in protest against the publisher’s attempt to cen- applied to the American Negro.... sor my editorials, following their intimidation by Now to clear up some of the myths, let’s be- government agencies. In those editorials, and in ing with myself. All assertions to the contrary, I other writings — letters to the daily press, etc. — was never a member of the Socialist Party, although I opposed the war as an imperialist war and as- I had a number of close friends who were mem- sailed as a sham and fraud Wilson’s slogan of “mak- bers, like Dick Moore and the late Hubert Harri- ing the world safe for democracy,” and played up son. I did not consider that the SP had anything in my news columns cases of lynchings during to offer the Negro, or any interest in the anti-im- the war, treatment of Negro soldiers in France, perialist struggles of the colonial peoples. Nor was etc. One of the first issues of The Crusader maga- I, or Dick Moore to my knowledge, ever associ- zine carried, incidentally, a documentary exposé ated with [Philip] Randolph and Owens of The of the Jim Crow treatment and persecution of our Messenger, or with the Messenger group, except in Negro soldiers in France, including attempts to the sense that they were all representative of the dissuade the French from having any social rela- radical New Negro Movement of that period. tions with them. This was followed by efforts to My interest in was inspired by intimidate me. I was also honored by a Southern the national policy of the Russian Bolsheviks and Senator, who proposed on the floor of Congress the anti-imperialist orientation of the Soviet state that the editors of the Chicago Defender, The Cri-

