Europe's Bumper Year of Elections
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The Transformation of Italian Democracy
Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 1, No. 1, 2009, 29-47 The Transformation of Italian Democracy Sergio Fabbrini University of Trento Abstract: The history of post-Second World War Italy may be divided into two distinct periods corresponding to two different modes of democratic functioning. During the period from 1948 to 1993 (commonly referred to as the First Republic), Italy was a consensual democracy; whereas the system (commonly referred to as the Second Republic) that emerged from the dramatic changes brought about by the end of the Cold War functions according to the logic of competitive democracy. The transformation of Italy’s political system has thus been significant. However, there remain important hurdles on the road to a coherent institutionalisation of the competitive model. The article reconstructs the transformation of Italian democracy, highlighting the socio-economic and institutional barriers that continue to obstruct a competitive outcome. Keywords: Italian politics, Models of democracy, Parliamentary government, Party system, Interest groups, Political change. Introduction As a result of the parliamentary elections of 13-14 April 2008, the Italian party system now ranks amongst the least fragmented in Europe. Only four party groups are represented in the Senate and five in the Chamber of Deputies. In comparison, in Spain there are nine party groups in the Congreso de los Diputados and six in the Senado; in France, four in the Assemblée Nationale an d six in the Sénat; and in Germany, six in the Bundestag. Admittedly, as is the case for the United Kingdom, rather fewer parties matter in those democracies in terms of the formation of governments: generally not more than two or three. -
University of Groningen Inequality and Solidarity Fink, Simon; Klein, Lars
University of Groningen Inequality and Solidarity Fink, Simon; Klein, Lars; de Jong, Janny; Waal, van der, Margriet IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publication date: 2020 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Fink, S., Klein, L., de Jong, J., & Waal, van der, M. (Eds.) (2020). Inequality and Solidarity: Selected Texts Presented at the Euroculture Intensive Programme 2019 . (2020 ed.) Euroculture consortium. Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). The publication may also be distributed here under the terms of Article 25fa of the Dutch Copyright Act, indicated by the “Taverne” license. More information can be found on the University of Groningen website: https://www.rug.nl/library/open-access/self-archiving-pure/taverne- amendment. Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal. For technical reasons the number of authors -
National- Konservativ Und Marktradikal
ANALYSEN PARTEIEN UND DEMOKRATIE NATIONAL- KONSERVATIV UND MARKTRADIKAL EINE POLITISCHE EINORDNUNG DER «ALTERNATIVE FÜR DEUTSCHLAND» FELIX KORSCH INHALT Homophober Testballon 2 Politiken der Exklusion 5 Marktradikal und national-konservativ 7 Geringer Gebrauchswert des Populismusbegriffs 10 Nationalismus ist nicht Anstrich, sondern Kern der AfD 15 Künftige Parteientwicklung im rechten Spannungsfeld 17 Literatur 21 2 HOMOPHOBER TESTBALLON Die Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) re- weichender Lebensstile, etwa die «höhe- üssiert durch ihre «radikal euro(pa)skep- re Suizidgefährdung unter homosexuel- tische Botschaft» (Plehwe 2014: 63). Ein len Jugendlichen, die erhöhte Anfälligkeit Umstand, der rasch dazu verleiten kann, für Alkohol und Drogen, die auffällig ho- das Menetekel des Rechtspopulismus zu he HIV-Infektionsrate bei homosexuellen erkennen. Das könnte sich nun als Miss- Männern», schließlich auch «das ausge- verständnis herausstellen. Denn die Partei prägte Risiko psychischer Erkrankungen verzichtet zwar nach wie vor auf ein Pro- bei homosexuell lebenden Frauen und gramm und ist damit ein Kuriosum inner- Männern». Es würden «Rechte für Les- halb der deutschen Parteienlandschaft; ben, Schwule, Bisexuelle, Transgender, das heißt aber nicht, dass seit Gründung Transsexuelle und Intersexuelle abgelei- im Frühjahr 2013 keine inhaltliche Ent- tet, die es nach dem Grundgesetz nicht wicklung stattgefunden hätte. Tatsächlich gibt», denn das beziehe sich – exklusiv – ist die AfD heute keine «Ein-Punkt-Partei» auf «Ehe und Familie als demokratische mehr – sie beschränkt sich nicht auf die Errungenschaft».1 Agitation gegen die Europäische Union. Mit dem Text des Bildungsplans haben Und bei genauerem Hinsehen zeigt sich, diese Anwürfe wenig zu tun. In einer ers- dass dies nicht einmal ihr zentrales Anlie- ten Fassung der Petition war noch deut- gen ist. -
Deutscher Bundestag
Deutscher Bundestag 44. Sitzung des Deutschen Bundestages am Freitag, 27.Juni 2014 Endgültiges Ergebnis der Namentlichen Abstimmung Nr. 4 Entschließungsantrag der Abgeordneten Caren Lay, Eva Bulling-Schröter, Dr. Dietmar Bartsch, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion DIE LINKE. zu der dritten Beratung des Gesetzentwurfs der Bundesregierung Entwurf eines Gesetzes zur grundlegenden Reform des Erneuerbare-Energien-Gesetzes und zur Änderung weiterer Bestimmungen des Energiewirtschaftsrechts - Drucksachen 18/1304, 18/1573, 18/1891 und 18/1901 - Abgegebene Stimmen insgesamt: 575 Nicht abgegebene Stimmen: 56 Ja-Stimmen: 109 Nein-Stimmen: 465 Enthaltungen: 1 Ungültige: 0 Berlin, den 27.06.2014 Beginn: 10:58 Ende: 11:01 Seite: 1 Seite: 2 Seite: 2 CDU/CSU Name Ja Nein Enthaltung Ungült. Nicht abg. Stephan Albani X Katrin Albsteiger X Peter Altmaier X Artur Auernhammer X Dorothee Bär X Thomas Bareiß X Norbert Barthle X Julia Bartz X Günter Baumann X Maik Beermann X Manfred Behrens (Börde) X Veronika Bellmann X Sybille Benning X Dr. Andre Berghegger X Dr. Christoph Bergner X Ute Bertram X Peter Beyer X Steffen Bilger X Clemens Binninger X Peter Bleser X Dr. Maria Böhmer X Wolfgang Bosbach X Norbert Brackmann X Klaus Brähmig X Michael Brand X Dr. Reinhard Brandl X Helmut Brandt X Dr. Ralf Brauksiepe X Dr. Helge Braun X Heike Brehmer X Ralph Brinkhaus X Cajus Caesar X Gitta Connemann X Alexandra Dinges-Dierig X Alexander Dobrindt X Michael Donth X Thomas Dörflinger X Marie-Luise Dött X Hansjörg Durz X Jutta Eckenbach X Dr. Bernd Fabritius X Hermann Färber X Uwe Feiler X Dr. Thomas Feist X Enak Ferlemann X Ingrid Fischbach X Dirk Fischer (Hamburg) X Axel E. -
A Comprehensive Plan to Innovate Democracy in Europe
A comprehensive plan to innovate democracy in Europe Civil society vision for the European Democracy Action Plan A comprehensive plan to innovate democracy in Europe Civil society vision for the European Democracy Action Plan CIVIL SOCIETY VISION FOR 04 THE EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY ACTION PLAN TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive summary 07 Introduction 09 1. Civic space and active citizenship 12 1.1 Policy framework with guidelines on civic space 14 1.2 Anti-SLAPP directive 16 1.3 Whistleblowers protection 16 1.4 Space for youth 17 1.5 Financial support to CSOs 18 1.6 Conditionality related to the EU funds 20 1.7 Expanding the Rule of Law Mechanism 21 1.8 Stakeholder participation in strengthening democracy and the rule of law 22 1.9 Structured dialogue with Civil Society at EU and Member State level 22 1.10 Active citizenship fit for the 21st Century 24 1.11 European public sphere 26 1.12 Participation of underrepresented groups 27 1.13 Conference on the Future of Europe 28 2. Elections 31 2.1 European electoral reform 32 2.2 Inclusiveness & equal suffrage rights 33 2.3 Accessibility of elections 34 2.4 European political parties’ conduct, transparency & resilience 35 2.5 Online political advertising 37 2.6 Elections during a pandemic 41 2.7 Citizen election observation 43 2.8 Data Protection and elections 44 2.9 Election Infrastructure 45 CIVIL SOCIETY VISION FOR THE EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY ACTION PLAN 05 3. Disinformation and online public sphere 46 3.1 Governing internet platforms 48 3.2 Transparency of dominant platforms 50 3.3 Addressing the online manipulation business model by enforcing data protection rules 52 3.4 Upholding fundamental rights in the EU approach to disinformation 53 3.5 Central coordination and decentralised cooperation on disinformation 54 3.6 Decentralised framework fund 55 3.7 Sustainable and transnational journalism and media to counter disinformation 56 3.8 Global coordination and knowledge-sharing around hybrid threats 57 3.9 Data access for public interest scrutiny 58 3.10 Elections and disinformation 59 4. -
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology Or Internal Dissent?