1 2 Briggs in Los Angeles to Draper in New York [March 17, 1958] sis, and The Crusader be shot for treason. I think by agents sent into the field was small in com- the gentleman was from Florida. parison to those recruited by readers of the maga- As soon as my resignation from The Amster- zine who sought authority to organize Posts in dam News was announced, several Harlem citi- their communities. Among those was a Mr. White zens who approved my position came forward with of West Virginia, who hitchhiked to New York offers of financial aid and the suggestion that I with his teenage daughter to propose he be ap- start a publication of my own. Chief among these pointed organizer for his state. Too, quite a few was the late Anthony Crawford, a Negro ship bro- out of town people were recruited during their ker with offices at 80 Wall Street. This group also attendance at conventions in New York. Among helped in raising money through affairs, etc. these were members of the Garvey movement, of Publication of the magazine definitely pre- which thousands of native-born Negroes were ceded organization of the Brotherhood. The idea members. Neither Garvey’s UNIA nor the ABB of the ABB [African Blood Brotherhood], includ- was composed wholly of West Indians. ing its name, was mine. If I would not choose You may be interested in the fact that the that name today, it is also true that there was no Brotherhood’s Post in Tulsa, Oklahoma, was ac- racist implication of any sort in its selection. Its cused of instigating the race riot in that city selection was inspired by the blood brotherhood [1919], one of the series of post-war race riots in ceremony performed by many tribes in Black Af- which Negroes not only fought back but carried rica. According to early European explorers, black the fight into the white sections. The New York and white men, as well as members of different Times quoted columns to this canard. It also car- tribes, often swore blood brotherhood by min- ried a long interview with me as head of the Broth- gling drops of their blood. The ABB then, was erhood. I think the charge was based mainly on not conceived as an exclusively Negro organiza- the military connotation of the word “Posts,” and tion, although that is what it turned out to be. At the fact that most of the members of the Tulsa leas, I know of no instance of a white person join- Post were ex-soldiers, returned from the war to ing it. Nor did we make any attempt to recruit “make the world safe for democracy.” whites. I would say that the Brotherhood was more The Brotherhood never attained the propor- of a regional than a truly national organization tions of a real mass organization. Its initial mem- since, with the exception of one small Post in San bership was less than a score, and all in Harlem. Francisco, we made no inroads on the West Coast. At its peak it had less than 3,000 members. It had That is, west of the Rockies, I should have said. It Posts, however, in many sections of the country, must be borne in mind that there was little Negro and in several West Indian islands. It was not com- concentration west of the Rockies in those days. prised solely or mainly of West Indian Negroes On the other hand, the Garvey movement did living in the US. West Indians, however, did con- succeed in organizing several branches in that ter- stitute the bulk of its New York membership and ritory. And the magazine had quite a few readers played a role in its Supreme Council out of pro- in California and other states west of the Rockies, portion to their total membership vis-a-vis native while the news service served most of the Negro born members. papers in those states. But then Garvey had the Most of its members were recruited through advantage of being able to put a number of paid the magazine, which had a peak circulation of organizers in the field and of making attractive 36,000 and reached many Negro communities financial offers to leading elements in Negro com- throughout the country. The number recruited munities. Not to mention its highly emotional and Briggs in Los Angeles to Draper in New York [March 17, 1958] 3 dramatic appeal, compounded of feudal titles and The CNS, or CNA as it was later called to avoid pageantry, building Negro business (a theme dear confusion with the new Capital News Service sent to the hearts of the Negro bourgeoisie), and a tri- out from Washington, was the first Negro national umphant return to to create a mighty black news service to be organized in this country. It empire, to mention just a few of its components. preceded by several months the Associate Negro I would say, too, that Garvey successfully capital- Press (ANP); probably inspired organization of the ized on the seeds of militancy sown by the New latter. Negro Movement, including our agitation for Af- * * * rican freedom. I am unable to state the exact date that or- The Brotherhood, as later the Crusader ganization of the Brotherhood was begun. I am News Service, was organized with the objectives positive, however, that it was a few months after of combatting several aspects of the Garvey move- the publication of the first issue of The Crusader ment and in particular its “Back to Africa” phi- magazine. Thus in early 1919, if, as I believe, the losophy; promoting a militant fighting unity first issue of the magazine appeared in November among the Negro people; emphasizing the iden- 1918. tity of interests between the Negro and colonial You are quite correct in assuming that the peoples; and enlisting support for the anti-impe- Communist Party had no part in initiating the rialist struggles of the latter; combatting the illu- organization of the Brotherhood. Nor did the sion so assiduously and successfully spread by the Brotherhood owe its inspiration to the Commu- Negro bourgeoisie in that period — with the aid nist movement. It was certainly already in exist- of the anti-Negro policies and practices of the trade ence when I had my first contact with the Com- unions — that the “best ” were our munists, through the visits of Rose and Bob to friends, the white working man our enemies; pro- my office at 2299 Seventh Avenue [New York moting unity of Negro and white workers and City]. Nor did the Communists inspire the ABB agitating for abolition of Jim Crow practices in program you have seen. the unions. We were also in sharp disagreement After I, Dick Moore, and some other mem- with NAACP reformist policies, and Booker bers of the Supreme Council joined the CP, we Washington survivals. What we were seeking, in sought to and succeeded in establishing a close effect, was a fundamental change in the Negro’s relationship between the two organizations. This pattern of thinking. was successful, however, only in northern indus- If organizing the Brotherhood was not in- trial centers. Few of our Southern members joined spired by any particular event or development, the the CP or followed us into the American Negro creation of the Crusader News Service was inspired Labor Congress when we decided to liquidate the by our fight against certain policies and tactics of Brotherhood and turn our efforts to building the Garvey and his lieutenants. We wished to set the Congress. The West Virginia organization con- widest possible audience for our polemics against tinued to function independently for some time, those tactics and policies and accordingly orga- according to information I received from Mr. nized the news service, sending it to some 200 White. On the other hand, most of the Chicago Negro papers throughout the country, and in the Post joined both the Congress and the CP. West Indies and Africa. Since we made no charge [Joe] Zack [Kornfeder], of whom you make for the service, it found immediate acceptance, mention, worked with me personally as CP liai- particularly among the smaller Negro papers. Fac- son. He was never, however, invited to any meet- tually, it was a weekly service, not semi-weekly. ings of the council. We accepted some of his pro- 4 Briggs in Los Angeles to Draper in New York [March 17, 1958] posals, rejected others. We considered ourselves Rev. Shaw, a Boston minister and a leader in the far mor familiar than Zack with the Negro Ques- Equal Rights League. The Brotherhood promptly tion and its many ramifica-tions. Or, for that endorsed Trotter’s proposal. The Guardian, Cru- matter, the CP in that period. sader, and CNS then projected it with a mighty When I joined the party, there were only two fanfare, and with such vigor and insistence that other Negroes in it, [Otto] Huiswoud and even the NAACP, then as now top dog in the civil Hendricks. Hendricks, whose first name I don’t rights field, was forced, albeit reluctantly, to par- recall, dropped out of the party — and the ABB ticipate in a conference of leaders of the various — during an organizing tour for the Brotherhood. organizations. This was, I think, before the tour of Huiswoud The conference set up a sort of leadership reported in The Worker of August 11, 1923. Both council known as the Sanhedrin — in the tradi- Huiswoud and Hendricks joined the Brotherhood tion of the highest ecclesiastical and judicial body after I had entered the party — presumably on of the ancient Jewish nation. That name was sug- assignment by the party. Huiswoud would later gested by the late Kelly Miller who, despite the become a member of the Council. opposition of the two sponsoring groups (the * * * League and the Brotherhood), was elected its Huiswoud, [Harry] Haywood [Hall], and chairman. Miller promptly proceeded to isolate [Lovett] Fort-Whiteman were not among the the militants, and the Sanhedrin suffered an early founders of the Brotherhood. All three came in demise. later. The last two were recruited into the party Trotter’s role in that period has been greatly from the Brotherhood. The Supreme Council ap- neglected, too. He was the Stormy Petrel of the proved and aided such recruitment — the major- times, one of the most militant, dynamic, and ity, that is. popular (with the man in the street) leaders of his It would seem from available evidence that day. He was utterly selfless in his dedication to few Negro members of the SP followed the Left the fight for Negro freedom. Nor was he afraid of in the split of that party. I strongly doubt that associating with “Reds.” He and Dr. DuBois were there were many in the first place. the leading spirits in the initiation of the Niagara The Brotherhood, by the way, played a lead- Movement, and in opposing the servile philoso- ing role in a movement initiated by the late Will- phy of Booker T. Washington as expressed in his iam Monroe Trotter, head of the National Equal infamous Compromise Address... Rights League and editor of the Boston Guardian, to effect some measure of liaison and unity among Yours very truly, the various groups, a sort of leadership council. Trotter enlisted the support of the Brotherhood Cyril Briggs. in the first place, making a special trip to New York for the purpose. He was accompanied by a * * *

Edited by Tim Davenport. Published by 1000 Flowers Publishing, Corvallis, OR, 2007. • Non-commercial reproduction permitted.

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