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent? Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Eileen Marie Kunkler, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Goldie Shabad, Adviser Trevor Brown Copyright by Eileen Marie Kunkler 2010 Abstract In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government‟s Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity‟s and Fatherland-All Russia‟s formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family and friends iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my adviser, Goldie Shabad, for all of her help, advice, and patience in working on this project with me. -
World-Class Apprenticeship Standards: Report and Recommendations
World-class apprenticeship standards: Report and recommendations Item Type Research Report Authors Mieschbuehler, Ruth; Hooley, Tristram Citation Mieschbuehler, R. and Hooley, T. (2016) 'World-Class Apprenticeship Standards: Report and Recommendations', Derby and London: International Centre for Guidance Studies (iCeGS), University of Derby and Pearson Education UK. Publisher International Centre for Guidance Studies, College of Education, University of Derby Rights An error occurred on the license name.; An error occurred on the license name. Download date 03/10/2021 12:22:52 Item License An error occurred getting the license - uri. Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10545/610516 World-Class Apprenticeship Standards Report and Recommendations Ruth Mieschbuehler Tristram Hooley I believe there is much we can learn“ from apprenticeship systems around the world, even if there is never a perfect ‘off- the-shelf ’ option that you can lift from one country and then apply in another. At Pearson, we welcome this new analysis of different systems, just as we have welcomed the contribution of international experts to our qualification redevelopment in recent years. “ ROD BRISTOW PRESIDENT, PEarSON UK ii! ! ! ! Published!by!the!International!Centre!for!Guidance!Studies,!College!of!Education,! University!of!Derby!and!Pearson!UK.!Commissioned!by!Pearson!UK. ! ! ISBN:!978'1'910755'04'4! ! Citation!information:!Mieschbuehler,!R.!and!Hooley,!T.!(2016)!World&Class* Apprenticeship*Standards:*Report*and*Recommendations,!Derby!and!London:! International!Centre!for!Guidance!Studies!(iCeGS),!University!of!Derby!and! -
Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses
Working Paper Series in European Studies Volume 1, Number 3 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses DR. SIMON HIX DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Houghton Street London, WC2A 2AE United Kingdom ([email protected]) EDITORIAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE: GILLES BOUSQUET KEITH COHEN COLLEEN DUNLAVY ANDREAS KAZAMIAS LEON LINDBERG ELAINE MARKS ANNE MINER ROBERT OSTERGREN MARK POLLACK GREGORY SHAFFER MARC SILBERMAN JONATHAN ZEITLIN Copyright © 1998 All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author. European Studies Program, International Institute, University of Wisconsin--Madison Madison, Wisconsin http://polyglot.lss.wisc.edu/eur/ 1 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses Simon Hix Department of Government, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, United Kingdom Abstract As the European Union (EU) has evolved, the study agenda has shifted from ‘European integration’ to ‘EU politics’. Missing from this new agenda, however, is an understanding of the ‘cognitive constraints’ on actors, and how actors respond: i.e. the shape of the EU ‘political space’ and the location of social groups and competition between actors within this space. The article develops a theoretical framework for understanding the shape of the EU political space (the interaction between an Integration-Independence and a Left-Right dimension and the location of class and sectoral groups within this map), and tests this framework on the policy positions of the Socialist, Christian Democrat and Liberal party leaders between 1976 and 1994 (using the techniques of the ECPR Party Manifestos Group Project). -
European Vehicle Market Statistics: Pocketbook 2016/2017
EUROPEAN VEHICLE MARKET STATISTICS Pocketbook 2016/17 European Vehicle Market Statistics 2016/17 Statistics Market Vehicle European International Council on Clean Transportation Europe Neue Promenade 6 10178 Berlin +49 (30) 847129-102 [email protected] www.theicct.org ICCT Table of Contents 1 Introduction 2 2 Number of Vehicles 14 3 Fuel Consumption & CO2 26 4 Technologies 42 5 Key Technical Parameters 52 6 Other Emissions & On-road 68 Annex Remarks on Data Sources 72 List of Figures and Tables 74 References 78 Abbreviations 80 Tables 81 An electronic version of this Pocketbook including more detailed statistical data is available online: http://eupocketbook.theicct.org EUROPEAN VEHICLE MARKET STATISTICS 2016/17 1 INTRODUCTION Market share EU-28 Registrations (million) in 2015 (in %) Fig. 1-1 16 100 Passenger cars: 90 14 Registrations by Others The 2016/17 edition of European Vehicle Market SUV/ 80 vehicle segment Of-Road 12 Statistics ofers a statistical portrait of passenger car, Van Sport 70 light commercial and heavy-duty vehicle fleets in Luxury 10 Upper 60 the European Union (EU) from 2001 to 2015. Medium Medium As in previous editions, the emphasis is on vehicle 8 50 techno logies, fuel consumption, and emissions of Lower 40 greenhouse gases and other air pollutants. 6 Medium The following pages give a concise overview 30 4 of data in subsequent chapters and also summarize 20 Small the latest regulatory developments in the EU. 2 10 More comprehensive tables are included in the annex, Mini 0 0 along with information on sources. 01 10 07 02 03 04 05 06 09 008 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 2 20 Number of vehicles Data source: ACEA; data until 2007 is for EU-25 only After declining for several years, new passenger car registrations in the EU increased to about 13.7 million in 2015. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Doers Dreamers Ors Disrupt &
POLITICO.EU DECEMBER 2018 Doers Dreamers THE PEOPLE WHO WILL SHAPE & Disrupt EUROPE IN THE ors COMING YEAR In the waves of change, we find our true drive Q8 is an evolving future proof company in this rapidly changing age. Q8 is growing to become a broad mobility player, by building on its current business to provide sustainable ‘fuel’ and services for all costumers. SOMEONE'S GOT TO TAKE THE LEAD Develop emission-free eTrucks for the future of freight transport. Who else but MAN. Anzeige_230x277_eTrucks_EN_181030.indd 1 31.10.18 10:29 11 CONTENTS No. 1: Matteo Salvini 8 + Where are Christian Lindner didn’t they now? live up to the hype — or did he? 17 The doers 42 In Germany, Has the left finally found its a new divide answer to right-wing nationalism? 49 The dreamers Artwork 74 85 Cover illustration by Simón Prades for POLITICO All illustrated An Italian The portraits African refugees face growing by Paul Ryding for unwelcome resentment in the country’s south disruptors POLITICO 4 POLITICO 28 SPONSORED CONTENT PRESENTED BY WILFRIED MARTENS CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN STUDIES THE EAST-WEST EU MARRIAGE: IT’S NOT TOO LATE TO TALK 2019 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS ARE A CHANCE TO LEARN FROM LESSONS OF THE PAST AND BRING NATIONS CLOSER TOGETHER BY MIKULÁŠ DZURINDA, PRESIDENT, WILFRIED MARTENS CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN STUDIES The East-West relationship is like the cliché between an Eastern bride and a Western man. She is beautiful but poor and with a slightly troubled past. He is rich and comfortable. The West which feels underappreciated and the East, which has the impression of not being heard. -
Wie Sozial Ist Die Afd Wirklich? Eine Expertise Zu Positionen in Der Afd Bei Der Sozial- Und Steuerpolitik
DEMOKRATIE E-PAPER Wie sozial ist die AfD wirklich? Eine Expertise zu Positionen in der AfD bei der Sozial- und Steuerpolitik KATHARINA NOCUN Weiterdenken – Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Sachsen im Juni 2016. 2 2/ 38 Wie sozial ist die AfD wirklich? Eine Expertise zu Positionen in der AfD bei der Sozial- und Steuerpolitik 3 Inhaltsverzeichnis Vorwort 4 1. Wer wählt die AfD? 7 2. Soziale Marktwirtschaft: Der schlanke Staat der AfD 10 2.1 Mindestlohn: Der große Zankapfel 10 2.2 Leiharbeit & Werkverträge: Die große Mogelpackung 16 2.3 Arbeitslosengeld & Unfallversicherung: Streit um Privatisierung 19 2.4 Hartz IV: Mögliche Absenkung, kein Wort zu Sanktionen 21 3. Steuerpolitik: Wahlgeschenke für Vermögende 26 3.1 Einkommensteuer: Kirchhof und das Stufen-Modell 26 3.2 Erbschaftsteuer: Wahlgeschenke für Vermögende 30 4. Fazit: Neoliberale Politik in blauer Verpackung 33 Autorin 36 Impressum 37 Vorwort Mit der 2013 gegründeten AfD ist ein neuer Akteur auf die politischen Bühne der Bun- 4 desrepublik Deutschland getreten. Im Juli 2015 verließ der Parteigründer Bernd Lucke die einstige „Anti-Euro-Partei“ aufgrund eines massiven Rechtsrucks – und die seitdem stattfindende Entwicklung gibt ihm recht. Das Auftreten der Partei hat sich erst zöger- lich, dann aber mit aller Macht grundlegend gewandelt. Mit aggressiven Parolen gegen Geflüchtete und den Islam setzt die neue Parteiführung auf gezielte Provokation. Getra- gen wird dies auch von einer neuen Parteibasis, die seit 2013 deutliche Veränderungen durchgemacht hat. In Auftreten und Sprache inszenieren sich die AfD gerne als Vertreter des „kleinen Mannes“. Ein großes Pfund für die Partei ist die Abstiegsangst großer Teile der Mittelschicht und der Geringverdiener.